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Krn>Ri)-jVHi(jR'T:r;iasTy 



J U R N A L 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ORIKNTAL SOCIETY, 



PIFTRKNTH VOLUMK. 

|0> 



NKW IIAVKN: 
FOR THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 

Priiili'd by TiittU*, Morclmnw & Taylnr. Printers to TjiIc rulvtjrulty. / 

MDCCCXCIII. |- 



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I 



274117 






• • • 



•• •• 



• • 






• • 









• * 









CONTENTS 



OF 



FIFTEENTH VOLUME. 



Page 
Art. I — TiAMAT. By Geouge A. Babton, of Harvard UDiversity 1 



Art. II. — Arabic Pboyerb8 and Provebbial Phrases. Collected, Trans- 
latedf and Annotated by James Richabd Jewett, Instructor in Brown 
University, Providence, R. 1 28 

Art. III. — The Letter of Holy Sunday; also. The Computation op the* 
SiOK: Syriac Text and Translation. By Professor Isaac H. Hall, of 
New York City ... 121 

Art. IV.— Contributions to the Interpretation of the Veda. By Mau- 
rice Bloomfield, Professor in Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 
Md. 143 

Art. V. — The Divinities op the Gathas. By Morton W. Easton, Profes- 
sor of Comparative Philology in the University of Pennsylvania, Phila. 189 

Art. VI.— The Au9ANA8ADBHUTani ; Text and Translation. By James Tapt 
Hatpield, Professor in Northwestern University, Evanston, lUiuois... 207 

Art. VII. — Where was Zoroaster's Na^ivb Place? By A. V. Williams 
Jackson, Professor in Columbia College, New York City 22 1 

Art. VIII. — Extracts prom the Jaiminiya-Brahmana and Upanishad- 
Brahmana, parallel to passages of the (^atapatha-Brfthmai^a and Chan- 
dogya-Upanishad. By Dr. Hanns Oertel, Instructor in Yale Univer- 
sity 233 

Art. IX.— Problematic Passages in the Rio -Veda. By Edward Wash- 
burn Hopkins, Professor in Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa 262 j 

Art. X. — A Syriac Charm. By Rev. Willis Hatpield Harris, of Harvard .' 

University, Cambridge, Mass 284 / 

Art. XL — The Judjbo-Aram^an Dialect op Salamas. By Richard J. H. 
Gottheil, Professor in Columbia College, New York 297 

Art. XII. — ^Two Assyrian Letter& By Dr. Christopher Johnston, In- 
structor in Semitic Languages, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 
Md 311 

Art. XIII.— The Suhbbo- Akkadian Question. By the same 317 



/ 



< 






IV 



J 






(( 



It 



u 
it 

tt 




Page 

Proceedings of the Society, May, 1890; October, 1890; 

May, 1891; April, 1892 i-ccxxx 

OommanioatioDfl (in alphabetical order of authors). 

C. Abler, Notes on the Johns Hopkins and Abbott collections of Egyp- 
tian antiquities, with the translation of two Coptic inscrip- 
tions by Mr. W. Max Miiller xxxii 

Christopher Columbus in Oriental literature ccix 

Note on William B. Hodgson ccx 

W. M.-Arnolt, Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Vol. ii xviii 

" On the translations of the Deluge-tablets cxc 

G. A. Barton, Tiamat (abstract) xiii 

Esarhaddon's account of the restoration of Ishtar's temple 

at Erech (with a plate) cxxx 

A peculiar use of Hani in the El-Amarna tablets cxcvi 

An Ethiopic Octateuch at Haverford College cxcix 

C. W. Benton, Nasif-el-Yaziji's Book of the Meeting of the two Seas cxix 

S. A. BiNiON, Critical Remarks cix 

M. Bloomfield, Vedic charms for extinguishing fire xxxix 

" Women as mourners in the Atharva- Veda xliv 

On talfdyd, AV. yii. 76. 3 xlvii 

On the Nirukta of Kautsavaya xlviii 

Announcement of a Vedic concordance of padas and 

sacrificial formulas clxxiii 

L. Bradner, Jr., The sentence in the Tayor inscription of Sennacherib xxiii 

'* Order of the sentence in Assyrian historical inscriptions cxxviii 
J. H. Breasted, Order of the declarative sentence in the Hebrew parts 

of Daniel cviii 

H. CoLLiTZ, On the existence of primitive Aryan S Ixv 

J. D. Davis, The Moabite Stone and the Hebrew records Ixvi 

E. DioKERM AN, Etymology and synonyms of pyramid xxv 

C. J. Elofson, Position of the adjective in Assyrian historical inscrip- 
tions - cxxviii 

C. J. Goodwin, The Skandayaga, text and translation v 

R. J. H. GOTTHBIL, An Alhambra vase now in New York (with a plate) xxiii 

'* Note on an Alhambra vase. ex 

Dawidh bar Paulos, a Syriac grammarian cxi 

Bibliography of the works of Lagarde ccxi 

L. Grout, The Tonga as a standard Bantu language civ 

I. H. Hall, A recently discovered bronze statuette now m the Metropoli- 
tan Museum of Art, New York cii 

" A new inscription at the Metropolitan Museum ccviii 

" A scarab seal with Cypriote inscription at do " 

R. F. Harper, Abel and Winckler's Assyrian chrestomailiy Ixxiii 

" Kraetzschmar's views as to the a-vowel in an overhang- 
ing syllable cxix 

W. R. Harper, Notes on historical Assyrian syntax Ixxiv 

E. W. Hopkins, Note on the development of the character. of Yama xciv 

*' English day and Sanskrit (d)ahan clxzv 



it 



H. Hyvbbnat, Work of the Popes for the advancement of Oriental 

learning cliii 

A. V. W. Jaokbon, Skt. hradi'caksus, RV. x. 96. 6 iv 

•' On Avestan * molten metal ' Iviii 

" Miscellaneous Avestan notes Ixi 

" Notes on Zoroaster and the Zartusht-Namah clxxx 

" Brief Avestan notes " 

M. Jastrow, Jr., On the founding of Carthage Ixx 

C. P. Kent, Annexion in Assyrian cxxvi 

C. R. Lanmak, Mortuary urns xcviii 

D. G. Lyon, Peiser's KeilschrifUiche ActenstOcke xviii 

" The Harvard Semitic museum ci 

W. A. P. Martin, On Chinese ideas of inspiration Ixxvi 

W. R. Martin, On the transliteration of Pahlavi Ixii 

G. F. MooREf Etymology of the name Ccmaan Ixvii 

B. Nestle, Pathros in the Psalms cviii 

G. N. Newman, Contraction in Arabic cxix 

H. Obrtel, Meaning of sdnfta in the Rig- Veda xcv 

J. Orne, Two Arabic manuscripts in the Harvard Semitic museum ociii 

" Arabic mortuary tablets in do ccv 

J. P. Peters, On the Babylonian expedition of the University of Penn- 
sylvania cxl vi 

J. D. Prince, On the writing on the wall at Belshazzar's feast dxxxii 

G. A. Reisner, The construct case in Assyrian cxxi 

" The different classes of Babylonian spirits cxcv 

H. C. TOLMAN, Syntax of Old-Persian cuneiform inscriptions c 

W. H. Ward, Babylonian gods in Babylonian art... ^ xv 

W. D. Whitney, On Bohtlingk^s Upanishads 1 

" Narrative use of perfect and imperfect in the Brahma- 

^as Ixxxv 

On Delbrack's Vedic Syntax dx 

*' Announcement as to a second volume of the Atharva- 

Veda clxxi 

J. K. Wight, The cosmogonies of India and China briv 

W. C. WiNSLOW, The sculptures and inscriptions of Beni Hasan ccvii 



Additions to the Library, May, 1889- June, 1891 cxxxiii 

" " August, 1891-March, 1893 ccxxxi 

List of Members, March, 1893 ccxl 



CORRIGENDA. 

Page 3, line 14, omit (?). 

Page 4, Note, line 3, read ^m-ri-^utt. ^ 

Page 6, line 24, for dibba read ''garment^^ 

Page 12, line 14, for *' I. 13 " read " 1. 14." 

Page 21, line 22, read JHt I 

Page 21, line 26, for •* 3." read *'4." ^ 



ARTICLE I. 



BY 

GEORGE A. BARTON, A.M., 

Of Harvard University. AgHoclatc-clect In Bible Study and Semitic Languages In 

Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

Presented to the Society May, 1890. 

"•" - - — - . . ._ 

PREFATORY NOTE. 

I wish to acknowledge my great indebtedness in the preparation of 
this article to my teachers, Prof. C. H. Toy, LL.D., and Prof . D. G. 
Lyon, Ph.D., of Harvard University. While they are not responsible 
for the views expressed, or for any imperfections the work may con- 
tain, they have Doth aided me very materially with many valuable 
suggestions. Especially am I indebted to Prof. Lyon for the great 
assistance rendered me in preparing the Assyrian transliterations and 
translations. G. a. b. 

The word Tiamai* is an Afisyrian equivalent of tlie Hebrew 
Dinfl,t aod is in Assyrian tlie name both of the personified 
sea and of a female mythical sea-monster. 



•Since this article was written, Di*. Jensen of Strasburg has pub- 
lished his volume, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier. This whole article, 
except the transliterations and translations of tablets iv. and v., was 
written before seeing his work, and independently of it. In the trans- 
lation of these tablets I am indebted to him for some suggestions, which 
are acknowledged in the notes. 

f Although ^amfii= ft Ham f?< is the more apparent Assj'rian equiva- 
lent of the Hebrew Dinr^, yet the use of tiaviat in the sense of tamtu in 

the following passages indicates that tamtv and tiamat have at the root 
the same meaning. In V. R. 2. 58 and Lyon's Assyrian Manual 21. 8 we 
have in Ya-hi-mil-ki apal-su sa ma-ti-ma fi-amat la i-bi-ra * Yahimilki 
his son, who had never crossed the sea.* In the first Creation Tablet, 
1. 4, the primal sea is called mu-um-mu tiamat. So Lyon's Sargon- 
texte, p. 23, 1. 25 sq. (also Wiiickler's KeUschriftiexte Sargons, p. 48, 
1. 25) : u-nia-am Saat u ti-amat ina a-han sadi zak-ri ina ni/clat Ntn-id- 
gal u-H-piS-ma ' assemblages of animals of the mountain and the sea 
I made of the stone of the lofty mountain by the skill of Ea.' Again, 

VOL. XV. 1 



\ 



2 G, A. Bartmi, 

Our sources of information regarding the conceptions of her 
are three: viz., Damascius, Berosos, and the Babylonian ac- 
count of the Creation. 

Damascius, a pagan philosopher who flourished in the early 
part of the 6th Cent. A. D., in his work entitled ^Ajropiae xai 
XudBi^ Ttepi T&v TrpcircDv dp'j^wu, Cap. 125, says : 

" But of the Barbarians the Babylonians seem to pass by in 
silence one origin of all things, and to hold that there were two, 
Tav^e and ^Anac^Gov^ making * Anaac^v the husband of TavBe^ 
and calling her the mother of the gods, from whom an only-be- 
gotten son, Mgov/ui^, was born ; him I regard as the visible uni- 
verse, generated from the two principles. From these same 
another generation came forth, Aaxr) and Aaxo^' Then also from 
these same a third, viz. KiGaaprj and 'Affffoopo^y from whom 
are bom three, *Av6^ a.nd"l\\ivo^ andMo^^- and from *A6? and 
AavKi} a son BrjXo^ was born, who they say was a demiurge." 

This information Damascius, who was banished by Justinian 
to Persia in 529 A. D., doubtless obtained at nearly first hand 
from the Babylonians themselves. 

The points of accord between this extract from Damascius 
and the Babylonian Creation Tablets are, as we shall see, 
numerous and interesting. We can, however, only stop here 
to note that according to Damascius the Babvlonians believed 
in a female generative principle, from which all things, even 
the ffods themselves, were produced, and that her name was 
TauM, This word Taodi * is undoubtedly equivalent to the 
Babylonian- Assyrian Tiamat. 

Our second source of information is Berosos, a priest in the 
temple of B61 at Babylon in the days of Alexander the Great, 
who wrote a history of his country m Greek, drawing his infor- 



I. R. 56, Col. vi. 45 : Ki-ma i-bir ti-a-am-ti * like the passage of the sea.' 
And lastly, I. R. 59, Col. ii. 15 : Rtu ti-a-am-ti i-li-ii a-di ti-a-am-ii §a- 
ap-li'ti * from the upper sea unto the lower sea.' 

Tiamat and tamtu, then, seem both to be from the stem onn , the 
stem of Dlnr< . Apparently the meaning was originally the same, but 
in use they were differentiated, tamtu being used for the ordinary sea, 
and tiamat for the primeval sea and then for the dragon which person- 
ified it. They each retain so much of the root- meaning, however, that 
tiamxit is not infrequently used for tamtu. 

* Tav&i is really a transliteration into Greek, not of Tiamat itself but 
of its synonym tamtu (Lenormant first pointed out this fact, Birose, 
p. 86). The m in Assyrian was often pronounced v (see Delitzsch's 
Assyrian Orammar, §44), and its nearest equivalent in Greek would be 
t7. The ^ represents the Semitic fricative t. Tlie n^D^JD letters seem 
to have been fricative between two vowels in Assyrian, as in Hebrew 
and Aramaic (see Delitzsch's Assyr. Oram., g 4.3). The u of tamtu is the 
ending, represented in Tni^^f by p. In classic Greek it would have been 
the usual fern, ending rf. 



Tiamat 3 

mation, no doubt, largely from the archives of the temple ill 
which lie exercised his priesthood. His work, unfortunately, is 
lost, and we know it only through fragments preserved by 
other historians. The fragments \vnich are of especial interest 
to us are found in the history of Alexander Polyhistor, a native 
of Ephesus or Phrygia, who was taken prisoner in the war of 
Sulla and sold to Cornelius Lentulus, and became pedagogue to 
his children. Polyhistor wrote descriptions of the geography 
and history of the different countries, in forty-two books. In 
his description of Babylonia he quotes Berosos as follows (of. 
Cory's Ancient Fragments^ p. 23) : 

'* There was a time in which there existed nothing but dark- 
ness, and an abyss of waters, wherein resided most hideous beings, 
who were produced of a two-fold (?) principle. There appeared 
men, some of whom were furnished with two wings, others with 
four, and with two faces. They had one body but two heads, 
the one of a man the other of a woman, and likewise in their sev- 
eral organs they were both male and female. Other human fig- 
ures were to be seen with the legs and horns of goats ; some had 
horses' feet, while others united the hind-quarters of a horse 
with the body of a man, resembling in shape the hippo-centaurs. 
Bulls, likewise, were bred there with the heads of men, and dogs 
with fourfold bodies terminated in their extremities with the 
tails of fishes ; horses, also, with the beads of dogs ; men, too, 
and other animals with the heads and bodies of horses and the 
tails of fishes. In short, there were creatures in which were com- 
bined the limbs of animals of every species. In addition to these, 
fishes, reptiles, serpents, with other monstrous animals which as- 
sume each other's shape and countenance. Of all which were 
preserved delineations in the temple of Belus at Babylon. The 
person who presided over them was a woman, Omoroca,* which 
III the Chaldean language is ©^AarS, in Greek Bd\a(T<yay 
the sea, but which might equally be interpreted the moon. All 
things being in this situation, Belus came and cut the woman 
asunder ; and from one half of her he formed the earth and from 
the other half the heavens, and at the same time destroyed the 
animals within her. All this, he says, was an allegorical descrip- 
tion of nature." 

In this extract we have an undoubted description of Tiamat, 
her name appearing here as SaXdzd (though, as we shall see, 
Berosos and trie cuneiform give different phases of the myth), 
and its meaning being given as the sea, in which sense, as 
shown above, it is often used in the cuneiform inscriptions. 



*Delitz8ch sueeests that this may be formed from ummu khtibur: 
third Creation Tablet, 1. 28. 



•' 



» 









• 



G, A, Barton^ 



A V ^ 



\ ••.We must endeavor to bear these statements in mind until we 
*liave examined tlie Assyrian Creation Tablets, in order to 

father from tlie combined material our knowledge of the 
Jabvlonian Tiamat. 
The first tablet of the Babylonian Creation series is represented 
by a fragment in the British Museum (k. 5419) containing ten 
whole lines and parts of eight others. It is from Nineveh, and 
is written in the Assyrian character. It begins as follows : 

1. " At a time when above the heaven was not named, 

2. (And) beneath the earth had no existence, 

3. The abyss was first their generator ; 

4. Mumrau Tiaraat was the bringer forth of tliem all ; 

5. Their waters together were embosomed. 

6. (When) corn (?) was not gathered, nor (even) a field seen ; 
Y. When none of the gods had been produced, 

8. Nor had existence, nor fixed destiny. 

9. The [great] gods were created 

10. Lahmu (and) Lahainu came forth .... 

11. Until they grew up 

1 2. Shar (and) Kishar were created 

13. Distant days 

14. The god Ann 

15. The god Ashur, the god * 

This tablet agrees with Damascius in making Tiamat a 
female generative principle, from which all things, even the 
gods themselves, were born. It agrees also with Berosos in 
making her a being of the sea. 

The second tablet of this series is represented by an unpub- 
lished fragment in the British Museum. Prof. Delitzsch, who 
has examined it, says in his A-'fHijriscJu'H WorUrhHch^ p. ^5, 
that it contains the nine concluding lines of the original tablet, 
and is identified as one of this series by the colopiion duppu 
Siinu hnii/ui Uis * tablet second of Iniima-'dlH^ It will be 
noticed that Inuntu !lh are the Assvrian words with which the 
first tablet begins, and were used Jis the title of the whole 

* The Assyrian transliterated text is : — 1. I-nn-ma [ij Zi5 la na-hu-u 

Sa-ma-mu. 2. mp-lis [irsi]'tnm Hu-tna la zak-rat. 3. apsii-ina riS-tu-ii 

za-m-hi-un. 4. viu-um-mu ti-amat inU'Ul-H-{Ia'at (jim-ri-hi-um, 5. 

mi'Vij-HU-nu if^-ti-nis i-hi-kn-U'Via. 6. gi-pa-ra la ki-is-su-ra ^u-na-a la 

H'H, 7. l-nu-ma ildni-PL la HU-pn-u ma-na-ma. 8. hi-ma la zxCk-kii-ru 

H-ina-tu la , . . 9. ib-ba-nu-ii-ma ildni-Fh [rabilfi]. 10. uaj Lalj-mu 

ILU La-ha-mu u^-ta-pu-u 11. a-di ir-bu-ii .... 12. ILU 

Bar ILU KiSar ib-ba-7iu\u] ... 13. ur-ri-ku (Imi-Fh sir 

14. ILU A-nu 15. ILU Ashir u.u .... 

The cuneiform text of this fragment is published in Delitzsch's Assy- 
rische Lesestucke^, p. 93, and in Lyon's Assyrian Manual, p. 62. 



Tiamnt, 5 

poem, just as n^B^NnS in Hebrew was used as the title of 
Genesis. 

From the nine conduding lines on this fragment we learn, 
on the authority of Delitzsch, that the tablet contained the 
offer of Marduk to take Tiamat and avenge tlie grods. Why it 
was necessHry for Marduk to take Tiam?t and avenge the 2:od8 
does not appear from the narrative, bat doubtless if we could 
recover the last part of the first tablet and the first part of the 
second all would be made clear. 

We learn, however, from Babylonian and Assyrian sculp- 
tures and seals that Tiamat was regarded not only as the 
female watery principle, whose waters tlirough union with 
those of the male principle produced all life, but also as a sea- 
dragon with the head of a tiger or griffin, with wings, four 
feet, claws, and a scaly tail. This composite figure was evi- 
dently intended to signify both the power and the hideousness 
of this evil enemy of the great gods. 

This fragment, at its close, as is the custom in the Assyrian 
poetical tablets, gives the first line of tablet iii. Four or five 
fragments* in the British Museum constitute the known re- 
mains of this precious document. These have never been pub- 
lished, but, according to Delitzsch, comprise 138 lines, greatly 
mutilated but for the most part complete, and contain the ac- 
ceptance by the gods of Marduk- s offer to take Tiamat. Sayce 
has a translation of a few lines in the new edition of the 
Records of the PasU i. 134 ; and Delitzsch has a transliteration 
of a few lines in his Assyrisches Worterhuch^ p. 100 ; but neither 
of them has made much out of it. 

The fourth tablet is represented by two fragments in the 
British Museum, one in Assyrian from Nineveh, and the other 
from Boi*sippa in Babylonian. Both are badly l)roken, but by 
putting them together we get a tolerably complete text of 146 
lines.f It reads as follows : — 

1. X Founded for him a sanctuary of the great ones, 

2. Brilliantly (?) his fathers (i. e. his fathers founded) for rul- 
ing, he dwelt (in it). 

3. Thou verily art honored among the great gods ; 

4. Thy destiny is unalterable, thy command is (the command 
of) Anu. 



♦ Tliese are numbered k. 3478, k. 3477, k. 3478, k. 3479, and R'". 615. 

f The fragment from Assyria which forms the middle of the story is 
published in Delitzsch's Assyr. Leses.^ ; and that from Borsippa is pub- 
lished by Budge in the Proc. Soc. Bib, Arcfueology, vol. x. It is from 
these texts that the following transliteration is made. 

X 1. Id-dU'Sum-ma pa-rak ru-bu-tum. 2. Su-ha-ri-U ab-bi-i-m a-na 

ma-H'ku-tum ir-mi, 3. at-ta-ma kab-ta-ta i-na ildni ra-lni'tum. 4. Si- 

mat'ka la Sa-na-an si-kar-ka ILV A-nuni, 6. ILU Marduk kab-ta-ta i- 



6 G, A, Barton^ 

5. O Marduk, thou art honored among the great gods ; 

6. Thy destiny is unalterable, thy command is (the command 
of) Anu. 

7. From that day thy word is unresisted. 

8. To exalt and to humble thy hand is stretched, forth. 

9. Verily thy word is established, thy command is not resisted. 

10. No one among the gods has surpassed thy power ; 

11. An ornament (?) has been established (?), a sanctuary of 
the gods. 

12. The place of their sagi^ may it be established as thy place. 
IM. O Marduk, thou art indeed our avenger (lit. the returner 

of our reward). 

1 4. We have given thee royalty, the hosts of the whole uni- 
verse. 

15. Thou art established; among all verily thy word is exalted. 

16. Thy weapons are not to be escaped ; may thy enemies 
tremble. 

17. O Lord, avenge the life of him who trusts in thee ; 

18. And pour out the life of the god who is wedded to evil. 

19. They placed their i-bi-ri^ a certain garment, 

20. Unto Marduk their first born ; they said, 

21. Thy destiny, O Lord, is verily before the gods. 

22. To destroy and to create — speak, let it be done. 

23. Set thy mouth, let his dibba perish. 

24. Turn, speak to it ; let the garment be restored. 

25. He spoke, and by his word the garment was destroyed ; 

26. He turned, he spoke to it — the garment was created. 

27. When the gods his fathers saw the effect of his word, 

28. They rejoiced, they blessed Marduk, the king, 

na ildni ra-bii-tum. 6. H-mat-ka la Sa-na-an si-kar ILU A-num. 7. iS- 
tu il-mi-im-ma la in-nin-na-a ki-biUka, 8. hi-VL^-ku-u tl hi^w^pu4u H- 
i'lu-u^ ka-at-ka. 9. lu-ii ki-na-at ^-it pi-i-ka la sa-ra-ar si-kar-ka, 
10. ma-avi-ma Una ildni i-duk-ka la it-tirik, 11. za-na-nu^tum ir-Sad 
(?) pa-rak Udni-ina. 12. a-Mr sa-gi-Su-nu lu-ii ku-un aS-ru-uk-ka. 13. 
ILU Marduk at-ta-ma mu-tir-ru gi-mil-li-ni, 14. nv-id-din-ka Sar-ru- 
tu7n ki^-Sat kal gim-ri-i-ti. 15. ti-Sam-ma ina pu-l^ur lu-u ^a-ka-ta 
a-mat-ka. 16. kak-ku-ka a-a ib-bal-tu-u li-ra-i-su^ na-ku-ri-ka. 17. 
hi-lum m tak-lu-ka na-piS-ta-Su gi-mil-ma, 18. u ilu 8a lini'-Jii-i-ti 
i'hu-zu tU'bu-uk nap-Sat-su, 19. uS-zi-zu^ma i-bt-ri-Su-nu hi-ba-m U- 
tin. 20. a-na ilu Marduk bu-uk-rirsu-nu lu-nii iz-zak-ru, 21. Si-mat- 
ka bi-lum lu-u nmh-ra-at Hani-ma, 22. a-ba-tum u ba-nu-u ki-bi li-ik- 
tu-nu. 23. ip-Sa pi-i-ka It-H-a-hat lurba-Su. 24. tu-ur tei-bi-Sum-ma 
lu-ba-m li-iS-H. 26. ik-bi-ma i-na pi-iSu i-a-bit lu-ba-Su, 26. i-tu-ur 
ik-bi-sum-ma lu-ba-hi it-tab-ni. 27. ki-ma ^i-it pi-i-Su i-mu-ru Hani 
ab-bi-i-hx. 28. ih-du-u ik-ru-bu ILV Marduk-ma Sar-ru, 29. u-u^-sim 



* (3f. Heb. B^I^'J (Jud. v. 4) and Arab. iy*X.\ and Del. Assyr. Gram., g46. 



TianuU. 7 

29. They bestowed on him the scepter, the throne, and the 
reign. 

30. They give him a weapon without rival which subdues (?) 
the enemy. 

31. Go (they said), destroy the life of Tiamat. 

32. May the winds bear her blood to secret places. 

33. The gods his fathers fixed the fate of Bel. 

34. A path of peace and favor they made him seize as the way. 

35. His bow he prepared ; his weapon he added ; 

36. (His) spear he brandished; he placed it (on his) stomach (?). 

37. The god took up the weapon, he seized it with his right 
hand. 

38. His bow and his quiver at his side he hung. 

39. He placed his lightning in his (Kingu's) face. 

40. (With) swift destruction he filled his (Kingu's) body ; 

41. He made a net in order to enclose the host (?) of Tiamat. 

42. The four winds he prepared, that none of them should go 
out. 

43. The south wind, the north wind, the east wind, the west 
wind. 

44. His hand brought near the net, the gift of his father Anu. 

45. He made the evil wind, the bad wind, the storm, and the 
tempest, 

46. The four winds, the seven winds, the whirl(?)wind, the 
ceaseless (?) wind. 

47. He brought out the winds which he had created, seven of 
them, 

48. The host of Tiamat to disturb, to advance after her. 

49. The lord lifted up the deluge, his mighty weapon. 

50. A fiery chariot, an object without equal, he rode. 

51. He harnessed it, and the four reins he hung at its side. 



hw-m 19U l^tta 19U kussa u pcU-a, 30. idrdin-nu-Su kak-ku la ma-ah-ra 
da-^a-i-hu za-a-a-ri, 81. a-lik-ma Sa Ti-amat nap-Sa-tU'ttS pu-ru-^u-ma, 
32. ia-a-ru da-mi-Sa a-na pu-v^-ra'tum li-hil'lu-ni. 38. i-U-mu-ma Sa 
BUi Suma-tu-uS Hani a-bi-i-Su, 84. u-ru-uh Su-ul-mu u tai-mi-i uS-ta- 
of-bi'tu-tiS l^r-ra-nu, 85. ib-Hm-ma 19U kaSta kak-ka-Su u-ad-di. 86. 
mul-mul'lum uS-tar-ki-ba u-kin-hu ba-af-nu. 87. iS-Si-ma bat (?) (« ^'^ 
im-na-hi u-ia-J^i-iz. 88. 19U kaita u iS-pa-tum i-dti-uS-hi il-lu-id, 89. 
iS'kun bi-ir-ku v-na porni-Su. 40. nab-lu muS'tah-mi'tu zu-rmir-hi um- 
ta^l-la (Del Lesea^, p. 97, 1. 6). 41. i-pu-uS-vm sa-pa-ra Sul-mu kir- 
biS Ti-amat. 42. ir-bit-ti Sa-a-ri u^ti-i^-bUta ana la a-^-i nim-mi-Sa, 
48. Satu, iltanu, SddH, ahdrH. 44. udu-uS sa-pa-ra uS-tak-ri-ba ki-iS-ti 
abuhi ILU Anu. 45. ib-ni im-hul-la Sara limna mi-ha-a a-u-su-txjm. 
46. Sari ar-ba Sari siba Saru ...» Saru la-aanan. 47. u-Si-^a-am-ma 
Sari-Ti, Sa ib-nu-u si-bii-ti-Su-un, 48. kir-biS Ti-amat Su-ud-lu-lm ti-bu- 
u arki-Su. 49. iS-Si-ma bi-lum a-bu-ba igu kakka-Su rab-a. 50. 19U 
narkabtu Si-kin la mah-ri ga-lit-ta ir-kab. 51. is-mid-sim-ma ir-bit ria- 



* This sigpti is unknown to me. 



8 G. A, Barton^ 

52 without mercy overwhelming swift, 

53 their teeth bore poison (?). 

54 he cast down understanding. 

55 mighty* was the battle. 

56. On the left 

57 terrors 

58. His lustre 

59. He made straight his way, he caused to flow. 

60. Straightway (?) Tiamat he set before his face, 

61. By (his) command he flnish (?). 

62 with his hand he seized (?). 

63. In that day the gods beheld him ; they beheld him. 

64. The gods, his fathers, beheld him ; the gods beheld him. 

65. Bel approached, he seizes the waist of Tiamat. 

66. Of Kmgu, her husband, she sees the overthrow; 

67. She beheld and saw his way. 

68. Overthrown was his reason ; captured was his plan. 

69. And the gods his helpers who march at his side 

70. Saw .... their leader bear their yoke. 
71 Tiamat did not turn her neck. 

72. With her hostile (?) lip she contended opposition. 

73 of the lord of the gods, thy approach. 

74. Their they assemble themselves to their place. 

75 the lord the deluge his great weapon. 

76 Tiamat on whom he takes vengeance and he 

sends it. 

77 kuri^)a-ti on high thou bearest. 

78 thy . . . muster unto 

79 their father 



a§-ma-di i-du-us-Sn i-lnl. 52 la pa-dxi-u ra-hi-U mu-up-par-sa, 

58 ti myi-na-su-nu na-Sa im-ta, 54 u-sa-pa- 

nu lam-du. 55 sa ra-as-ha tu-ku-un-tum. 56. su- 

mi'la a i-pad 57 vs ti 

pul-ha-ti lul. 58. mi'lam-mi-hi hit pi-ir Sa-hi-uS 

(?) m. 59. liJi'ti-Hr-ma lur-]ha-^u u-Sar-di-ma. ^0. as-ris Ti-amat 

pa-nu-u^-hi iS-kun. 61. ina Sapti u-kahlu, 

68. u-mi im-ta i-ta-mi-ih rit-tus-hi, 68. i-na ii-mi-hi i-f f«/-]/?/- 

hi ildni i-tul'lU'Su. 64. Hdni abi-§u i-tuUln-hi ildni i-tuUlu-Su. 65. 
id'hi-ma bi-lum kab-lu-uS Ti-a-ma-ti v-bar-ri. 66. sa ILU Kin-gu ha-a- 
ri'Sa i-si'H a Hp-ki-fhi. 67. i-na-at-fal-ma i-H ma-lak-hu. 68. sa-pi-ih 
ti-ma-ihi-ma si-ha-ti ip-Ht-su. 69. u Udni ri-su-Su a-li-kii i-di-su. 70. 
i'inu-ru , . , da a-Sa-ri-du ni-rum-hi-un i-H. 71. . . . di . . . . Ti- 
amat id n-ta-ri ki-Sad-aa. 72. i-na §ap-[ti]'m hU-la-a u-rih (?) sar-ra-a- 

ti, 73. bi'ta- ru ^a bi-lum Udni ti-bu-ka, 74 n^-hi- 

un ip-hn-rii-hi-nu a^-nik-ka. 75 hi-lum a-hu-ba ihu kakku- 

HU raiha. 76 [Ti']amat ^a ig-mi-lu ki-a-am is-pur-sv. 77. 

kur{?)'a-ti i-lis na-Ha-ti. 78 ba-ki-ma 

di'ki a-na 79 abu-Su-nu i-da 



TiamaL 9 

80 nu'ta-zi-ri-i 

81 unto 

82 unto the command of this god. 

88 thou seest, 

JReverse, 

1 Against the gods my fathers thy evil thou directest. 

2. May thy forces be harnessed (?), may thy weapons be 
girded on. 

3. Stand, and thou and I will fight (?) together. 

4. Tiamat, when she heard this, 

5. Was muhhutiS, she changed her plan. 

6. Tiamat cried passionately with a high voice. 

7. From its base completely trembled her seat. 

8. She spoke an incantation, she placed her ta-a^ 

9. And the gods of battle demanded their weapons. 

10. Then Tiamat attacked the leader of the gods, Marduk. 

11. In combat (?) they joined, they approached furiously. 

12. Bel spread out his net ; he enclosed her. 

13. The evil wind which seizes from behind he thrust into her 
face. 

14. Tiamat opened her mouth to swallow it. 

15. He caused the evil wind to enter so that she could not shut 
her mouth. 

16. The mighty winds tortured (?) her stomach. 

17. Her waist was seized, and he opened wide her mouth. 

1 8. He set his spear, he mutilated her stomach. 



80 nu-ta-zi-ri'i 81 

a-na lia-i-ru 82 a-na pa-ra-a^ Uu an- 

nU'ti, 88 a-ti te-H-i-i-ma. 

Reverse, 

1 ana abi-i-a li-mut-ta-ki tuk-tin-ni. 2. [iw-sa-Jaw-da-af 

um-mat-ki lu-rit-kU'SU su-nu 19c kakki-Pirki. 3. in-di-im-ma a-na-ku 
u ka-a-H i-ni'pu-tiH'Ha'aSi-via. 4. Ti-amat an-ni-ta i-na H-mi-sa, 6. 
muh-hu-tiS i-ti-mi us-a-an-ni ti-in-m. 6. is-si-ma Ti-amat Sit-mu-riS 
i-li-ta. 7. Hur-siS ma-al-ma-lin it-ru-ra is-da-a-m, 8. v-man-ni Mb-ta 
it'ta-nam-di ta-a-m, 9. u ildni sa taJiazi u-m-a-lu-m-nu 19U kakku-Fh- 
su-nu, 10. in-nin-du-ma Ti-amat dhkal ildni ilu Marduk. 11. Sa-aS- 
miM it-tib-bu kit-ni-bu ta-lia-zi-iM. 12. us-pa-ri-ir-ma bi-lum sa-pa-ra- 
mi u-ml-mi-H. 13. Sdru hul-lu sa-bit ar-ka-ti pa-nu-Ui<-.W um-taS-tiir, 
14. ip-ti-mct pi'i-^a Ti-amat a-na lu-a-a-ti-su. 15. sdru hul-la uS-ti-ri- 
ba a-na la ka-tam Sap-ti-sa. 16. iz-zu-ti sdri-Ph kar-m-sa i-za-nu-ma. 
17. in-ni-l^az lib-ba-Sa-ma pa-a-m m-pal-ki. 18. is-suk mul-miU-la ij- 



' VariaDt sa. 
VOL. XV. 2 



10 O, A. Barton^ 

19. Her entrails he tore out, he mastered (her) heart. 

20. He bound her, and her life destroyed. 

21. Her body he cast down, upon it he stood, 

22. After Tiamat the leader was killed (?), 

23. He scattered her force and subdued her throng. 

24. And the gods, her helpers, who marched at her side, 
26. Trembled, feared, turned their backs. 

26. They carried her (Tiamat ?) out alive, they escaped. 

27. . , . . They were surrounded in flight without strength 

28. He approached (?) them and broke their weapons. 

29. His net was cast; overwhelmed they remained. 
30 hand, they were filled with groaning. 

31. His toil (?) was harm, his kiSuk was finished. 

32. And the eleven creatures with a work of fear were troubled. 

83. The height (?^, the demons (?) who went (?) 

34. He laid their hands prostrate (?) 

36. Together with their battles beneath himself he trod, 

36. And Kingu who their 

(P. S. H. A., p. 86 sq.) 

37. He bound him ; with the bound gods he counted him ; 

38. He robbed him of the tablets of ^te him. 

39. With (his) seal he sealed [him] he held. 

40. After his enemies he had seized, he had overthrown, 

41. The exalted enemy had led captive (?) as an ox (?), 

42. The wisli of Anshar over the enemy he had fully estab- 
lished, 

43. The intention of £a Marduk the mighty had attained, 

44. Over the bound gods he strengthened his guard. 

46. Like a serpent Tiamat whom he had bound turned after 
him. 



ti-pi ka-raa-m, 19. kir-bi-Sa u-bat-Ma u-^^-lif lib-ba, 20. tk-mi-H' 
ma nap^^i'tii^ u-bal-li. 21. .^4dm-^ id-da-a iii-Sa i-za-zcL, 22. tU-tu 
Ti-omttt a-likpa-ni i-wa-rti. 23. ki-if-ri-^ki up^a-ri-ra pU'turSa is-^ap- 
{^o, 24. u iMni ri-^-^ a-li-ku i-di-^, 25. it-tar-nt ip4a'hu u-saf^-^u 
ru ar^Kii-sU'Un. 26. u-H-^-ma nap-^sa-tu^ i-dt-m. 27. Nv^yta la-mu-u 
na-par-Mi-dii la /t-*i-t. 28. tab(i)4ni'SU'nu-ti'ma i^u kakku-vir^-nu 
U'-^)at>4Hr, 29. aaiX^pa-ru na-du-ma ka-ma-ru^ VL^-bu, 30. . . . du-iitb 
ka-a-ti^ ma-lu-u dn-ma-mu, 81. ^^-ritsu na-.ht-u ka-iu-u ki'hUt4ni. 
89. M ii^iiH-i^rit nfib-ni-ti ht-pir pul-ha-ti i-za-nu. 88. mt-t7-ld gal-ii-i 

a-ti-ku ka-iu(f) . . . Ai. 84. it-ia-di ^r-H-i-^i i-di-fu-nMi?) 

85. ga-du tHk-wM-ti-^-UH .^-pci/-s<tf[ilr-6ii-]iis. 86. ii uaj Kingu ia ir 

^H-un (Proc. Soc. ^b. Arch., p. 86 sq.). 87. tk-mi-Mi' 

ma it-H il[ani Jb(i-MiHli\?^1 tm-niVv^ 88. i-kim-^-ma dup-HmUUi-VL 

#i-v^ 89. f-Ma ki^<ib-bi i3t-NN4MiiM-ma ir U-mm-uK 

40l ii-lM ^t-NK^ A^mii'ii i%8(i-<fN. 41. ct^hhu mut-ia-i-du u-ia-bm-m 
hhri-^m* 4d. ir^mii-H An-Mtr i^i Ha-ki-m ka-ii-iS u^^-^-zu. 48. itt-i»- 
tmat VLV ym-^m-mmt ik^hiMlu ux Maniuk kur^in, 44. i4i tltet-^L 
ktt^mn^mm ^fi-bH-ia-^ m-dau mim-ma. 4^ fi-rt-tx Ti^tmai ia ik-mm^ 



Tiamat 11 

46. Then the lord trod upon the breast of Tiamat. 

47. With his club (?) unmerciful (?) he smote (?) (her) head, 

48. He cut through the veins of her blood. 

49. The north wind bore it to secret places. 

50. His fathers saw it, they rejoiced, they exulted. 

51. They brought a present, a peace offering to him. 

52. The lord rested ; then her body he dragged. 

53. (His) advance (?) he strengthened (?), he forms cunning 
(plans). 

54. He tore from her like a fish her skin (?) according to his 
plan. 

66. With her likeness which he prepared he overshadowed the 
heavens. 

56. He pushed a bolt, he stationed a guard. 

57. He commanded them not to let out its waters. 

58. The heavens he crossed, the places he viewed. 

59. He presented himself before the deep, the dwelling of Ea. 

60. The lord established bounds to the destructiveness (?) of 
the deep. 

61. A temple like it (the heavens) he established as Isharra. 

62. The temple Isharra which he had made, 

63. He caused Anum, Bil, and Ea to inhabit it as their city. 



irtu-ra ar-kiris, 46. ik-burus-ma bi-lum sa Ti-a-ma-tum i-rit-aa, 47. 
irfia mirdi-Su la ma^-(?)-di-t u-Sat-ti mu-uh-ld. 48. u-pir-ri-i-ma us-la- 
at daymir^a, 49. J^a-a-ru il-ta-nu a-na hu-uif-rat uS-ta-biL 50. t-wt^-rw- 
ma ab4m-hi uh-da-u i-ri-hi, 51. si-di-i ml-ma-nu U'Sn-bi-lu-su-nu a-na 
Sa-<i'^, 52. v-nu-uh-ma bi-lum m-lam-tu-us i-har-ri. 53. Hr-ku-bu Vr 
za-a(^)-zu (?) v-ban-na-a nik-la-a-ti. 54. ih-pi-H-ma ki-ma nu-nu maS-ki- 
{7)i a-na nik-la-a'ti-su. 55. mi-is-lii'iLs .§a vt-ku-nam-ma Sa-nia-ma u-^a- 
aUlii. 56. iS-du-ud par-ku ma-a^'^a-ru u-sa-a^-hi-it, 57. mi-v^a la 
StL-§a-a Sti-nu-ti um-ta-a4r, 58. sam-i i-bi-ir as-ra-tum i'lii-tam-ma, 
69. uS'tam-^i-ir mi-ili-rat zu-ab-bi m-bat ilu Nu-kim-mut. 60. im-m- 
uh-ma bi-lum sa zu-ab-bi nu-tu-uS-m. 61. i-kal-la tam-H-la-hi u-ki-in 
i-Sar-ra, 62. i-kal-la i-sar-ra Sa ib-nu aa-ma-mu, 63. ilu Anum ilu 
BU ILU Ea ma-ka-zi-su-^n us-ram-ma. 

Notes on Tablet IV.— 1. 2. Jensen, Kosmologie, p. 278, and Sayce, 
Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 379, evidently read ma-ha-ris. It seems to 
me better, however, to read hi-lj^a-ris as an adverb, and make ah-bi-i 
the subject of id-du, though the order of the words is very unusual. 
1. 4. I follow Jensen in reading si-kar, and translating ' command.* 
The use of this word, however, in the Sargon Cyl., 1. 49, seems to me 
better proof of this reading than either of the cases cited by Jensen. 
L 7. For examples of in-nin-na in this sense, cf . V. R. 10. 9, V. R. 64, 1. 
Col., 1. 35. 1. i9. I do not feel sure with Jensen that i-bi-ri here means 
'companion,' and therefore leave it untranslated. I follow him in 
reading lu-ba-su * garment.' 1. 21. I differ from Jensen here in transla- 
tion, as it seems to me that the strong assertion of this line is made the 
basis or reason of the command in the next. 1. 66. I am not certain of 
the reading which makes Kinau here * overthrown.' The cuneiform 
signs might be read and divided differently, as i-si-i a-mi-ki-m, or 
pii-*p-a mi-ki-8u. 



12 G. A, Bartoii, 

[First Hue of 5th Tablet.] ' He prepared the dwellings of 
the great gods.' 

There then follows a colophon, which states that there are 
146 lines in this tablet; that it is the fourth tablet of the 
series inuma Uu la nnmbi / that it wa» written according to 
an old copy by Nabu-bil-su for the saving of his life. Here 
the fourtn tablet ends. Before passing to the fifth we may 
notice that in the tablet just examined two traditions of the 
death of Tiamat seem to be woven together. In Hnes 12 to 21 
of the reverse of the tablet, we are told how Marduk ^ tore out 
her entrails, mastered her heart, bound her, and destroyed 
her life, cast down her carcass and stood upon it.' In line 45, 
however, Tiamat is alive again, and ' following Marduk like a 
serpent.' He, moreover, here destroys her life with a club, 
makes of her likeness the heavens, and of her skin apparently 
a constellation. 

The fifth tablet consists of three or four fragments, published 
in Delitzsch's Zesestucke, 3d ed., pp. 94-96. It begins as fol- 
lows : — * 

1. He prepared the dwellings of the great gods. 

2. He fixed the stars corresponding to them and the animal 
constellations. 

3. He ordained the year ; he put in place the zodiacal signs. 

4. (For) the twelve months three stars (each) he fixed, 

5. From the day when the year went forth unto (its) close. 

6. He founded the palace of the god of the passage for making 
known their orbits, 

7. So as not to do harm, nor damage anything. 

Reverse, 

• 1. 5. Zimmem, Busspsalmen , p. 70, first suggested the readine muliljutiS 
as an adverb. What it signifies is unknown. From V. R. i. M it would 
seem to mean Mike some timid animal ;* possibly, therefore, mujihut is 
the name of an animal. 1. 13. la-a-a-ti I connect with the Syr. "^a!^. 

1. 26. I can make nothing else of the nap-m-tu^, and I can only explain 
the occurrence of this statement here, after the statements of 11. 17-22, 
on the supposition suggested below, that two documents have been 
blended in this tablet. 1. 35. I am indebted to Jensen's Kosmologie 
for valuable suggestions in the rendering of this and the following 
lines : viz., 87, 89, 48, 48, 56, 61 of this tablet, and lines 2, 7, and 13 of 
tablet 5. I. 55. A reference, I think, to the establishment of the con- 
stellation of the dragon. 1. 57. mi-i-sa refers to the waters of the con- 
stellation, which was apparently connected with storms. 1. 60. This 
line refers to the same idea as Job xxxviii. 8-11. 

♦ 1. U-ba-dS'Sini 7nan-za'[zd]-a ILU ildni raMfi-PL. 2. kakkabi-Ft, 
tamSU-SU'lnul kirru ma-H uti-zi-iz. 3. u-^id-di satta mi-iz-ra-ta u-ma- 
ojS'Zir, 4. XII arht-FL kakkabi-TL III ta-a-an us-zi-iz. 5. iS-iu H-mi 
ia Sattu i*?-^*(?)ana u-^-ra-ti, 6. u-^ar-Sid man-zoruz ilu nubi-ri ana 
uddu rik'81-hirun. 7. a-na la i-pU an-ni la i-gu-u ma-na-ma, 8. man- 



TiamaL 13 

8. The seat of Bil and Ea he established with himself. 

9. He opened the gates in the sides round about. 

10. The bolt he strengthened on the left and right. .i 

11. In its very midst he placed the zenith. 

12. He caused to come forth the moon-god and entrusted X^ 
him the night. , ; , 

13. He appointed him a creature of the night. That the day 
might be known, 

14. Monthly without cessation with a crown he covered (?) hipi^' 

15. At the tirst of the month to shine at evening ; < 

16. That the horns may be bright in order to make known the 
heavens. ' 

17. On the seventh day (thy) disc ..... . . . ., ' 

Here the first fragment of tablet 5 is too much broken for 
connected translation ; but it will be seen from the translitera- 
tion of lines 19, 21, and 22 that it goes on to describe the crea* 
tion of the sun. As the other fragments do not immediately 
concern our purpose, we will not follow the Assyrian text fur-' 
ther. 

In the fourth tablet several points of agreement with the 
fragment quoted from Berosos may be noted : 1. Tiamat is 
here the mistress of the deep, as in Berosos 6aXar& was, with: 
whom we have already identified her. 2. Here she is accom- 
panied by a brood of attendant divinities, and in Berosos she- 
presides over a hideous host. 3. Here as well as in Berosos 
she is conquered by Marduk, the Belos of Berosos, being the 
Assyrian J^^, i. e. lord, a title often applied to Marduk in the 
Creation Tablets. 4. In Berosos, Belos or Marduk cuts Tiamat 
in two, and forms of one half the heaven and of the other the 
earth, and here he places her image in the sky and therefrom 
creates the heavens. 

In order to attach a proper value to the evidence here gath- 
ered, and ascertain the origin of the Tiamat story, we have to 
inquire into the age of these Creation Tablets. 



za-az VLH Bil u ILU Ea u-kin it'ti-m, 9. ip-ti-ma abuHi-Pi. ina i^i'li-[i\ 
ki-lal'la-an. 10. si-ga-ra ud-dan-nina m-mi-la u im-na, 11. ina ka- 
bi-tirm-nia is-ta-kan i-la-a-ti. 12. Ilu Nanna-ru UH-ti-pa-a mu-sa ik-ti- 
pa. 18. u-ad-di'sum-ma m-uk-nat niu-H a-na ud-du-u H-mi. 14. ar- 
fyi'sam la na-par-ka-a ina a-gi u-^tr, 15. i-na ris arhi-ma na-pa-ffi li^ 
la a-ti, 16. kar-ni na-ha-^-ta ana ud-du-u na-ma-mu. 17. i-na Umi 

VII KAN a-ga-a la. 18. . . . xiv-tu lu-u hi-tam-liu-rat mi$- 

li(?) .... Sam. 19 n,u Samas ina i-sid sain-i ina ka, 

20 u^{?)-ti Svrtak-^i-ha-am-ma hi , . . . uS. 21 • 

-tar a-na har-ra-an ilv Samas su-tak-rib .... 22 far lu- 

m-tam-lju-rat ilu SamaS lu-8a-ba. 



14 O, A. Barton^ 

It must be said that the copies of them which we have are 
not earlier than the age of Assnrbauipal, i. e. the 7th century 
B. 0. ; but that these are copies of originals so old that the 
writing was almost entirely ideographic is evident from the 
fragments of a commentary on such an ideographic text, pub- 
lished in Rawlinson's Uuneiform Inscriptions of Western 
Asiay V. 21. Without being dogmatic, one may say, then, 
that they probably date back to an antiquity as high as the so- 
called Sumero- Akkadian age, or about 2000 b. c. 

We are presented in these various sources of information 
with two distinct conceptions, which by the aid of allegorical 
interpretation blend into one. In Damascius and the first 
Creation Tablet there is pictured for us the Babylonian concep- 
tion of the world's beginnings. They did not go back to a 
nebular hypothesis, but found no difficulty in supposing that in 
its primitive condition the universe was a mass of waters. 
This mass of waters contained a male and a female principle, 
from whose union sprang the gods. This conception is very 
clearly defined, and m it Tiamat represents the waters, the uni- 
versal sea. This sea the god MardUk, in the fourth Creation 
Tablet, divided by means of winds and lightnings, and from its 
parts apparently lonned heaven and earth. 

The other conception brought out in the Fragment of Be- 
rosos, and with which the language of the fourth Creation Tab- 
let is made largely to accord, is that Tiamat is a female dragon, 
queen of a hideous host, who are liostile to the gods, and with 
whom Marduk fights, conquers them, cuts their leader in two, 
and of one part of her body makes heaven, of the other the 
earth, and aa a later conception puts Tiamat's skin in the sky 
as the constellation of the dragon. In the fourth Creation 
Tablet these conceptions are partially blended, the latter being 
made to represent the former. In each of these conceptions 
there is represented a hostility between Tiamat and the gods ; 
the gods are the representatives of good, and Tiamat is the 
representative of evil. To express the evil she U pictured in 
the sculptures and seals sometimes as a horrible dragon with a 
griffin's bead, with wings, four feet, claws, and a scaly tail, and 
sometimes as a serpent. 

To explain the origin and determine the age of these concep- 
tions is a more difficult task. It would seem that the concep- 
tion which Berosos lias preserved for us, that heaven and earth 
were formed by cutting a monstrous female in twain, is the 
earlier of the two, because this is just the conception likely to 
be fonned by a people still in a savage state. Of this one 
would, I think, easily be convinced by the examination and 
comparison of a few savage myths. We may assume, then, 
that the primitive Babyloman, or perhaps the savage Semite, 



Tiwmnat, 16 

before he had reached the stage of scientific thought, thus ex- 
plained to himseK the origin of the universe. 

The other conception, the most scientific which the Babylo- 
nians ever reached on this subject, assumed, as has been said, a 
mass of waters as the beginning of the universe, and held that 
from these the gods were at first generated, and that one of 
thegods then divided these waters to form heaven and earth. 

H5>w this theorv originated it is difiicult to say. It may 
have had its beginning in a storm-myth, in which the sea, 
lashed to fury by a storm, and overhung by cloud and mist, 
seemed to the Semitic beholder to represent what we call 
chaos. This mass of sea and rain and cloud would be thought 
of as one great whole, which, pierced by the lightnings and dis- 
pelled by the winds, seemed conquered, and from the confused 
mass wmch obscured all vision order and beauty appeared, and 
earth and sky seemed to come forth. 

Such a scene may have suggested to the ancient Babylonians 
or to their Semitic ancestors the above theory of Creation. If 
this view be correct, their concention of the action of the winds 
in conquering a storm and subduing the sea must have been 
similar to those of Horace : — 

Quo Don arbiter Hadriae 

Major, toUere sen ponere volt freta.* 

Another possible explanation is that some geological sub- 
mergence or local inundation, accompanied by fierce storms, 
which taught the Semite the destructive power of water, and 
how necessary it is that the sea be kept from the land in order 
that life may be sustained, first suggested this theory of cos- 
mogony. As this view really includes the first and seems to be 
the more adequate explanation, and as it contains no intrinsic 
improbability, we may provisionally accept it. On this hypoth- 
esis the Babylonian Marduk was originally a storm-god. 

The fourtn Creation Tablet has taken the conception of the 
Berosos-fragment, and the later and more scientific theory, and 
has partially reconciled them, by making the female of the 
savage mytn the personified sea of the more scientific era. 
And as, in the storm, sea and rain and misty cloud seemed 
blended, and were all conquered by the wind and lightning, so 
here it seems probable that the dragon personifies them all. 

In the theory of the Berosos fragment as well as that of the 
Creation Tablets it does not seem diflScult to find the reason 
for the association of the origin of evil with this watery chaos. 
The hideous female in the one theory, and the universal sea in 

• Odes, i. 3. 15, 16. 



16 G. A, Barton^ 

the other, had to be conquered by the gods that the world 
might come into existence. Thus the gods and the s6a were 
brought into conflict. The sea was evil, waa man's enemy; 
hence the gods became the opponents of the sea and the. repre- 
sentatives of good ; and the personified sea, the dragon, became 
to the popular conception the embodiment of evil. WTien once 
tlie idea of evil had been associated with the sea, and the sea, 
though rolled back to make way for the land, still existed, what 
more natural than that its monsters should still be considered 
the originators of evil and the enemies of mankind by those 
who had considered the chief monster as the opponent of crear 
tion and the great adversary of the gods ? 

That this was really the case may perhaps be inferred from 
the fact that they attributed to a monster irom the sea oflSces 
which were regarded by at least one other Semitic people as 
offices of evil. I refer to the account given in the following 
fragment from Berosos (cf . Cory's Anxnent Fragments^ p. 22) : 

" At Babylon there was in these times a great resort of people 
of various nations who inhabited Chaldea, and lived in a lawless 
manner, like beasts of the field. In the first year there appeared 
from a part of the Erythrean sea which borders upon Babylonia 
an animal destitute of reason, by name Oannes, whose whole body 
(according to the account of Apollodorus) was that of a fish ; 
under the fish's head he had another head, with feet also below, 
similar to those of a man, subjoined to the fish's tail. His voice 
too was articulate and human ; and a representation of him is 
preserved even to this day. This being was accustomed to pass 
the day among men, but took no food at that season ; he gave 
them an insight into letters and sciences, and arts of every kind. 
He taught them to construct cities, to found temples, and to com- 
pile laws, and explained to them the principles of geometrical 
knowledge. He made them distinguish the seed of the earth, 
and showed them how to collect fruits ; in short, he instructed 
them in everything which could tend to soften manners and hu- 
manize their lives. From that time nothing material has been 
added by way of improvement to his instructions. And when the 
sun had set, this being, Oannes, retired again into the sea, and 
passed the night in the deep, for he was amphibious." 

It appears, then, that the Babylonians assigned to a being 
from the sea the oflSce of instructing men in knowledge, an 
office regarded by Jews and Greeks at least as one obnoxious 
to the gods (cf. the serpent of Gen. iii., and the Greek story of 
Prometheus). 

One fact more we must note with reference to Tiamat. We 
learn from the apocryphal addition to the book of Daniel, 
commonly called Bel and the Dragon, a book really Jewish, 
but which on this point may be regarded as a Babylonian 



Tiamat 17 

source of information, that at Babylon there were representa- 
tions both of the god and of the dragon, and that the Babylo- 
nians worshiped both. Since we have seen what a higli place 
Tiamat occupied in the Babylonian Cosmogony, and that in the 
fourth Creation Tablet she is called ' the god who has taken 
hold of evil,' this seems by no means strange. It indicates, 
moreover, that Tiamat was exalted to the rank of a divinity. 
This worship of the queen of evil reminds one of the worship 
which the Cnristian Ophites accorded to the serpent of Genesis 
ill. as a benefactor of the race. 



Having thus formed a tolerably clear conception of the fonn 
and origin of the Tiamat myth, we now proceed to inquire 
whether in the Old and New Testaments there are any traces 
of these or similar ideas. Let us first examine the Hebrew 
ideas of Cosmogony.* 

Gen. i. 2-10 gives us the following : " The earth was desolate- 
ness and emptiness, and darkness was on the face of the DlHll , 

and the D*rf?N ITll was brooding over the face of the waters. 

And God snid : Let there be light ; and there was light ; and 
God saw the light that it was good. And God divided be- 
tween the light and the darkness. And God called the light 
day, and the darkness he called night ; and it was evening and 
it was morning, the first day. And God said : Let there be a 
firmament in the midst of the waters, and let it divide the 
waters from the waters. And God made the firmament, and 
divided the waters which were under the firmament from the 
waters which were above the firmament ; and it was so. And 
God called the firmament heaven ; and it was evening and 
it was morning, the second day. And God said : Let the waters 
under the heavens be gathered together unto one place, and 
let the dry land appear ; and it was so. And God called the 
dry land earth, and the gathering together of waters called he 



seas." 



In the apochryphal book of Enoch, sec. viii., ch. 54. 8, we 
are told that "the water which is above the heavens is male, 
and the water which is under the earth is female." Enoch, 



•This comparison was first suggested in outline by George Smith, 
the great master of Assyriology, who discovered the first of the Crea- 
tion Tablets that have been found. He had, however, only about half 
of Tablet 4, and attempted no careful comparison, but looked rather to 
find an indication that the Babylonians believed the creation to have 
been accomplished in six days. The present is, on the other hand, an 
attempt to analyze the known elements of the two, and to institute a 
scientific comparison. 

VOL. XV. 8 



18 O. A. BaHon^ 

though preserved for us in an Ethiopic version only, was, as is 
well known, a Jewish book, and originally written in Hebrew 
or Aramaic. 

We have, then, among the Hebrews the following concep- 
tions presented. The primitive condition of the universe was a 
Dinil , an abyss, a mass of waters. This mass is brooded over 

by the spirit or wind of God. Then light is created; the 
waters of the Dlnil are divided by a finnament, and those 

above the firmament are called heaven, while those below form 
the earth. And later Enoch tells us that the waters of heaven 
were male and those of the earth female. 

Putting the Hebrew and Babylonian conceptions side by side, 
we find that they have the following points in common : 1. 
The assumption of the existence of a mass of waters as the 
starting point of creation — a mass which both peoples called 
by the same name, the Hebrew form being Dlnil ? the Baby- 
lonian Tiamat. 2. The action of winds upon these waters 
during the creative process. 3. The dividing of the waters 
into two parts. 4. The formation of heaven from one part and 
of the earth from the other. 5. The belief among both peoples 
of a difference of sex in water. 

Along with these points of agreement the following points 
of difference also appear : 1. The difference in gender of the 
waters has nothing to do with the creation in the Hebrew nar- 
rative, the first creative impulse with them coming from the 
D*rf?N rm, while in the Babylpnian Cuneiform all creative 

movement is traceable to this distinction of sex in water. 2. 
The waters in the Hebrew narrative are not in conflict with 
God during the creative process, but are gently brooded over 
by the ITII and easily influenced by it. 3. The Babylonian ac- 
count is polytheistic and extended, while the Hebrew is mono- 
theistic and brief. 

This last point of difference finds its explanation in the re- 
ligions of the two nations, and is in itself suflScient to explain 
the other two points of difference noted. To the Hebrew, with 
his lofty ideas of God, creative impulse must come from him 
and not from commingling waters. For the same reason the 
sea must lie plastic before the wind of God, and must be con- 
quered by no such struggle as in the Babylonian account. 

While these differences are thus easily explained, the five 

Soints of resemblance above noted might be accounted as acci- 
ental unless we accept what seems to be the truth : viz., that 
the two cosmogonies have the same origin. If their origin be 
the same, either the two peoples inherited these conceptions 
from their common Semitic ancestry, or one borrowed them 



Ticmiat. 19 

from the other. As we have seen above, the originals of the 
Babylonian Creation Tablets date from about 2000 B. C, a 
date at which no Hebrew nation so far as we know existed 
from which to borrow. 

On the other hand, Abraham is said to have been a native of 
Babylonia, and the Hebrews had a deeply rooted consciousness 
that their ancestors came from that land. In addition to this, 
'the Tel el Amarnah tablets show that in the 17th (or, according 
to others, the 15th) century b. c. the Babylonian language, 
and we may perhaps infer Babylonian ideas, were well known 
in Palestine, and even in Egypt. Again, the Jews spent their 
exile in Babylon, and there modified many of their ideas. The 
reasonable conclusion, therefore, is that Jewish ideas of cos- 
mogony, whenever Genesis may have been written, came from 
Babylonia. The differences in these cosmogonies preclude the 
supposition that the Jews first received such ideas as late as the 
exilian period. It seems rather that they got them not later 
than the date of the Tel el Amarnah tablets, and that, as the 
conceptions of monotheism became more distinct among the 
Hebrews, their cosmogony took its present form, and devel- 
oped those points of difference with the Babylonian which we 
have already noted, and which lift it far above the latter. 

We will next examine the serpent story of the Hebrews.* 
In Genesis iii. 1-7, we read : — " Now the serpent was more 
subtle than any beast of the field which Yah ve God had made. 
And he said unto the woman : Yea, hath God said ye shall not 
eat of any tree of the garden ? And the woman said unto the 
serj^ent : Of the fruit oi the trees of the garden we may eat, but 
of the fruit of the tree which is in the midst of the garden God 
hath said : Ye shall not eat of it, neither shall ye touch it, lest 
ye die. And the serpent said unto the woman : Ye shall not 
surely die, for God doth know that, in the day ye eat thereof, 
tlien your eyes shall be opened and ye shall be as God, know- 
ing good and evil. And when the woman saw that the tree 
was good for food, and that it was a delight to the eyes, and 
that tlie tree was to be desired to make one wise, she took of 
the fruit thereof and did eat, and she gave also to her husband 
with her, and he did eat. And the eyes of them both were 
oiKjiied, and they knew that they were naked." 

* Here, too, Geo. Smith was the first to suggest, though in the merest 
outline, this comparison. I had, however, not noticed that he had done 
even this until my own work was completed. The idea of this compar- 
ison fibrst occurred to me upon reading the Oannes story of Berosoe 
(tnipraj p. 18). In making this story a sort of intermediate stratum be- 
tween Tiamat and the Genesis serpent, in bringing the evidence of 
Enoch to bear on it, and in attempting a scientific comparison, I am, so 
far as I know, attempting what has not before been done. 



20 G, A. Barton, 

In Enoch, sec. x. 84. 2, we read : '' These are the angels who 
have descended from heaven to earth, and have revealed secrets 
to the sons of men, and seduced tlie sons of men to the commis- 
sion of sin^" Again, in sec. xi. 69. 2 scj. : " Behold the names 
of those angels ^' [for tlie sake of brevity they are not all quoted] ; 
V. 6. '' The name of the third is Gadrel. He discovered every 
stroke of death to the children of men. He seduced Eve, and 
discovered to the cliildren of men the instruments of death, the 
coat of mail, the shield, and the sword for slaughter ; every in- 
strument of death to the children of men. . . . The name 01 the 
fourth is Penemue ; he discovered to the children of men bit- 
terness and sweetness, and pointed out to them every secret of 
their wisdom. He taught them to understand writing and ink 
and paper. . . . The name of the fifth is Kasyade ; he discovered 
to the sons of men every wicked stroke of spirits and demons, 
.... the stroke which is given in midday by the offspring of 
the serpent, the name of which is Tabaet." " The name of the 
tenth is Azazel." Again, in sec. viii. 54. 7, 8, in describing the 
punishment of th^se angels, it is said: ''In those days shall 
punishment go forth from the Lord of Spirits ; and the recep- 
tacles of water which are above the heavens shall be opened, 
and the fountains likewise which are under the earth. All the 
waters which are in heaven and above it shall be mixed together. 
The water wliich is above heaven is male, and the water which 
is under the earth is female ; and all shall be destroyed who 
dwell upon the earth, and who dwell under the extremities of 
heaven. 

We have here the conception of a serpent, comparatively 
harmless, but endowed with great subtlety and articulate 
speech, who tempts woman to eat, contrary to the commands 
of God, of a tree whose fruit gives knowledge. In Enoch this 
serpent is represented as a demon or fallen angel, and one of a 
brood of such beings, many of whom engage in similar work. 
In this connection there is mentioned " tlie offspring of a ser- 
pent the name of which is Tabaet." The destruction of these 
beings is accomplished by the union of the male waters of 
heaven with the female waters of the earth, which produces a 
great deluge. 

We find in this the following points of likeness with the 
Assyrian story : 1. A being enaowed with articulate speech 
leads mankind to knowledge. 2. This being is in one case a 
serpent, and in the other a fish-like dragon. 3. In the Baby- 
lonian story this being comes from the sea, the home of Tiamat, 
and in the Hebrew is associated with a being whose name is 
Tabaet, a name which there is considerable reason for suspect- 
ing to be the same as Tiamat. As Haupt and Delitzsch nave 
shown, the Assyrian in the middle of a word is often pro- 



TiamaL 21 

nounced v^ like a fricated 3 (cf. Delitzsch, A^syr. Gram,^ §^)> 
8o that Tiavat and Tevaet would approach very nearly in 
8onnd. It is tnie that the form of Tabaet seems opposed 
to such a comparison, since it comes from a stem i^"3"ri, 
which means in Ethiopic ' be strong, brave, manly,' while Tia- 
mat is, as has been shown, like Hebrew Dlfiri ? from a stem 

D"n"n • Enoch, however, it is generally admitted, was writ- 
ten in Hebrew or Aramaic, then translated into Greek, and our 
Ethiopic version is but a translation of the Greek. It will then 
be easily seen that a name (perhaps sounding in its original He- 
brew form considerably unlike the Assyrian form Tiamat), 
when transliterated into Greek and from that into Ethiopic, may 
well have lost its etymology in the process, both changing the 
guttural and transposing its radical letters. The difficulty aris- 
ing from the change oi the guttural is considerably lightened 
when we notice the looseness of the use of the gutturals in . 
Ethiopic, and the differences in gutturals which actually appear 
between words of the same meaning in Hebrew and Ethiopic. 
As an example of the former, lutgueki ' he perished ' is spelled 

indifferently with », with ^, and with ^ : thus, hai/fiela^fKi^v^la, 

haguel^i. Many other instances could be added. As examples 
of the latter, we have the Hebrew J^*)1 'seed,' Ethiopic zar^e ; 

Hebrew '?tNjy, the name of a demon, Ethiopic \iza£el ; 

Hebrew D*J3N 'stones,' Ethiopic ^a'hdn. The transposing 

of the radicals is, however, not so easily accounted for, being, 
so far as I know, unparalleled in Semitic. 3. In the Hebrew 
account this being is a serpent ; and in the Babylonian Tiamat 
is once called a serpent,* is once pictured on a seal f as a ser- 
pent, and in the fourth Creation Tablet is said to follow Mar- 
duk like a serpent.:]: 

On the other hand, the points of difference are numerous. 
To go into minute detail here would take too long. But the 
general outlines of the furious monster Tiamat, the bold oppo- 
nent of the gods, and of the subtle sneaking serpent of Eden are 
certainly very different, and but for the Cannes story of Be- 
rosos {supra, p. 18) and the testimony of Enoch, the connection 
between them would seem very slight indeed. 

Again, in the Babylonian story the bi-sexual nature of water 
produces all life, divine and human, while in the later Hebrew 



•Cf. Pinches's Babylonian Duplicates of Tablets i. and ii., Creation 
Series Bab, and Oriental Record, Jan., 1890. 

f This seal i^as first published by Dr. William Hayes Ward of New 
York City, in the Bibliotheca Sacra of April, 1881, and is reproduced in 
Sayce's edition of Smithes Chaldean Genesis, p. 90. 

X Qt, supra, p. 12. 



22 G. A. Bmion, 

thought tlie union of these same elements destroys* the agents 
and representatives of evil. 

Notwithstanding these great differences, we can, with the 
Cannes story and the testimony of Enoch in mind, discern a 
' considerable probability that the serpent story of Genesis is 
connected with the Tiamat story of Babylon, though, in the 
long development which the story must have undergone, sev- 
eral strata of ideas which we cannot now trace must have inter- 
vened between the two, if this conjectured identity of origin 
really exists. 



We will next compare the Old Testament passages relating 
to Rahab and Leviathan. 

In Job iii. 8, a passage in which Job is cursing the day of his 
birth, he says : '' Let them that curse days curse it, them that 
are skilled to rouse up fn^l'? •" It is now conceded on all 
sides that ]rVy? must be some mythical dragon, something 

which could obscure the orbs of light, render a day dark, and 
intensify the darkness of the night. Again, in Job ix. 13, we 
read : " If God will not withdraw Ids anger, the helpers of 
Rahab ( 3ni ) do stoop under him ; how much less shall I 

answer him V Here it is admitted by modem commentators 
even of the conservative school that Rahab is a mythical being 
which with its helpers has come into conflict with God, and 
been overcome by him. Again, Job xxvi. 12, 13 : " He quelleth 
the sea with liis power, and by his understanding smiteth tlirough 
Rahab ; by his breath the heavens are bright, his hand pierceth 
the fleeing serpent ( tTPU )." 

In this passage Rahab is further explained by being con- 
nected with the sea, by being made the synonym of serpent, 
and by being explained as one whose con(j[uest is a synonym 
for making the heavens bright. 

In Job xli. we liave a long passage, embracing the whole 

chapter, in which leviathan ( ]Iy^^ ) is described at length. 

It l)egins: '* Canst thou draw out leviathan with a hook?" etc. 
This whole t*hai)ter is often explained as a description of the 
crocodile, and most of its imagery is perhaps thus satisfactorily 
accounted for. Verses 19-21, however — "Out of his mouth go 
burning lamps, and sparks of Are leap out. Out of his nostrils 
goetli smoke as from a seething caldron. His breath kindleth 
coals, and a flame goeth out of his mouth" — is inexplicable if it 
refers to a crocodile, but natural enough if we see in leviathan, 
as before, a storm-dragon, whose breath is lightning. 

* i. e. in Enoch, 100-50 B. C. 



TiamaL 23 

Again, in Isaiah li. 9, "Art not thou he who hewed Kahab 
ill pieces, who pierced through the dragon ( pjTl ) ?" Here 

two things are to be observed : first, Rahab is a sjTionym for 
the dragon, which points to a mythical origin for the word ; 
and second, the context, which speaks of the passage through 
the Red Sea, indicates that Rahab is figuratively applied to 

Again, Isaiah xxvii. 1, " In that day shall Yahveh visit with 
the sword the hard and great and strong, the leviathan the fugi- 
tive serpent, and the leviathan the wreathed serpent, and he shall 
slay tlie pjin in the sea." The prophet is aescrlbing a great 

day pf judgment, and his imagery of "fugitive serpent," 

" wreathed serpent " (both leviathans), and the dragon ( pjlH ), 

while evidently referring in metaphor to forms of evil, quite as 
evidently are borrowed from a story of a mythical dragon. In 
Isaiah xxx. 7, " Yea, the Egyptians — in vain and empty is their 
lielp, therefore I proclaim concerning it, Rahab ! they are utter 
indolence." Here once more Rahab seems to be a synonym 
for Egypt. 

In rs. Ixxxvii. 4 we read : " Rahab and Babylon I proclaim 
my votaries'; behold Philistia and Tyre with Ethiopia — this 
one was born there." The name Rahab here occurs in a list of 
countries, Babylon, Philistia, Tyre, Etliiopia, and is therefore 
thought, as in passages already cited, to be a metaphorical 
name for Egypt. In Ps. Ixxxix. 10, " Thou hajst broken Rahab 
in pieces as one that is slain ; thou liast scattered thy enemies 
with the arm of thy strength," Rahab from the context would 
seem to be a mythical enemy of God, though possil)ly the refer- 
ence is again to Egypt. In Ps. Ixxiv. 13, 14 we read : " Thou 
didst divide the sea by thv strength ; thou brakest the heads 
of the dragons ( D^J^Jfl ) in the waters. Thou brakest the 

head of leviathan in pieces, thou gavest him to be meat to the 
people of wild beasts." Again (vv. 16-17), it is said in the 
same connection : " Thou hast prepared the light and the sun, 
thou hast set the borders of the earth, thou ha«t made summer 
and winter." It is evident in this passage that the dividing of 
the sea does not refer primarily to the passing of the Red Sea 
by the Israelites, and tnat the " dragons in the waters," if they 
refer figuratively to the Egyptians, did not refer to them pri- 
marily. If they did, the reference to the creation of the sun 
and moon, the bounding of the earth, and the establishment of 
summer and winter, would be entirely out of place. The di- 
viding of the sea is rather the dividing of the waters in the 
creation (Gen. i. 6), and the breaking of the heads of the drag- 
ons is the exploit of the fourth Creation Tablet ; then the refer- 
ence to the sun and moon, etc., follows naturally from the 



24 G, A, Ba/rton^ 

sequence of tlie events as narrated both in Genesis and in the 
fourth and fifth Creation Tablets. 

In Ps. civ. 25, 26, " Yonder is the sea great and wide, wherein 
are things creeping innumerable, both small and great beasts. 
There go ships ; there is leviathan, whom thou hast formed to 
take his pleasure therein." Here the word leviathan seems to 
be applied metaphorically to some sea-monster, as the whale. 
In Ps. xl. 4 we read : " Blessed is the man who maketh Yahveh 
his trust, and respecteth not Rahabs, and such as turn aside to 
lies." Rahab seems here to represent in metaphor siinply the 
arrogant or the proud. Once more, in Ps. xc. 10, we read : 
" The days of our years are threescore years and ten, and if by 
reason ot strength fourscore years, yet is their Rahab labor and 
sorrow ; but it is soon gone, and we fly away." Here again 
Rahab seems to mean simply pride or arrogance. 

In Enoch, sec. x., ch. Ix. 7, 8, we read : ^' In that day there 
shall be separated two monsters, a female monster whose name 
is leviathan, who dwells in the depths of the sea above the 
springs of water, and a male whose name is behemoth, who 
possesses on his breast the invisible wilderness." This passage 
gives us again a connection between leviathan and the sea, 
makes leviathan a female, and also hints at a difference of sex 
in water. 

The same remark applies to the following from 2 Esdras vi. 
49-52 : " Then thou didst pi*eserve two natures ; the name of 
one thou didst call Enoch,* and the name of the second thou 
didst call leviathan. And thou didst separate these from each 
other, for the seventh part where the waters were collected was 
not able to contain them. And thou gavest Enoch one part, 
which was made dry on the third day, that he might dwell in 
it, where there are a thousand mountains. And thou gavest 
leviathan the seventh part, which was wet, and thou didst 
save her to bring destruction on whomsoever thou wishest 
whenever thou wishest." 

To restate the facts brought out in these various passages : 
we have leviathan (the toiler) represented as a serpent in the 
sea pierced by God at a time when he divided the sea and 
created sun and earth, as a fleeing serpent, as a storm-dragon 
able to darken a day and intensify the darkness of night, as a 
female ruler of the sea, and as a ^Jri or a great dragon. Then 

in other connections leviathan is simply the crocodile or the 
whale. Rahab is a being smitten when the sea is quelled and 
the heavens made bright, a being accompanied by helpers who 
like their leader are subdued, also a serpent, and a pJTl or 



* Probably an error for behemoth. 



Tiamat, 25 

f-eat dragon. Tlien, in other connections, Raliab is sometimes 
gypt, once an arrogant man, and once pride or arrogance itself. 
Kaliab and leviathan are both pJH , and hence, as their origin 

and character show, are but two names for the same thing. 

Upon comparing these conceptions with the Tiamat story, 
we find the following points of resemblance: 1. Both the 
Babylonian and the Hebrew dragons were connected with 
the dividing of the sea and the creation of the heavens and 
earth. 2. Both are at once sea-dragons and storm-dragons. 3. 
Both are called serpents. 4. Both are females. 5. Both are 
accompanied by a nost of attendants, who with themselves 
are conquered by the opposing divinity. In fact there are no 
characteristics of Rahab and leviathan which are not charac- 
teristics of Tiamat. True, leviathan means in some connections 
a crocodile or a whale, and Rahab means Egypt, pride, and an 
arrogant man ; but these are clearly metaphorical uses, in which 
the poetical and rhetorical force gains all its signiiicance from 
tlie hideous form, evil nature, gigantic power, and grim history 
attributed to the mythical being with whom tiie name origi- 
nated. 

When all these things are considered, and the kinship of the 
Babylonians and Hebrews with their historical periods of con- 
tact is taken into account, there can remain little doubt that the 
origin of Rahab* and leviathan f is to be found in that of 
Tiamat.:]: 



* Cheyne, in his note on Ps. Ixxxvii. 4, compares ^rr^ to the Assyrian 
rahdbu *a sea monster.' This would indeed be strong evidence in 
point, but the word is unknown to me. In Assyrian the form would 
be ra-a-bu. In II. R. 85 this word occurs several times, but in such 
connection that its meaning is uncertain. If, however, Cheyne has au- 
thority for his reading in some unpublished tablet, it supplies an impor- 
tant bit of evidence, which would make the identification of Ranab 
with Tiamat practicallv certain. 

t W. Robertson Smith, in the Religion of tlie Semites, i. 161, note, sug- 
gests that leviathan is only the personification of the waterspout. 
When, however, we remember that in Ps. Ixxiv. leviathan is distinctly 
connected with the creation, the simple personification of the water- 
spout does not seem a sufficient explanation. It would appear rather 
that the waterspout may have first suggested to the Semitic imagina- 
tion the personification as a dragon of the storm which prol ably first 
8Uggei)tea their idea of cosmogony (supra, p. 17), and that leviathan 
comes from that cosmological conception. 

X There is of course a possibility that such ideas as those of Rahab and 
leviathan came from Egypt. Cheyne, in his note on Isa. li. 9, compares 
a passage in the Egyptian book of the dead, where the sun-god Ra is 
addressed thus: **Hail, thou who hast cut in pieces the scorner, and 
strangled the Apophis (i. e. the evil serpent)." It is not the purpose of 
the present paper to enter into an examination of Egyptian ideas. It 
is perhaps sumcient to remark that, whatever resemblances may be 
found in Egypt to Rahab and Leviathan, the kinsliip of race between 
Hebrews and Babylonians, and their intimate historical connections, 
favor the opinions expressed above. 

VOL. XV. 4 



2f> G. A. Barton, 

It would seem tliat these Semitic niytliieal notions were bo 
wide-spread among the Hebrews that tlie Hebrew poet« and 
propliets could find in references to them some of tlieir most 
powerful illustrations, as Milton and other Cliristian poets find 
many of theirs in the Greek mytliology. 

We will next compare Tiamat with the dragon of the New 
Testament Apocalypse. 

Rev. xii. 8 reads : " And there was seen anotlier sign in 
heaven ; and behold, a great red dragon, having seven lieads 
and ten horns, and upon his heads seven diadems ;" vs. 7. sq. 
" And there was war in heaven ; Michael and his angels going 
forth to war with the dragon ; and the dragon warred and his 
angels, and they prevailed not, neither was their place found 
any more in heaven. And the great dragon was cast down, 
the old serpent, he that is called the devil and Satan, the de- 
ceiver of the whole world ; he was cast down to earth, and his 
angels were cast down with him." Again, Rev. xiii. 1 : " I saw 
a beast coming up out of the sea, having ten horns and seven 
lieads, and on his horns ten diadems, and on his heads names of 
blasphemy. And the beast that I saw was like unto a leopard, 
and liis feet were as the feet of a bear, and his mouth as the 
mouth of a lion ; and the dragon gave him his power and 
throne and great authority." Again, in Rev. xvii. 8 : " The 
beast that thou sawest was and is not, and is about to come up 
out of the abyss and go into perdition." Lastly, in Rev. xxi. 1, 
we read : *' I saw a new heaven and a new earth ; for the first 
heaven and the first earth are passed away ; and the sea is no 

more." 

There is to be noted in these passages a very different con- 
ception from any we have hitherto met with in this investiga- 
tion. The imagery is used not to reproduce an old idea, but 
to paint a new ana more spiritual picture. It is our present 
task to enquire whence the materials for this picture came ; 
whether the inspired author created them all, or found most of 
them at his hand ready made ? 

In his language the following conceptions stand out clearly : 
evil is personified first as a dragon in the sky, then as a beast 
in the sea — a beast with the fonn of a leopard, the feet of a 
bear, and the mouth of a lion. The dragon comes up out of 
the abyss, is conquered and cast down, and the characteristic of 
the new age of freedom from sin is that the sea is no more. 
This dragon, like Tiamat, appears in the sky, and like her 
conies up out of the abyss. The sea is thought of as a source 
of evil, and when sin is destroyed the sea is consequently anni- 
hilated. The beast which comes up from the sea, with its leop- 
ard form, bear's feet, and lion's mouth, appears very mucli 



Tut mat, 27 

like the'Tiamat of Assyrian sculptures and seals. And lastly, 
like Tianiat, the dragon and beast are ov^ercome and east down. 

Does it not seem probable, then, that we have in these 
conceptions the old Babylonian Tiamat taken as the basis of 
this grand imagery of our Apocalypse? Though breathed 
upon bv a new spirit, and appearing m a somewhat modified 
form, they are still the conception with which we have become 
familiar. 

The Apocalyptic author goes further than any Jewish waiter 
had ever done, and identifies this dragon with Satan. We not 
only find here a picture of Tiamat, but we can trace the chan- 
nel through which these ideas probably reached the Apocalyp- 
tic writer. We have seen how centuries before there was in 
Israel such a popular famiUarity with these ideas that poets and 
prophets could find in them some of their most forcible illustra- 
tions. The book of Enoch, written perhaps not more than a 
century before the beginning of our era, is replete, as the quo- 
tations already made from it show, with these old conceptions. 
They therefore were still entertained in the Jewish popular 
mind when our book of Revelation was written. More than 
this, it is certain that the author was familiar with Enoch itself. 
The Apostle Jude had quoted from it (cf. Jude 14 with Enoch, 
sec. i., ch. i. 9) ; Christ had once expressed himself in its lan- 
guage (cf. Matt. xxvi. 24 with Enoch, sec. vii., ch. xxxviii. 2) ; 
and John himself, while he borrowed from Ezekiel and Daniel 
imagery which they had taken from the winged lions and bulls 
of Babylon, borrowed also from Enoch much of the imagery of 
his theophanies (cf . e. g. Enoch, sec. vii., ch. xl.l with Rev. vii.9), 
and, it would seem, this dragon imagery also. 

And can we not find much more force in the Apocalyptic 
imagery when we see in the dragon which personifies for its 
author all the wickedness of his age and of the world a being 
like Tiamat, which opposed creation, at every step resisted Goo, 
tempted and seduced man, and was the popular personification 
of hideousness, arrogance, and evil ? 



ARTICLE II. 



A.R^Vt5IC l^ROVKIiBS 



AND 

PROVERBIA.L RHR^SES, 

Collected, Tkanslatkd, and Annotated * 

BY 

JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, 

Instructor in Brown University, Provldeuce, K. I. 
Presented lo the Society May, 1891. 

INTRODUCTION. 

In 1886, while in Syria, I began to collect Arabic proverbs, 
and obtained a considerable number, which were for the most 
part handed to me in writing by various friends. These proverbs 
were then read aloud to me by a native, at whose dictation I 
wrote them in transliteration. I had obtained several hundred 
in this way when I was so fortunate as to secure the services of 
Ydsuf Nasir, who, combining peculiar qualifications for the work 
with a genuine interest in adding to my collection, proved a most 
efficient helper. He was in my employ some time, and day by 
day would bring me fresh material, which, as well as my lists of 
proverbs given me by friends, he would read aloud for me to 
write in transliteration. I had so thoroughly impressed on him 
the fact that I wanted common proverbs in the common dialect 
that he very faithfully avoided the use of High Arabic words 
and forms. Proceeding in this way, and writing at his dictation. 



* This article was presented to the Philosophical Faculty of the Uni- 
versity of Strassburp as a dissertation for the purpose of obtaining the 
degree of D(K*tor of Philosophy. It was accepted by that Faculty 
March Ist, 1890. 



Arahic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 29 

I formed a large collection, of which the following are a part. 
I may here state that Nasir and all my other authorities for these 
proverbs are Christians. 

My next step was to read the proverbs and phrases aloud to 
Muallim Sellm Mughabghab, Mu'allim Mi^ail Rustum, and 
Mu'allim Ghusn Ghusn, teachers in the Presbyterian mission 
school in Zahleh, and, whenever one of them did not know a 
proverb or phrase, to note that fact. Variants were also noted. 
In this way I was able to check what I had written, and be sure 
of the character of my matenal. I then selected some of the 
proverbs and phrases which seemed most desirable, and read them 
aloud to Nasir, who wrote each at the head of a sheet of paper, 
I myself writing the transliteration. The Arabic text is thus 
the text as written by Nasir, and it has been thought best to 
leave it as he wrote it, instead of giving the correct classical 
forms. 

I have not attempted to draw any dividing line between prov- 
erbs and phrases, because they are both valuable as specimens of 
the common dialect, and because, as Socin has pointed out (Arabi- 
sche Sprichworter und Redevisarten^ Einleitung, iv. c), the Arabic 
word which we translate ' proverb' has a broader application than 
our word proverb. Nor have I attempted any arrangement of 
the proverbs according to subjects or otherwise ; it has seemed 
that such an arrangement would not add especially to the useful- 
ness of the collection. 

Of the transliteration little need be said. It has been thought 
that a system as simple as possible is most desirable, and no 
attempt has been made to render the utmost niceties of the pro- 
nunciation. Long practice with natives rarely enables a foreigner 
to pronounce Arabic perfectly, and there is little hope that any 
system, however complex, could enable scholars unacquainted 
with spoken Arabic to reproduce the sounds indicated by the 
transliteration. The difficulties of rendering in transliteration 
the sounds which one hears have been sufficiently set forth by 
others, and I will only say that I wrote the transliteration with 
care, and, while not daring to*hope that it is free from mistakes 
and inconsistencies, I do hope that it will be found to be in the 
main correct, and to render the sounds with sufficient exactness. 

In the translation literalness rather than elegance has been 
aimed at. Some of the explanations were given me by natives 
on the spot, and in some cases I have given without native au- 



8() J. B. Jewett^ 

thority what seemed to be the obvious meaning of the proverb 
or phrase under consideration. In many other cases I have 
relied on notes furnished me in Arabic by Ibrahim Haurani, the 
well-known scholar and poet. These notes were made necessary 
by the fact that I was unexpectedly called away from Syria in 
1887 some time before I had planned to leave, and thus very- 
much remained to be done, and many points to be cleared up. 
Haurani's notes I have marked with the letter H. It may be fair 
to state that I have neither given in full nor translated literally 
the material which he furnished me, but have given simply that 
which seemed useful for my purposes. In work of this kind 
questions often arise which can be settled satisfactorily only by 
natives, and one is at a great disadvantage who in a foreign country 
and after a lapse of time attempts to iinish a work which can be 
completed properly only where the language of which it treats is 
spoken. 

Count Landberg's valuable Proverbes et dictons du peuple 
arabe, Vol. i., I have had constantly by me, and am greatly 
indebted to it in various ways. I understand that the second 
volume of this work is in press. Its appearance will be welcomed, 
and it is to be hoped that Count Landberg will publish as 
rapidly as may be the rest of his large collection of Modem 
Arabic materials. 

I am indebted to Prof. Socin for his lists of books in his 
ArabUche Sprichicorter^ and in his article in the Zeitschrift der 
Deut, Morg. Ge^ellschaft^ xxxvii. 189, 

To Prof. Noldeke I am under obligation for valuable sugges- 
tions, and I wish not only to thank him for these suggestions, 
but also and especially to express my gratitude to him for the 
unfailing courtesy and kindness which he has shown me ever 
since I first had the privilege of studying with him. 

1 hope I may be able to publish later at least a part of the 
materials which I have on hand, but I wish to thank now all 
those who have helped me in one way or another in making my 
collection, and especially the three Zahleh teachers whom I have 
mentioned above. Conscious as I am of the many imperfections 
of the following pages, I hope the work may be at least a slight 
contribution to the happily growing literature of the Modem 
Arabic dialects. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phra^e^, 31 



U8T OF BOOKS AND ARTICLES REFERRED TO. 



Ali = All's hunderc Spriiche, arabisch und persisch paraphrasirt von 
Reschideddin Watwat, nebst einem doppelten Anhange arabischer 
SprCiche, herausgegeben, tibersetzt, und mit Anmerkungen be- 
gleitet, von H. L. Fleischer. Leipzig, 1837. 

Berg. = Guide frangais-arabe vulgaire des voyageurs et des Francs en 
Syrie et en figypte, par J. Berggren. Upsal, 1844. 

Bocthor=Dictionnaire frangais-arabe par EUious Bocthor, egyptien, 
revu et augmente par Ibed Gallab. Le Caire, 1871. 

Bt.= Arabic Proverbs; or the manners and customs of the modern 
Egyptians, illustrated from their proverbial sayings current at 
Cairo ; translated and explained by the late John Lewis Burckhardt. 
Second Edition, London, 1875. 

Burton = Unexplored Syria, visit to the Libanus, etc., by Richard F. 
Burton and Charles F. Tyrwhitt Drake. Vol. i., London, 1872, pp. 
263-294. 

CuchessVocabulaire arabe-frangais d Tusage des etudiants. Beyrouth, 
1883. 

Dozy=Suppl6ment aux dictionnaires arabes, par R. Dozy. 2 vols. 
Leyde, 1881. 

Darra=E^-durrat el-yetime fil-amth41 el-qadime. Beirut, 1871. 

Fr.=Arabum Proverbia vocalibus instruxit, latine vertit, commentario 
illustravit, et sumtibus suis edidit G. W. Freytag. Bonnae, 1888-43. 

Hartmann = Arabischer Sprachfiihrer fiir Reisende, von Dr. M. Hart- 
niann, Leipzig. 

Kail. = Arabum philosophia popularis sive sylloge nova proverbiorum a 
Jacobo Salomone Damascene dictata excepit et interpretatus est 
perillustris vir Fridericus Rostgaard. Edidit cum adnotationibus 
nonnuUis Johannes Christianus Eiillius. Hafniae, 1764. 

Landberg=Proverbe8 et dictons du peuple arabe, materiaux pour 
servir d la connaissance des dialectes vulgaires, recueillis, traduits, 
et annotes par Carlo Landberg. Vol. i., Leide, 1883. 

LanesArabic-English Dictionary by E. W. Lane. London, 1863 . 

M. 8.=rMH)A*ll Sabb&gh's Grammatik der arabischen Umgangssprache 
in Syrien und Aegypten. Nach der Miinchener Handschrif t heraus- 
gegeben von H. Thorbecke. Strassburg, 1886. 

Mutlt=Mutlt al-Mu^^lt, by Butrus al-Bistdni. Beirut, 1870. 

Mu8t.=Mu8tatraf, Vol. i., pp. 33-50. BulAq, 1285. 

Nofal= Guide de conversation en Arabe et en Frangais par Georges 
Nofal. 3me edition, Beyrouth, 1876, pp. 500-543. 

Sand.=Die Maltesische Mundart, von Dr. C. Sandreczki, II., ZDMG. 
Vol. xxxiii. 

Scaliger= Jljuo^l Vi^LxJ^seu proverbiorum arabicorum centuriae duae 

ab anonymo quodam Arabe coUectae et explicatae cum iuterpre- 
tatione Latina et scholiis Josephi Scaligeri et Thomae Erpenii. 
Leidae, 1614. 




32 J, It. Jewett, 

Snouck=Mekkanische Sprichworter und Redensarten, gesammelt iind 
erl&utert von Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje. Haag, 1886. 

Soc.=Arabi8che Sprichwdrter und Redensarten, gesammelt und erklart 
von Dr. A. Socin. Tflbingen, 1878 ; also ZDMG. xxxvii. 189 ff. 

Sp.=Grammatik des arabischen Vulgardialectes von Aegypten, von Dr. 
Wilhelm Spitta-Bey. Leipzig, 1880. There is a collection of pro- 
verbs in this work, pp. 494-516. 

Sp. Contes=Conte8 arabes modemes recueillis et traduits par Guil- 
laume Spitta-Bey. Leide, 1883. 

Tant.=Traite de ia langue arabe vulgaire par le Scheikh Muhammad 
Ayyad el-Tantavy. Leipsic, 1848, pp. 110-133. 

VassalIi=Motti, aforismi,e proverbii maltesi ; raccolti, interpretati, e di 
note esplicative e filologiche corredati da Michelantonio Vassalli. 
Malta, 1828. 

Unless the contrary is stated, the figures in any reference indi- 
cate the number which the proverb corresponding to the one 
under discussion bears in the collection referred to. 



TABLE OF TRANSLITERATION. 

^ = th yja — § j» = wi 

= J (pronounced as in French) yjb =</> ^ = »* 

e =gh 
) ^^ ^ 

a = a in German Mann, 

d = a in English lack, 

(x = a with im&la (* deflection' towards the sound of t), nearly like & in 
German Hdnde, 

ce — the preceding sound lengthened, a sound more nearly like the pro- 
longation of the sound of a in English lack than like a in German 
Vdter, though not very different from either. 

c = c in English met. 



Arabic Prryverhs and Proverlnal Phva^en, 83 

e = e in English they^ German See, 

i = t in English piw, German in. 

i = ee in English seen, i in German ihn, 

o = o in English obey. This sound is deflected from an original u. 

o = o in English note^ German gross. This sound comes from an origi- 
nal au. 

u = M in English put^ nearly like u in German stumpf. 

ti = oo in English school, German u in Stube, 

a — a, sound intermediate between the u and the i', but not quite the 
same as the German U. 

a* = i in English mind, Grerman ei in Eis. 

di = a peculiar sound which may be approximately rendered by pro- 
nouncing lack with a very short t after the a {la'ck), and running 
the two sounds together. As Prof. Noldeke suggests, this is about 
the same as the Suabian pronunciation of ei in Wein, Eis. 

au = ow in English cow, German au in Haus. 

du bears the same relation to an that di bears to ai. 
The circumflex accent over a vowel indicates that the vowel is long 

and has the accent. Syllables with ce always have the accent. The 

accent is on the first syllable, unless otherwise indicated. 



PROVERBS AND PHRASES. 

1. il-^anzt ij-jirhmni md btiSrab ilia min rds in-neb^. 

' The mangy goat will drink only from the head of the spring.' 

Said of people who are accustomed at home to the plainest and 
simplest living, and who, when away from home, are the hardest 
to please, demanding the best of everything, and finding fault, 
often simply to give the impression that they know what the best 
18, and are wont to have it. 

'anzt for *anzit in rapid pronunciation. Words ending in &, when 
standing alone or before a consonant, are pronounced with final short 
vowel ; but before a vowel the original t returns. — ij. The / of the arti- 
cle is assimilated with following j in the common dialect : cf . Spitta, 
p. 90. The vowel of the article is always slurred over, as the voice 

naturally dwells longer on the noun.— jirbcBm, fem. of ^U^^. In 

the common dialect the feminine of all adjectives of the form ^^ikjii 

is au^Ljii : cf. Spitta, p. 129. On this formation cf. also Landberg, 
p. 7. — I have written md and not md. because little stress is laid on this 
word, the voice passing over quickly to the next word. The md has 
a partial inMa in such cases, although Landberg. p. 22, states that 

VOL. XV. 5 



34 ./. E. Jewett, 

the ina when alone has no imdla. — neb' in meaning of 'fountain, 
spring/ seems to be post-classical (" Vielieicht aus d. Aram. ?" N61- 
deke). 

N&9ir has written this proverb elsewhere with omission of the article 
of 'ami. On this omission cf. Landberg, p. 5 ; also Wright, Arabic 
Grammar, vol. ii., § 95, e. 



dLaJUuj yuu^ 131 (•4>T ^ ifl vdliLftJyu yXx^s 131 ^ JT 



2. A;i/// ^C iza rabbditu byinfa^'dk ilia bini ^ddm iza rabbditu 
byiqla^'dk. 

' Whatever you bring up will benefit you, except man ; if you 
bring him up, he will uproot you.' 

91 for Mi, For analogous change of ^ to C cf. Spitta, § 18, d ('' aelymdn 
statt aeUmdn — sulmmtrC), — For pronominal suffixes, cf. Hartmann, 
pp. 13-15.— For Mni^ddm as singular, cf. Snouck, pp. 67,68 ; Landberg, 
references cited in glossary s. v. ^o ; Spitta, Contes arabes modemea, 



Glossaire, s. v. ^Jb ; Spitta, Orammatik, § 71, d ; Vassalli, Nos. 117- 



126 (bnydem) et al. 
N&§ir has written ^^\l , but in my other notes I have it transliterated 

iEdam. Elsewhere he has written ilXjlk^ (hatbditu) instead of the 
first rabbditu, 
Cf. Spitta, 217 ; Burton, 143 ; B:all. 375 ; Tantavy, p. 110. 



3. bhdkiki yd jdra id tisma^l yd kinnl. 

* I speak to you, O neighbor, that you may hear, O daughter- 
in-law.' 

That is, the daughter-in-law is whipped over the neighbor's 
back. 

Instead of the above, some say bthkUik yd jdra Misma'i yd kinniy or 
il-haki lik yd, etc. (H). — ^^— C^, from the old meaning of * relate, nar- 
rate, tell, giving one's authority,' has come to mean simply ' speak.* 
The third form means * speak to,' cf. v.^aI' and v,^'LS^ For an ex- 
ample of its use cf. Wetzstein, ZDMG. xxii. 76, 1. 11. 



Arabic Provevhn and J^rarerhlal PhraMes. 35 

U* is the Persian U), according to Prof. Noldeke, who remarks 
that the use of this word is no more surprising than the employment 
of the Persian L> * or.' 

Cf . Soc. 554 : ZDMG. xxxvii. 197 ; Mustatraf , p. 47, last line but one : 
Fr. i. p. 72 ; iii. 2557 ; Nofal, p. 510. 



4. hcttrit il-bit^dUim rtid bithassir, 

' The time (occasion) which teaches does not cause loss.' 

The meaning is : If I make an unwise purchase, this time I 
lose ; and yet, if I am warned by my experience this time to 
avoid such purchases in the future, I am not in the long run a 
loser. 

sJaS. for s^kiLl; sJaS. = iuo Miifyi{.^U is contracted from 

ilU^ which is from old Ar. UUdhl (cf. Landberg, p. 297 ; Spitta, p. 81), 
and is indeclinable. 

In my notes I have : il-JcAff illl bf^dllim md InghUji * the slap that 
teaches causes no diminution.* 

Cf . Fr. ii. p. 439, No. 108 ; Nofal, p. 520. Bt. 330 has a somewhat simi- 
lar meaning. 



5. il-mektiXb blbcen min ^alwoenu. 

* The letter (i. e. its contents) appears from its address.' 

Applied, for example, in case a man comes to another on an 
errand, and b}'- his very first words shows of what character his 
errand is. 

Instead of InJbcen, byinqiri * is read,' or hyinHrif * is known' is used. 
In Syria the second form of been is used almost exclusively : cf . Land- 
berg, p. 273, and Glossaire s. v. ,^Lj ; also Spitta, Contes, Glossaire, s. v. 
^U ; Hartmann,Vokabular, s. v. scheinen. In my notes stands btbaiy- 

ydn as variant of Wbcen, Cf. also Bt. 50 on use of &Juo . 

Cf . Bt. 252 ; Berg, under adresae ; Kail. 361 ; also the proverbs quoted 
by Dozy under ^yLD . 



m J. li, Jewett, 

6. id-dik il-fhih mm taht irnnm blsth, 

'The lively cock crows from under its mother.' 

In early childhood the future character of the man may be dis- 
cerned. 

For //h/i of. Landberg, p. 220. 

Cf. also Bt. 48 and 50 ; Tant. p. 115 ; Burton, 88 ; Fr. iii. 1001 ; Land- 
berg, 139 ; Sp. 28 ; Soc. 422 ; Nofal, 528. 



7. ilharh hin-naddardt haiyyin, 

* (To cany on) war with spy-glasses is easy.' 

It is very easy to give advice and to say how one would have 
done if one had been in such and such circumstances ; it is quite 
another thing to act, if one be placed in those circumstances. It 
is easy to survey a combat with a spy-glass, it is quite another 
thing to be in the combat. 

N&^ir has spelled ncuftji^rdt as it is pronounced, with ^jO instead of 

ifi . Na(f(jidrdt is used in Syria in the meaning of * spy-glass, telescope.' 
In Egypt it means 'spectacles': cf. Spitta, p. 20, 1. 4, also p. 265, 1. 13. 
Cf. Fr. ii. p. 734, No. 547, also p. 897, No. 175. 



8. il-quldh hccehid. 

* Hearts are witnesses.' 

If a person loves another, the heart of the second person bears 
witness to this fact, and vice versa. This saying is used in ex- 
pressions of mutual love or esteem. 

Cf. Ft. iii. 2526 ; Tant. p. 116. 



9. nil fsah'rn Id tqdh'ru, 

*Do not anger him whose father-in-law or brother-in-law you 
become.' 



Arabic Praverhs and Pr&verbial Phrases, 37 

Because he will vent his spite on his wife and thus revenge 
himself on you. H. 

H. writes 5%JdLoJCj . *JoLi' = s^Lc * strive with,' ace. to Muljit. 

Ace. to Freytag it means * violenter tractavit.' H. says that S^Lft^JI 

means in Classical Arabic &jJljLilJI , but the common people use it in 

the meaning of iLbLiill *to make angry.' Cf. Landberg, Glossair^, 
B. v. 



^^, ^^ ^dJ^ \^\ 

10. aHu lid'dUhh hanr y'kilhh. 

* They gave the bear silk to wind into balls.' 

Winding silk requires skilled hands and delicate fingers, neither 
of which a bear has. 

Applied in case a man is notoriously unfit for work he is trying 
to do. 



For meanings of ^^o cf. Lane, Dictionary , s. v. 



11. wdkkil il-qutt hij-jthni h zenn'ra bis-sijaq, 

' Put the cat in charge of the cheese, and girdle him with the 
sausage.' 

The sijtiq is the cleanest part of the gut of sheep. This is stuffed and 
eaten like our sausages. Sijiiq means either the sausage or the gut be- 
fore it is stuffed : cf. Dozy, s. v. Cf. also Soc. 686 (ZDMG. xxxvii. 210) 

^•3 ^1 c:a.^o ^/o (^J.S!uum^I ^ V)^ **Beulen imDarm von 

oben bis unten. Ganz faul." 
Cf . Bt. 825. 



12. hudu ^l-bdtuet min sdilr il'^arnmcet. 

* Take girls from the breasts of their fathers' sisters.' 

That is, in choosing a wife, judge of her by her father's sisters ; 
for the Arabs suppose the girl to resemble her father's sisters and 
the boy his mother's brothers. 



38 •/. R. Jnoeit, 

kudu for hudhu. The change of dh to d and of th to t is, as Noldeke 
points out, regular, the change of dh to z and of th to 8 occurring only 
in words from the literary language. E. g.: dihib *gold,' dtb * wolf ,' 
etc. — hudu is here used in tlie meaning * take in marriage, marry.' Cf. 
Snouck, p. 57, note ; Landberg, p. 45, etc. 



^ ^ ^JUSJ y-^A:^ &JLa5' r'^d^^'S 51 NiJlJI yft U! ;tUJ' 



xJLw 






13. il-hnidar ii-md hti ildk Id tihdar kailu btitghabbar 
daqndk u htiV'ah bv^Uu. 

* Do not be present at the measuring of the grain which does 
not belong to you ; you will get your beard dusty, and will get 
tired in carrying away the grain.' 

Don't meddle with what does not concern you. 

baidar is applied both to the threshing floor and to the grain which 
is on it. — ildk common for old Arabic lekd. 
Cf. Bt. 89 ; Sp. 196 ; Berg, under hoisseau ; Tant. p. 110. 



v^l«^l A4WO v^LJI ^'JuuJI 

14. il-hldwjiq il-bceb bi/ismd^ ij-jdicceh, 

*He who knocks on the door will hear the answer.' 

If one addresses another politely, he will get a polite response ; 
if harshly, a harsh response. 

Cf . Bt. 604 ; Burton, 116 ; Berg, under porte ; Soc. 191 ; Kail. 480. 



15. is-sab'i In bdr tiltainu lil-hdl, 

'The boy, if he turn out poorly, belongs two-thirds to his 
mother's brother.' 

That is, two-thirds of his traits are like those of his uncle. 

The Arabs think that a man's characteristics descend to his sister's 
sjn. Cf. Wilken, Das Matriarchat hei den alien Arabemj Leipzig, 
1884, pp. 44 if. (quoted by Snouck). Cf . Snouck, 48. 

Bdr means * be or become in a bad state, or uncultivated (of land) ; 
be or prove vain (of work) ; be or become unsaleable (of goods),' Lane. 
Cf. also Landberg, pp. 133, 184, and Glossaire, s. v.; also Snouck, pp. 101, 
102. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverhial PhraMB, 39 

16. hdael md tqHl lij-jaji kiM druhha ksir ijrha, 

^ Instead of saying to the hen hishy strike her and break her 
leg.' 

If a person asks another to do what he can just as well do him- 
self, the person replies with this proverb. 

bdcd is the vulgar form of the classical J Jo , and is very common. 

Cf. examples in Landberg. See LAndberg, Glossaire, and Dozy, s. v. — 

jceji is the vulgar form of the classical &:>.L^ J , of which the first 

vowel, and then later the first consonant, were dropped. — According to 

Dozy, kiS is an interjection of Persian origin. — On ijr for Jk:^\ cf. 
Landberg, p. 99. NA^ir has written rijlha, 
Cf. Soc. 124, 135 ; Burton, 21. 



17. men/a* md minndk u dujk^dndk byi^ml, 

* There is no benefit to be obtained from you, and your smoke 
blinds.' 

You not only do no good, but you do injury. Used, for in- 
stance, if a man has another to help him, and finds himself hind- 
ered rather than helped by him. 

NA^ir has written menfa*a, but in my notes stands menfa\ He has 
also omitted the • . 

Cf. Burton, 176 ; Kail. 227 ; Mustatraf, p. 45, 1. 18 ; also Sp. 110. 



18. U-hyiHcBZ il-kdlb biquUu sdhhhak hil-fjair yd stdl. 

* He who needs the dog says to him " Good morning, my 
lord ".' 

Instead of hyi*t<EZ, NA^ir has written elsewhere In' auwiciz.— On the 
shortening of the vowel in btqiU cf . Landberg, p. 2 : Spitta, § 23, a, 
S105.d. 

Cf. Fr. ill. 1696 ; Sp. 197 ; Burton, 73 ; Kail. 477. 



40 J, R, Jewett^ 

19. matrah md htirzaq ilzaq, 

* Where you get a living, remain.' 

That is, stick to the place where you get a living. 

matrah, originally * place where anything is thrown down,' has come 
to mean * place' or * spot' in general. — md is here a relative pronoun. — 
btirzaq is for turzaq, the passive of razaqa I, 



20. rUh fddi u ta^d nieVien. 

* Go empty and come back full.' 

Go from your house empty-handed and come back with your 
hands full. Used of a man niggardly towards his family. H. 

RAha, originally meaning * go or come in the evening,' has come to 
mean *go' in general, rtl// for old Arabic ruh. Verbs medice « and ^ 

have the long vowel in the imperative in the common dialect : cf . Spitta, 
§ 106, c, d ; also Landberg, p. 266. — On ta*d cf. Spitta, p. 27 ; Landberg, 

p. 109. — Instead of meVcen^ H. writes melcen ^^/o . Milycen or melycBn 

is also a common form : cf. Landberg, Glossaire, s. v.; Hartmann, Vo- 
kabular, under volL 



&3^Lo x^^i^h^c \;i^Aj>c &3Lsx3 ouuJI b& 2U3i»U s^JJtJI \jb o^l^ 

21. kcenit hdl-qidri ndq*sa hdl-bdit-injcem, sdrit mtaffha 
mel^ceni. 

'This kettle was wanting this egg-plant (in order to be full); 
it has now become full and running over.' 

This only was lacking to complete our pleasure or our misery. 

Bait injceni is the vulgar form of the classical ^Ls3u3Lj or ^Ls3u3U, 

from the Persian ^^Uo jLj , and in Egypt is used for both the egg- 

plant and the tomato (Lane). In Syria bait injcen is used for egg-plant, 
and banadHra for tomato, (from Italian pomi cToro, Landberg, p. 297). 

The Mii^it gives as the vulgar forms ^LaJLXj and ^Ls3ujuu.— In- 
stead of mcVcen I have in my notes melcen. 



Arabic Pr&verhs and Proverbial Phrases, 41 

JuuaJI JuJU iuJI ^ 
22. A^'^^r «w-na<^ ^a/^/ is-said. 

* He jumps about a great deal, but gets little game.' 
He who keeps moving from place to place will earn but little. 
NA^ir has written this elsewhere ^c^JlII JbUai' Jjuo , etc. i. e. 

' Like the blind cats, he jumps about a great deal but catches little.' 
naU means 'leap, jump': cf. Dozy, and Mu^; M. S. p. 71, 1. 11 ; 

Landberg, Glossaire, s. v. 
Cf . Landberg, p. 282. 



Jo Jl Jui*. Jjuo ia3 ^ Jil 
23. dkl u natt mitl hail iz-zatt. 

* He eats and plays like the gypsies' horses.' (Literally, eating 
and jumping like, etc.) 

Used • of one who receives benefits but confers none himself ; 
just as the gypsies' horses, being unsuited to work, are left to 
feed and play, while their owners are busy elsewhere, and so do 
nothing in return for their food. H. 

Instead of za\{, H. gives zutf, which is the better form : cf. Dozy, s. v., 
and Landberg, p. 101. 
Cf . Bt. 663, Soc. 269, as showing the low opinion in which zuH are held. 



24. inn keen hdl-ghazli ghazltik hartr beddik tilbsi, 

* If this thread is your thread, you are going to dress in silk.' 

Used ironically to one who is doing poorly the work in which 
he is engaged, and means : if you do not do better than you are 
doing now, you will not succeed. 

It will be noticed that I have written inn with reduplicated n. On 
doubling of consonants cf . Landberg, p. 2 ; but cf . also Landberg, Crit- 
tea Arabica, No. I. p. 69, where he says: **Im ersten Bande meiner 
Proverbes et Dictons habe ich Unrecht gehabt ttberall minn zu schrei- 
ben." 

On the origin of bedcR, bedcUik compare Landberg, p. 4, and the refer- 
ences given by him. It is interesting to note that Kail. 66 : 

^•jLfr iLfti t^f I i^mj Lf^} occurs in ray notes in the form hal- 

a*ma SH beddu f jauz HyUn^ where the beddu = the O^J of the proverb 
as given by Kail. 
VOL. XV. 6 



42 J. R, Jewett^ 

25. kull tal^a mqabUha nezli. 

* Every ascent has opposite to it a descent.' 

If one is at present in trouble, he may be sure of final relief. 

mqdbU for muqdhil * opposite to, in face ot^: cf. Dozy and Mu]{;it« 8« ▼• 
Noldeke suggests an explanation for this form by asking : '* Is it per- 
haps in the plural = JuuLiLo ? In that case the absence of the femi- 
nine ending would also be explained." 

Cf . Burton, 25 ; Nofal, p. 540. 



yt ^ ^^K' JU ^xJJI pjLo Jl^ J^ iJ \yS\j 

26. qfiMlu laiS 'Ufn bitneffijk il-lebin qcU-lhun kdwinl u hH hcUtb. 

* They said to him : Why are you blowing the lebenf He said: 
it burnt me while it was milk.' 

A burnt child dreads the fire. 

NA^ir has written ^amnvoel tnefflfyt and I have given in transliteration 
^am hitnefflh. He has also written qdl where I have written qal-lhun = 

A^Jli*. On 'aminoel, cf. Dozy, s. v.; and Spitta, §166. 4 ; also M. S., 16. 

8 ff . ; 80. 7 ff. ; 46. ^.—leben means properly ' milk,^ and is still used in this 
sense in Egypt ; but in Syria, Arabia, and North Africa it is used for 
soured milk or soured buttermilk (Dozy). For an account of the prepa- 
ration of leben see Berg, under lait. 

Cf . Soc. 461 , 172 ; Fr. iii. 2855 ; also Fr. ii. p. 702, No. 888 ; Vassalli, 402 ; 
Sand. 74 ; Nofal, p. 512. 



is^ioyioy&i &$IXJI O^ 



27. fauq id-dekki Sartilta. 

* On top of the charge a rag.' 

One trial after another. H. It never rains but it pours. Mis- 
fortunes never come singly. 

Dekki is the charge or load of a gun.— A(ar(il(o, pi. Sardttt means ' rag,* 
from sarat *tear in pieces*: cf. Dozy, and Landberg, Glossaire, s. v. 
Cf. also ^armHt^if Landberg, Glossaire ; Hartmann, Vokabular. 

Cf. for meaning Fr. ii. p. 237, No. 115 ; Fr. ii. p. 4, No. 4 (given by H.) ; 
Bt. 493; Burton, 116; Sop, 646 (ZDMG, xxxvii. 206), 697 (ib., p. 211); 
VassalU, 221, 284. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, 43 

s^>i&(> vVr^ auLJUaJI 
28. is-san^a mizrceb dihih, 
^ Handicraft is a spout which sends down gold/ 

Cf. No. 184, also the following from my notes : i^-^an'a imm hunHini 

a trade is a tender mother ;' i^-^an^a, Ull hUkdff ftha lil-fuqr k&ff 

in a trade which is in the hand there is a safeguard against poverty * 

(cf . Bocthor, under mitier; Nofal, p. 541); i^-^an^a mitl in-neh'a 'a 

trade is like a spring/ 

For meaning, cf. Pr. i. p. 752, No. 183 ; Fr. iii. 1710. 



29. il-muS dcBj/iq il-mughrcByi md hya^rif hi H-hkceyi, 

' He who has not tasted the glue-pot does not know what the 
story is.* 

A man who has not tried does not know the difficulties attend- 
ing any given enterprise. 

muH contracted from md hu $ : cf . Landberg, pp. 236, 237. — mughrceyi 

from i\jiuo . Cf. mi^faeyi from 'iKju^jo . — '^ from ^ hH from at Sat 

For meaning, cf . Bt. 612. 



JJulII v:>xL^ (jJflAJI jULc 

30. Hnd il-butUn ddHt il-'ugill. 

* When people are eating they lose their wits.' 

Said, for example, in case a man is eating and forgets some- 
thing which he ought to attend to. 

Cf . Bt. 418 ; also Kail. 77 ; Nofal, p. 542. 



31. ^dqU ilfdn mitl hmdr il-mutrdn, 

* Quiet outside but a devil inside, like the archbishop's donkey.' 

Said of a man who appears quiet and well-behaved, but is 
really the opposite. 

*(iqU means ' intelligent, quiet, well-trained,* when used of animals. 
Cf . Burton, 121. 



44 J. R, Jewett^ 

32. /(2 tifza^ ilia min nahr il-hcedt, 
* Fear only the quiet river.' 

^jUd for old Arabic ^(>L0. 

Cf . Berg, under mer ; Sand. 73, 76 ; Nofal, p. 518. 



33. ^^^/^ iS'Sdmm mklu, 

' The one who cooks the poison is the one who eats it.' 

The man who tries to injure another is injured himself. 

Cf. for meaning Fr. ii, p. 867, No. 163 ; p. 658, No. 256 ; Fr. iii. No. 638 ; 
Soc. 154 : Sp. 218 ; Bt. 640 ; All, p. 89, No. 10 ; NofaL p. 509, 585. 



34. ba^d Hzzl b^yydtHm bfidn, 

* After I had been in honor and power they made me spend the 
night in a khdn? 

Used of one whom misfortune has brought low. H. 

According to H., this is a hemistich of a mauwvxxX^ and some say 
nd^iyyUm/dnx instead of hiyy&tHni, 
Cf. No. 198. Cf. for meaning Fr. iii. 2150, 2792. 



35. td thijj il-qa^qdn u tirja^ bela slqdn, 

' Till the crows make a pilgrimage and return without legs.' 

Such and such a thing will never happen till etc., i. e. never. 
This meaning is expressed in many ways in Arabic. 

Cf. Fr.i. p. 359, Nos. 58, 59; p. 378, No. 110, and often.— Instead of 
qa*qdn, I have in my notes both qu^qdn and gtgdn, the latter being the 
pi. of qdq : cf . Hartmann, Vokabular, under Krdhe. qu^qdn, written 
above qa^qdn, is pi. of qa^q : cf. Cuche, s. v. —Elsewhere NA^ir has written 

Cf . Nofal, p. 509. 



Anibie Proverl^t and Praverhial PhraHeH. 45 

36. iJk'l^hddi ktma Imkin il-waqfi Uil-hoeh sa^hi, 

* Begging is a philosopher's stone, but standing at the door is 
hard.' 

Used of wished-for objects which can only be obtained by de- 
basing one's self. H. 

On nhddi of. Thorbecke, AJ-HaHA'n Durraf-al-Ohainrdft, Einleitung, 
p. 45.— LulS^ = LL|j»y. 
Cf . Berg, under viendier. 



37. mitl baqarit Jiha, 

' Like Jiha's cow.' 

Jiha slaughtered his cow, sold the meat, and received his pay. 
After a while he again demanded pay from each purchaser and 
received it. He kept doing this till he died. Used of an affair 
which is long drawn out. H. 

H. writes baqrit. 



38. Sa^ntni bela Uti mitl il-^ards beta JUL 

* Palm Sunday without rain is like a bride without her jilV 

In wedding festivities, when the bride has been painted and 
decked out, she walks about the house supported on each side by 
a woman carrying a candle, and followed by a number of women 
carrying candles and singing wedding songs to her. This cere- 
mony is called the jili. 

Sa*nini is the sing, of Ha^dntn, and is applied by the Christians to the 
branches, etc., which their children take on Palm Sunday, and to the 
day itself (Mu^iit). On tia'dnin and its origin from the Hebrew r\}};\!f)n 
cf. Dozy and Mul^tt- 



46 e/. /?. Jewett^ 

39. m^7/ «{|;(!lri^ imm Srdttt, 

'Like a tree called the mother of rags.' 

Said of a ragged person. 

Imm Srd^ is the name given to each of certain trees in Lebanon on 
which the Druses hang rags in expectation of receiving a blessing. 



40. drub hdl-hajar bhaj-jami. 

* Throw this stone into this walnut tree.' (If you bring down 
any nuts, well ; and if not, well.) 

Used in case a man is about to engage in an enterprise the suc- 
cess of which is doubtful, but the failure of which would entail 
little or no loss. A person talking to him uses this proverb. 



41. drub hat'tlni bhdl-hait inn md lezgit bVaUim mcUrdhha, 

'Throw this piece of mud at this wall ; if it does not stick, it- 
will show where it hit.' 

Do the best you can, and you will accomplish something, even 
if it is not all you wished. Also used of the effects of slander. 
Slander leaves its mark. 

In place of the last two words, I have in another version : hi^mmir 
Iha atar 'its mark will remain'; also ^amCrt ' leaven ' instead of {(ni. 
Cf . Bt. 255 ; KaU. 244. 



42. min kitr ittabbdhtn Sauiat it-t^dm. 

' From the multitude of cooks the food burned.' 

Too many cooks spoil the broth. 

Instead of SauSafy I have in my notes also Mf , of which SauSaf is a 
reduplicated form. 

Cf . Berg, under hruler ; Tant. p. 1 16 ; Burton, 178 ; Bt.l5 ; Fr. ii. pp. 782- 
3, No. 585 ; Fr. ill. 2602, 2608, 2611, 2614 ; Sp. 69 ; KaU. 21, 22 ; VassaUi, 
129, 180 ; Sand. 60. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, 47 

43. fneta waqaHt iUbaqara byiktaru is-sUldhtn, 
* When the cow falls, the skinners multiply.' 
When a man is in misfortune, his enemies increase. 

In my notes stands also : heas tikqa^ il-baqara, etc., *no sooner does 
the cow fall than, etc.* 

Cf . Tant. p. 128 ; Burton, 56 ; Kail. 83. 



^ Jjj ^ y ^giM. djjl Jou& L^ 

• • •• 

4i. waqaHt il-fdra min is-saqf qdlU-l^ha il-hsaini Allah! 
Alkihf qdlit'l'ha Sill tdik ^annl u SH beddik minnl, 

*• The mouse fell from the roof. The cat said : Allah ! Allah ! 
The mouse said to her : Take your hand off me, and what do you 
want of me ?' 

In my notes stands ^smallah (for bism-Allah), instead of AUah Allah ; 
and instead of the last four words : u dnd b'&lf hair min AUah * and I 
have a thousand hlessings from Allah,' i. e. I am thoroughly provided 
for. And again : u md *aWci minni * and you have nothing to do with 
me.' Another version is : waqa'it il-fdra min ia-saqf qallha 'l-qutt 
^snuUla ! qdlit-lu int deSHmi u dna b^elf hair min Allah, 

Landberg, Qloesaire, under J.^ , regards JL& as a 4th form ; but 

this seems unnecessary : cf. Lane, Dictionary, s. v., where we have an 

infinitive JuL^ given. Cf. also Cuche, s. v. 
Cf. Burton, 55 ; Bt. 488. 



45. id-durHra bithiU min in-ndmUs, 

* Necessity frees from the law.' 

Cf * Berg, imder niceasiU ; EZall. 242 ; Nofal, p. 524. 



48 •/. R. Jeimtt, 

46. A;i7r il-dycedl fil-Jiasldi ghanimi u ^dl-dkl zcUimi, 

* A multitude of hands in the harvest is a gain, but at the table 
a drain.' 

ghantmi * gain obtained without work ; prey, booty, windfall * (Cuche). 
— zalimi is what is unjustly taken away : Cf . Cuche. — Nd^ir has written 
ha^ftdi, but the final / is short. 

Cf. Fr. iii 1243 ; and the same. *Ali, p. 67. 



Lfir J^l^l v:>.SUfi ^1 ^ S^\yJ\ ^jojdj ^^1 

47. il'harthi tiltain il-mrdjil winn sahhit il-mrdjil hdUha. 

* Flight is two-thirds of courage, and, if it succeeds, the whole 
of couragie.' 

Discretion is the better part of valor. 

Instead of sahliit, I have in my notes halla^st * if you escape.'— mWyti 
pi. of merjalif 'courage.' — On ^afyJia, 'succeed, turn out well,' cf. 
Dozy, s. V. 

Cf. Berg, under evasion, fuite ; Kail. 515 ; Tant. p. 119 ; Bt. 492 ; Sp. 98; 
Fr. ii. p. 237, No. 114 ; p. 481, No. 266 ; Fr. iii. 2316 ; Vassalli, 28 ; Sand. 1. 



48. ?neta bmtit^ fmtit. 

* When it has passed the night it is gone.' 

If an action is postponed, the proper time for doing it passes 
away. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day. H. 



49. mill il-hwdrni dhh Jimt miM dhh hud. 

' Like the priests, father of " give," not father of " take." ' 

Used of or to one who is always asking for favors from others 
but does not grant them liimself. 

hwarni pi. of ^\^^ which, ace. to Seetzen, iv. 35, quoted by Dozy, 

is an abbreviation of xopeTrirrKOTrog, *' vicaire d*un ev^que a la campagne, 
cure."— On the doubling of b in abb cf. Landberg, pp. 1, 2, 266, 267; 
Spitta. p. 85 : yadd, damm, fumm, siffe. 



Arahic Pvowrhn ami PraveiMal Phrases. 49 

50. sahdJi in-7iilr'i u lit sabdh il-hlXrl. 

• • • • w 

* A raorniag visit from a gypny is better than a morning visit 
from the priest.' 

The former comes to beat the drum and dance, either on ac- 
count of a wedding or on account of the birth of a child ; while 
the priest comes either on account of sickness or on account of 
death in the family. 

Nikri, pi. naicar, * gypsies,', a name slightly changed, as de Goeje 
thinks (see Dozy, s. v.), from Luri, the name borne by the gypsies in 
Persia. — In my notes I have as variant to sabdh duhUl ; also fault for 
fautit, 

Cf. for meaning Bt. 373. and Mustatraf , p. 45, 1. 9. 



51. id'ddhr ^ukeb yoni jna^ak yoni ^aUk, 

*Time is a wheel, a day with you, a day against you.' 

duicBb is a word of Persian origin. It meant originally a * water- 
wheel,' and is now used for any wheel : cf . Lane and Dozy, s. v. In 

my notes I have vdJLo as a variant to dulcBh, * Time is a bey,' etc.; also 

yomdin, * time is two days,' etc. 

Cf. 8oc. 426, 42 i ; Fr. ii. p. 935, No. Ill ; Fr. iii. 974 ; p. 689, No. 153 ; 
Kail. 160 ; Nofal, pp. 518, 521, 527. 



NiJLuiU ^5X1^^ bl «J JU dUx bl y ^5Xaaa4X yiuJ «J JU 



52. ijallu laiS ^arn btihkl u itnd ^ammiik qalln dnd Uun hibkl 
^a^inndk ^a?njnl. 

* He said to him : Why are you crying while I am your uncle? 
He said to him : I am crying because you are my uncle.' 

Used of one who injures another while seemingly exhibiting 
towards him friendship and love. H. 

" Why do you cry when I am your uncle to ward oif harm and 
to bring you what will benefit you?" "I am crying just because 
you are my uncle ; because you pretend before people that you 
are my benefactor and helper, while in reality you are an 
enemy." H. 

VOL. XV. 7 



50 J, R. Jeweit^ 

Another version of the last part is : hull bkceyi ^aMnnak *ammt, H. 
In my notes I have : qdlu Id tQ>ki ya hnSyya naJin mghdrtba qdlit kuU 
bdkceyi ^oMnnkuw. mghdriba. Instead of bniyya, hniyyi would be more 
exact, as Prof. Noldeke suggests ; likewise mghdribi instead of mghd- 
riba. — ^aHnnak from silol ^L^ ic^ i^-)* ^.nd not, as M. Barth^lemy 
(Journal Asiatique, viii. Serie, Tome X. p. 260, note on 'aychinno) af- 
firms, from ..jl ^ii^A^ (in this case viLjl si^ji^^ 



53. b^ild ^an eS-Sarr u ghannllu. 

* Withdraw from harm and sing to it.' 

That is, avoid harm and rejoice on account of it, because it hap- 
pened without striking you. Used in warning against exposing 
one's self to danger or to strife. It may also be used to one who 
undertakes to interfere between two disputants. H. 

Instead of b*ildy H. gives b'td^ but says 6*fld is also used.— In my notes 
is the following addition to the above : qdl Id y^ghannUl u Id bghannUu 
* he said : let it not sing to me, and I will not sing to it.' 



54. iiri hyidri byidrl willl md hyidrl blqiU kd,ff ^adis. 

' He who knows knows, and he who does not know says : A 
handful of lentils.' 

Used of one who wishes to speak but is hindered by some rea. 
son. H. 

According to H. it is like 
or, as the poet puts it, 

"^ ^ ^ ^^ <3^' J^ 3 "^^ <5^ (5^ 
Cf. Sp.40; Tant.p. 116. 



Arabic Pnmerhs and Proverbial Phrases, 51 



55. /(ilj tehaub sintdk td ttsVgh/dlha, 

* Don't reckon your year's earnings till you gather its crops.' 

Cf. Nofal, p. 520. 



^\ ,^ ^ .^.JJI ^b 



56. dhkilr id-dib u haiyyi H-qadtb. 

* Speak of the wolf and get your stick ready.' 

Speak of angels and you will hear the rustle of their wings. 

NA^ir has written elsewhere ^^.^ju^AJt &J 



Cf . Sec. 199 ; Burton, 80 ; Fr. 1. p. 188, Nos. 483, 486 ; Fr. iii. 1015 ; Scal- 
iger, p. 96 ; Bocthor, under loup ; Nofal, p. 538. 



Ju^ »Jb tUfi J5U« ^1 



57. ibn il-halcel Hnd dhikru bibcen. 

m 

* The honest man a|)pears when he is spoken of.' 

Used of one who enters while people are talking of him. This 
proverb is used of one who is agreeable to the speakers. No. 56 
is used of one who is disagreeable, but may be said in the way of 
pleasantry. H. 

ibn il-halcel, literally * the legitimate son,' means * the honest, well- 
bred, polite man ' : cf . Lane, Dictionary, s. v. ; also Landberg, Glossaire. 

Berg, under bdtard, konii^ie, renom.m4e; Tant. p. Ill ; Burton, 81 ; 
Kail. 528 ; also Fr. 1. p. 505, No. 23. 



^1 vW 'J^ ^ J^ £y>L> ^U vd^SLufi aJ JU 
58. qcUlu mbbhak bil-lpair yd ^qra^ qallu hoedd boeb iS-Sarr. 

* He' said to him : Good morning, O scald-head. He said to 
him : This is the door of strife.' 

That is, by calling him scald-head he is made angry at once, 
and the door of strife is opened. 

Instead of bceb iS'Sarr, I have also in my notes bceb in-nqdr * the door 
of dispute, strife ;' and bceb in-nekrazi. 
Cf . Soc. 276 ; Mustafraf , p. 45, 1. 9. 



52 «/. R, Jewett^ 

59. Id tdebbir il-mihlcBt/i f/abi il-fdrds, 

' Don't procure the nose-bag before the horse.' 

On debbar * procure,' cf. Hartmann, Vokabular. — &j^LiSuo for classi- 

cal Arabic s^kiSL>o ; for analogous forms, cf. No. 29.— /arcw, applied 

in classical Arabic to both horse and mare (prevailingly to the latter, 
according to Prof. Noldeke), is now used for mare alone. 



60. nizlit ll-UiSdi lis-sxiq u md ^atahlit ilia sfdttr Mes^iXd, 

*The (black, H.) slave-woman went down to the market and 
only admired Mes'Ad's (her son's, H.) thick lips.' 

Used of a man's pleasure in his own family, relatives, and 
friends. 

fifdttr is pi. of HcftHra * thick, projecting lip :' cf. Dozy, and Land- 
berg, Glossaire, s. v. — H. gives the following modern proverbs as of 
like meaning : il-qird ft *ain ummuh ghazcel 'the monkey is a gazelle 
in his mothers eyes' (cf. Sp. 52, Bt. 60) ; habibAk min fhvbbuh u hi keen 
*(ibd aswdd * thy darling is he whom thou lovest, were he a black slave ' 
(cf. Burton, 131 ; Landberg, 47) ; il-Inuifsih scefit ibna 'al-haif qdlit-luh 
kunndk (sic) luliyyi bhai{ * the beetle saw her son on the wall ; she said 
to him : It's as if you were a pearl on a string.' Nd§ir has written this 
with the last part somewhat different : 

* She said : How sweet his blackness is on the white wall (literally, on 
the white of the wall).' 



^^1 vyU J^ iXjLS y -.1^ iJJI ^U 0)vA*^t LssJ. \y3\j 

61. qdlfi li'Jiha isterzlq hmh Allah rdh u qa^'ad ^ala bceb il-fiirn, 

* They said to Jiha : Ask alms at the door of God. He went 
and sat at the door of the oven.' 

* To ask alms at the door of God ' means here to implore God's 
aid, and exert one's self to attain what one wishes. 

This proverb is used in case a man is urged to exert himself, 
but remains inactive and asks for help. 

A slightly different version is as follows : qdlu li-Ji/ia HUi isHrziq 
Allah rdfy barak *a bceb il-furn. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phra4ies. 53 

62. nces hyosklu ja?j ncBS byiqa^u bis-s'i/cej, 

* Some people eat chickens, some people fall into the hedge (in 
pursuing and catching them).' 

Used of one who undergoes hardships while others reap all the 
fruits of his labor. H. 

byHqa^u is a variant of hyiqa^u, 
Cf . Fr. iu. 2300. 



63. (jdlCf lij'jemil M sau^atdk qdl kebbceb harir, 

* They said to the camel : What is your trade ? He said : 
A silk-winder.' 

Said in case a man takes up a trade for which he is manifestly 
utterly unfit. 

In my notes I have in addition to the above : qjMu mhatyyin (also 
blbaiyyin) *a idaik hat't^y'tn, *They said : This is evident from these 
swiftly-moving hands of yours.' 

Cf. Berg, under chameau ; Soc. 472, 598 (ZDMG. xxxvii. 200); Kail. 305. 




yuJJl, 

LuJU 



|wLwJi 



64. fjdlu lil'baqar lemma tmUtu bikeffniXkum bharir qdlu 
beddna jlUdna tisldm ^altna, 

'They said to the cattle : When you die they will shroud you . 
in silk. They said : We want our skins to remain on us 
whole.' 

Used of one who makes another fine promises while intendipg 
to rob or otherwise injure him. Like No. 44. H. 

Instead of tmHtu H. gives bitmHtu.—ll, gives as an Egyptian version : 

(see Mustatraf, p. 46, 1. 7). UJJL^O ^^>3 

Cf. Berg, under Iviceul; Soc. 287 ; Bt. 521. ^ * ; Cr ' 



54 J, R. Jewett^ 

65. *a hcU'hiimmm md f% ^td, 

'Accordiog to these chick-peas there is no feast.' 

Used of that from which it is inferred that something will 
either not occur for a long time or not occur at all. H. 

Ace. to H. the origin of this proverb is as follows : A village curate 
with a weak memory used to put in his pocket, when the fast began, as 
many chick-peas as there were days in the fast, and each day that 
passed of the fast he Would throw away a pea ; and if one of his flock 
asked him how many days remained till the feast-day. he would count 
the peas which remained, and tell him. Now it happened one fast that 
his wife saw the chick-peas in his pocket, and, supposing he liked them, 
brought a handful of them and put them in the pocket. It happened 
that day that one of his flock asked him how many fast-days remained, 
so he put his hand in his pocket and found a great many peas, and 
couldn't tell how many days remained. So he said : ** My son, accord- 
ing to these chick-peas there is no feast." And his words became a 
proverb. 

Cf . Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 206. 



>UJI oo\ Ja>o *iLuo viU^ 

6»5. kiUldJc mnosfV' mitl zait il-ghdr. 

* You are entirely beneficial, like the oil of the bay-tree.' 

Used in praising one who has done well. 



c:;uuJI vcii^l*^ ^cX& *S • o^H^yl ^r^ ^4X& v^l 

67. dlf ^adfi harrdt il-hait u Id ^adu jffwwcet il-bait. 

' * It is better to have a thousand enemies without the house than 
to have one enemy within.' 

For meaning, cf. Landberg, p. 33, No. 20. 



68. 'is yd g'dU td yitM il'h(MU td tmkul wit'i^. 

* Live, O nag, till the grass grows, so that you may eat and 
live.' 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, 55 

Used when a man in need of anything is put off with promises. 

jjijj^ is a word of Persian origin, and is used of a horse of inferior 

breed : cf . Dozy, s. v. 

Cf. Bt. 425 : Sp. 102 ; Burton. 91 : Fr. iii. 2216-2217 ; Mustatraf , p. 42, 
1. 5 ab imo ; Scaliger, p. 49, No. 69 ; Nofal, p. 509. 



S«j^LmJI Ld SvwLft ^ 4 JuJU 



69. ^asfdr bil-y&dd u Id ^aSara ^aS'Sejara, 

*A sparrow in the hand is better than ten in the tree.' 

In my notes I have al^io : ^a^fUr bil-yedd u Id kirki tdyir * a sparrow 
in the hand is better than a crane which is flying at liberty.' 

Cf . Fr. iii. 2029 ; also Fr. iii. 266 ; Bt. 8 ; Soc. 186-8 ; Snouck, 45 ; Nofal, 
p. 541. 



70. jdrdk il-qarib u id haiyydk il-b^td. 

* Your neighbor who is near is better than your brother who is 
far away.' 

Cf . Berg, under voisin ; Burton, 40. 



71. hfaz ^atiiidk jdtddJc md byibqdldk, 

* Take care of your old things ; your new things will not remain 
to you.' 

Take care to keep your old friends, for you have not tried your 
new ones, and they may leave you at any time. 

In my notes T have the following version : rjce'' Wtiqdk jdtddl^md 
yibqdl&k kid nhdli (variant mahlUta) u hcUli er-ruzz *an hoMk * re- 
turn to your old, your new will not ' remain to you ; eat bran (on 
mahiata cf. Landberg, p. 79), and dismiss rice from your mind.* 

Cf. Berg, under viea ; Burton, 170 ; Fr. ii. p. 520, No. 872 ; Fr. iii. 1920; 
Landberg, 167 ; Kail. 426. 



56 J, R. Jewett^ 

72. hull jdtd u ilu rdJiji kuU ^at1q a ilu defM, 

* Every new thing has beauty, every old thing has a push 
aside.' 



»A^% , according to H., is vulgarly used in the sense of aL^upJI 

^AAftJ-t ^ . For ^J&N * dust raised, excitement of evil, of conflict, 

etc.,' see Lane; cf. also Dozy, s. v.— On yiiiJ, in meaning of 'drive 

away, push forward,' cf. Dozy and Landberg, s. v. 

Cf . Landberg, 50 ; Sp. 229 ; Soc. 435 ; Fr. ii. p. 576, No. 582 ; Fr. iii. 
2674 ; Burton, 169 ; Tant. 127 ; Musta^raf, p. 36, 1. 14 ; Vassalli, 629 : 
Sand. 90. 



73. il'hdyik ^arycen wis-sikkcef Jiafyam. 

' The weaver is naked and the cobbler is barefoot.' 

hiyycek is a variant of hAyik, 

Cf. the proverb: hmdr il-moi ^atscen *the donkey that carries the 
water is thirsty.* Cf. also Snouck, 44 ; Bt. 148, 404, 563 ; Berg, under 
menuisier : Fr. ii. p. 54, No. 87 ; p. 920, No. 54 ; Musta^raf , p. 35, 1. 22 ; p. 
36, 11. 1 1-12 ; Sp. 37 ; Kail. 337 ; Nofal, p. 520. 



74. lilt hyisrah il-hahr md blghuss biS'Soeqyi, 
' He who drinks the sea will not choke at a brook.' 
He who does a great act will not shrink from a less. 

Cf . the following proverb taken from my notes : il-gluirqdn bil-hahr 
Id y'h(Bf mnin-nida * the man who has been drowned in the sea does 
not fear dew. 

Cf. Berg, under rigole. 



75. beddxi y*ziqq il-bahr bsafadi. 

' He wants to transport the sea in a shell.' 

Used of one who wishes to accomplish something great with 
very inadequate means. H. 



AraMc Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 57 

According to H. some say : 
ndJuQ^ y^^J I oyxJ I JJuo .— OV^ = <-M^> • H. —^afad vulgar 



for fadaf: cf. Dozy, s. v. 
Cf. Kali. 189. 



76. a^ef »^^(:2r m?*iF mi^ydr, 

* Taking revenge is no disgrace.' 

it 

Cf . Fr. ii. p. 465, No. 208. 



77. Sibna u mce tibna. 

* We have grown white-headed and have not repented.' 

We have not learned wisdom by age, but still cling to our bad 
habits. 

Cf . Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 199, No. 593 ; Fr. iii. 1588 (referred to by Socin). 



78. iS'Saib md hu ^aib. 
* White hair is no disgrace.' 
Cf . Bt. 852 ; Fr. iii. 2204. 



79. hlUt qabl ind tiV'ab wahmill qabl md tistrih, 

* Put down your load before you are tired, and load up before 
jrou are rested.' 

A man should not work all the time, neither should he rest all 
the time. 

VOL. XV. 8 



58 J, R, Jeicett^ 

V* 

jvoso vyjJI |».Jljuu JJlaJI 

80. il-qatl bVallira id-dibh t/irqus, 

* Beating teaches the bear how to dance.' 

Said in speaking of the use of the stick in training children. 

qatal has come to mean 'beat,* though it also retains its meaning of 
^kill.' 



&iCue %,>»mXa,) U xifc\Juu U 



• •• 



81. yd bUuli^u yd byiksir mxihhu, 
* He either pats him or breaks his head.' 

I have translated bttuhh by *he pats.' There seems, however, to be 
doubt as to the meaning of this word. H. says he asked many persons 
about it, but no one knew its real meaning. Some thought the mean- 
ing *pat' suited the connection. The word, at any rate, is not used 
elsewhere in this meaning. H. thinks the meaning of this word is the 



same as that of '^-^i * strike with a stick.' The Mu^itt gives 



H. says that the people of Horns and many others use ^.jgv U in the 
sense of JoJua> xjy^ ; ^i^d others use xiSOi in the same sense. In- 



o o 



teresting are the words -^p>io or ^Jf (both of which H. has heard 
rarely out of Homs), '^ioS (which is more common there), ;^^ and 

/mXio (which are somewhat used), all in sense of ^,S3ul * bend down, 

bow.' 
muhh (** Qehim," Noldeke) is used vulgarly in sense of head. H. 



82. il-ma^na bqalb is-ScB^ir, 

' The meaning is in the heart of the poet.' 

The poet knows what meaning his lines have, even if others do 
not understand them. 

Cf. Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 219, No. 772 : Nofal, p. 496. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverhial Phrases. 69 

83. md, ba^d is-sabr Ilia H-mejrdfi wil-qabr, 

'After patience there remains only the shovel and the grave.' 

After one has wearied one's self out with waiting, d^ath comes. 

This pessimistic proverb is more than counterbalanced by optimistic 
ones, such as Ali, p. 65 : 

Cf . Fr. iii. 1619 ; Sp. 241 ; Tant. p. 129. 



84. /erli id'dhb md bijauwwl. 

' The wolf's cub will not become tame.' 



fi ^ 



On i£ys^ , «5«-SXj * become tame/ cf. Cuche, s. v. 
Cf. Soc. 420-1 ; Snouck, 29. 



85. niitl iS'Satl bela Hkeqa, 

' Like a pail without a handle.' 

Used of a sluggish man who moves about but little. 

Notice how N&^ir has written J^Ia*** . On origin of word «af/, from 
Latin situla^ cf. Dozy, s. v. — ^allceqa is a variant of ^Uceqa. 



86. niitl il-arb^a bnuss ij-jilm^a. 

* Like Wednesday in the middle of the week.' 

Used to one who sits idle in the middle of the week. They say 
to him md Idk mitl etc. * what is the matter with you, (sitting) 
like Wednesday in the middle of the week?' or int mitl *you 
are like,' etc. H. 



60 .e/. R. JeweU^ 

87. mitl haiyyit it-tibn btils^^ u bitfiabhl rdsha. 

' Like the snake in the tib?iy which inflicts a bite and then hides 
its head.' 

Used of one who inflicts an injury and covers up his tracks. H. 

The last part of this may be varied to suit the connection, as, for ex- 
ample : he is like the snake in the tibn ; he inflicts a bite, and then hides 
his head. 

Instead of «amJ N^ir has written elsewhere ijaAf , and he has 
also given the following version : 
oc^VXt ouS3o ^^ aamJLxj ^'^AJI &A^ Jjuo 'like the snake 

in the tibn^ he bites from underneath.* 

Cf. Berg, under paille ; Sp. 80 ; Kail. Ul ; Soc. ZDMG. ixxvii. 208. 
No. 669 ; Sand. 69. 



88. taub il-Hyonri md bldeff^t winn deffa md bldHin, 

* A borrowed garment will not warm, and if it warms it will 
not last.' 

Hyasri is a verbal noim meaning ' lending, borrowing.' For analogous 

forms cf. Sp. ^46,b. As Noldeke suggests, this form is from SxLct . 

/ ft 

Cf. Berg, under chaud; Bt. 171 ; Burton, 155; Soc. 72 (cf. ZDMG. 
xxxvii. 191) ; Fr. ii. p. 435, No. 92 ; Kail. 306 ; Mustatraf , p. 43, 1. 18 ; 
Nofal, p. 587. 



89. tiW *a dainain H-quffi. 

'He climbed out on the handles of the basket.' 

Said of one who takes on airs unsuitable to his position, as 
when a servant becomes saucy and insubordinate. 

According to H., it is the custom to put chickens, as soon as they are 
hatched, into a quffl. As soon, then, as they become a little strong, 
they get to the top of the basket ; hence the proverb, the person re- 
ferred to being compared to a chick which has climbed up to the handle 
of the basket. 

dainain literally ' ears.* 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phraser, 61 



(jajy> UiiJU^ (j**^J^ i^^L? 

90. hil'icijk hiWiu u bil-qafa qurrais, 

' To one's face caressing and behind one's back pinching.' 

Said of a person who acts differently behind one's back from 
what he does to one's face. 

Instead of hillais and qurrah} respectively I have in my notes tilmis 
* caressing/ qart^ * pinching' ; mrceyi * a mirror,' midraeyi * a pitchfork.' 



&3 JU jL Joifl Jax> 

91. mitl il-atras biz-zeffl, 

* Like a deaf man in the wedding procession.' 

Used of one who sees but does not understand. H. 



On alij cf . Bt. 422. 



92. iju bait is-sultdn ta-ybaitru Itailhum qdmit il-ftin/si 
meddit ijrha, 

*They came to the house of the Sultan to shoe their horses ; 
up stood the beetle and put out her foot.' 

Used of one who undertakes what he is unsuited for, or of one 
who imitates one who is greater than himself, or of the insignifi- 
cant person who imitates the great one. H. 

For the use of baitar in the common language in the meaning 
* shoe a horse,' cf. Hartmann, Vokabulary Cuche, Mu^ilt, s. v.— Some say: 
{fit il-fiinfsi ' the beetle came.' H. — Id is a variant of to. 

Cf . Berg, under ferrer ; Bt. 183 ; Mustatraf , p. 43, 1. 9 a6 imo. 



93. dai/* il-mesci md lu ^ana, 

' The guest who comes at evening gets no supper.' 

It is the custom of the Arabs, when a guest comes, to prepare 
for him special food. In case, however, he arrives after sun- 



62 J. R. JewetL 

set, there is no time to prepare special food, and the host, in 
setting before him whatever there happens to be on hand, ex- 
cuses himself for the scantiness or poor quality of the food by- 
repeating this proverb. 



94. bait is-sep^ nid hyiJUa min il-*'addm. 

* The lion's den is never free from bones.' 

The rich man always has money in his house. This proverb is 
used, for example, when a man asks another to lend him some- 
thing. The second man says he hasn't it by him. The first man 
then says : Impossible ! the lion's den, etc. 

Cf . Kail. 98. 



95. heddu min id-dwdq seha^ wdq, 
* He wants seven wuqtyyi for a taste.' 
Said of a great eater. 

dwdq = i^lii ,—tvdq = ^\j\ , pi. of aUS^I , vulgarly wv^yyi, the 
twelfth part of a ro^l, the rofl being 2. 56 Kg. Cf. Hartmann, p. 354. 



96. qdl U'hilu dnd hhaUl qdlit U-moi dnd ma hfiaUi. 

* Said the sweet : I sweeten. Said the water : I do not allow 
your sweetness to remain.' 

, That is, when one has eaten something sweet and drinks water, 
the water takes away the sweet taste. H. 

H. says he heard some one use this figuratively of a foul action effac- 
ing a fair one, but declares this use very rare ^Lo \Jol ^^w« f jj6 • 



Arahic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 63 

97. qatti^ naHdk St ma daHdk. 

* Wear out your shoe (although) you have lost nothing.' 

According to H., the origin of this was that a rich man lost a 
horse, and sent his slave to seek it ; and when a poor youth 
wished to go with one of them to search with him, his mother 
said to him qattV' naHdk etc., and her words became a proverb. 
Her meaning was : if you go with that servant to search with 
him, you will wear out your shoe with much walking, and you 
will get no return for your pains and for the loss of your shoes. 

Used of one who simply wishes to, or really does, exert himself 
to benefit one who does not need his help, and thereby injures 
himself by losing his time, his trouble, and his money. 

cLi^ is pronoimced here 4a\ as I have written it, not ^d'. 



,.b y ^yi »A\ ^^ s»/i" ^ v/*J« v-^ 

98. jemh il-^aqrab Id tiqrab jemb iUhaiyyi frilS u ncem. 

* By the side of the scorpion do not come ; by the side of the 
snake spread your bed and sleep.' 

The explanation of this proverb is, if I remember correctly, 
that the people believe that scorpions keep coming back to the 
same spot, while a snake, once frightened away, does not come 
back ; so that a man may safely sleep on the spot where he has 
seen a snake, a thing which he cannot do in the case of a scorpion. 

hadd and matraJf. are found in my notes as variants of jemb. 



99. md Idk sdhib ilia min ba^d qatli, 

* You never have a friend till after you have come to blows.' 

Used when two men, formerly enemies, become friends after 
having come to blows. 

The meaning is that when two men are hostile, especially from 
jealousy, they will grow more and more hostile till they come to 
blows, when, of course, one will conquer the other. The con- 



64 J. R. Jewett^ 

quered one, having learned the other's superiority, will seek to 
become his friend, so as not to be exposed to a second beating. 

Cf . Bt. 733 ; Tant. p, 180. 



^y^^ iLiaiAJt^ (jiOjLa^ ka^lJI 

100. il-mhahhi fisdyis wil-biighda HmUnL 

* Love is special and hatred general.' 

That is, a man cannot love everybody, or even many, equally, 
but he can hate all equally. H. 

Instead of h^dyi^y some say ^l^yt^ ^ which is better. H. l^dyif 

seems to be a plural of ^LuoL^ , which means, according to LAne, 

•property or peculiar virtue.' — HmUm for ^urnUm 'universality, gen- 
erality.' — In this proverb the abstract nouns h^dyiif and *uniiim are used 
instead of the corresponding adjectives. 



101. hyis^dl ^an il-haida min hddha wij-jceji m^n jcBbJia. 

* He asks about the egg : What hen laid it ? and about the 
hen : Who brought her ?' 

Used of an inquisitive man. 
Na^ir has written 'al'bai(j[a. 
Cf . Bt. 749. 



5jJiJ J^ siJLjjJI v.^LsSuo 
102. blhdsib id'dik ^ala naqdi, 
* He reckons with the cock about a single grain. 
Used of a skinflint. 

naqdi is from JJb * peck,' and means *a single peck.' 
Cf. for meaning Fr. ii. p. 942, No. 152. 



,HLi> yxilt 5\>L)\ 

103. zlyoedit il-hair hair, 

*■ The increase of blessing is a blessing.' 

Cf. Fr. iii. 1286 ; Tant. p. 123. 



Arabic Pramrhs and Proverbial Phrases. 65 

&AAjJU ^yAy vLJl mi\A 

104. hdli'' il-bceb u mzennar bU-^atahi. 

* He takes away the door and girdles himself with the thresh- 
old.' (Literally, removing the door and girdled with the thresh- 
old.) 

Used of a shameless reprobate who does evil deeds and then 
talks of them without the least concealment. 

H. says that by hcRb here is meant the (SJLfr * lock/ but there seems 
no reason why it should not mean sunply ' door.' 

H. says the Arabs say : s>t Jlc J^ JI /J<^ , and &Jum% fj^ , 
A *ciAh\^ v^ggS'^ v^W ^UJI y}>^ t Jlc 1^1 , i. e. has brought 

harm upon people and covered himself with opprobrium and dishonor 
(of. Fr. ii. p. 800, No. 159). 



^kftiCj Lo sJuuJt^ s.r'JiaA^ Q»JLki\ 

105. in-nefs btuUxib wil-mi^di ma btiqta\ 

* The appetite desires, but the stomach does not digest.' 

Frequently a man desires to eat what he can digest only with 
difficulty, if at all ; accordingly this is used in speaking of men 
who desire what they will not be able to manage ; whose desires 
are greater than their powers. 

Cf. Snouck, 6. 



k^ y^^ k^ ^S^ 

106. ^ainl fiha witfH ^aUha, 

' My eye is on it (i. e. I want it), but pshaw on it !' 

That is, I am between turning towards or liking this thing and 
turning away from or disliking it. Used of one who is wavering 
in a matter, wanting it at one time and not wanting it at 
another. H. 

Instead of ftha and ^aUha, fill and 'aUh are also used. H.— f/ft, ac- 
cording to H., is a corruption of Lftj) or ^_ft>\ and is used vulgarly 

VOL. XV. 9 



66 e/. R, Jewett, 

to express the sound made by the lips in spitting: cf. the verb 
\jlS oiXj v*^' * cracher (du sang),' Cuche. 

H. compares with this the proverb (5^j>^I y^Li% ^)^^) (•cVitJ) y 

used to the hesitating or wavering man (Fr. ii. p. Ml, No. 146). Noldeke 

says that this plirase (aJJu , etc.) is often made use of in old narra- 
tive prose in the sense of * er schwankte stark,' or rather, * benahm sich 
unsicher.' 
Cf. Kail. 315. 



d^yAM. L> sfJULjti JULot 

107. asldk fiHdk yd sferjiL 

' Your pedigree is what you yourself do, O quince.' 

The Arabs and Syrians are very proud of having a good pedi- 
gree, but the meaning of this proverb is : Do not boast of your 
pedigree ; what you are to be judged by and to take pride in is 
your own deeds. 

Cf. Tant. p. 131 ; Ali, p. 79, No. 198. 



^yi ^OiiJ siJUU viJUU ^.c 

108. min hcBlik Id-mcBlik Id-qahhdd er-rwoeh. 

' From Halik to Malik to the taker of souls.' 

Used of what is taken from its owner, then taken from the one 
who has taken it from its owner, and so on without ever being re- 
turned. H. For example, a man borrows a book, a second bor- 
rows it from him, and so on, while the owner does not know what 
has become of it. On being asked about it, the owner says 
min hceliky etc. 

qahb64 er-rwceh (or U-erwceh) — ^\%J^\ (jojUi * the taker of the 

souls' (Angel of Death, Izra-eel or Azra-eel. Lane). 
Cf. Sp. 141. 

109. il'liqmi till f\ timmdk md hta^rif Vmin hi, 

' You do not know to whom belongs the morsel which is in 
your mouth.' 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, 67 

Used of the uncertainty of human affairs. 

The following two proverbs from my collection express the same idea 
somewhat differently : 

U-'arHLs taht il-klU (for iklU) md bta'rif I'min hi *the bride, even 
under the wedding- wreath, does not know to whom she belongs'; 

U-*arii8 bijlceha md bta*rif min byifynxBha * the bride, even in the 
midst of her jUiy does not know who will possess her.* 



idf M^\ ^i^J^ ^Ur4^t Sj^t 

110. il-^anzt ij-jirhceni bti^di il-qatP killlu, 
* The mangy goat infects the whole flock.' 
A bad man will corrupt all his associates. 
Cf. for meaning Fr. i. p. 648, No. 154 ; Nofal, p. 541. 



111. tubhnl tabbtak il-^dfyL 

* Be my physician, and may health be yours.' 

A simpleton who was sick said these words to a physician. 
They are used vulgarly of a sluggard and of a simpleton. H. 

iubbnl * treat me, prescribe for me.' — * May health be your physician* 
means ' may you not be sick.' H. 

So H. explains the proverb. He, however, gives the following ex- 
planation, given to him by one of the prominent common people : 

St 

The one who said the words was a lazy simpleton, not a sick man. 
This lazy simpleton was the sultan of the people of laziness, so that 
from his excessive laziness he used, when he lay down, to remain on his 
back a long time, and feel his back pain him, and not be able to change 
to one side or the other or to turn over. It happened that he lay once 
for a long time on his side so that it pained him. and he said to a man 
there fttWm?, etc., i. e. * turn me over on my face, and may you never 
need any one to turn you over, and may health free you from that 
necessity.' 

If this explanation were correct, we should have to translate ' turn 
me over, and may health turn you over.' 

^ftir» is vulgarly used in the sense of v-aJU», \^ ^ and \Jo 
* overturn, turn over on the face.' H. 



68 e/. JR, Jewett^ 

112. il-hdtyyi bliyyi, 

* A present is an affliction.' 

It was, and is to some extent, the custom in Syria for a man 
who wanted something another had to take a present, go to the 
other and present it, and then ask him for the desired article. 
The present was often worth only a fraction of the object asked 
for. Moreover, when a man receives a present, even if it be 
something for which he has not the slightest use, he is expected 
to give a present in return. Hence the proverb. 

One of those to whom I read this proverb added : u ^S^ibha ta^hasn 
* and its possessor is weary.' 
Cf . Soc. 210 ; Bt. 556 ; Sand. 70. 



113. il-fiaiyyir merzilq. 

* The generous man is always lucky.' 

God always sends gain to the generous man^who gives to the 
poor and aids them. 

Cf. il-haiyyir bycekul mcpJu ii iticd gluiiru * the generous man enjoys 
his own property and the property of others.' 
haiyyir * generous, benevolent': cf. Landberg, Qlossaire ; Dozy, s. v. 



114. qUm yd ^ahdi tdqUtn ma^ak, 

* Get up, O my servant, that I may get up with you.' 

This proverb, which is put into the mouth of God, means 
' exert yourself, so that I may help you.' Cf . our " God helps 
thoee who help themselves." It is used of one who is indolent 

and asks God for support (o);)? but does not exert himself. H. 
H's version is s^Xjuo ^Ji U* ^^«jo aJ) (^ Juu& L> . 






Notice AttJi for Old Arabic |^ 
Cf. Kail. 854 ; Nofal, p. 506. 



Arabic Proverbs omd Proverbial Phrases. 69 

115. kuU waqt wa^tih hukmu, 

r 

' Give to every time what it requires.' 

That is, do and speak as circumstances require : cf. Eccl. 
iii. I. 11. 

In my notes yin''d\a and bya'fi stand as variants for wa^t^h. 
Cf. Soc. 381 ; Fr. iii. 2452, 2678-80. 



^^1 ^^♦XAJ 5^ Jl 

116. ir-rahci bti^ml '*l-basar, 
* Bribes blind the sight.' 

Noldeke compares this with Ex. xxiii. 8, Deut. xvi. 19 ; and says that 
in the translation of the London Bible Society (1848) stands 



. |.UCil ^LojI ^^♦ju iy^^S 



debit IB a variant of rcuttvi. 

Cf. U-bartU bihill ke^t il-qd^^ * a bribe will undo the cadi's turban.' 

For other proverbs on bribes, cf. Landberg, 26, and p. 48, top; Soc. 118. 



117. hsGBb il-haqli md ija 'a haceb il-baidar. 

• The field's account did not turn out according to the thresh- 
ing-floor's account. 

The matter did not turn out as well as was expected. 

Cf. hisoeb U-qardya nid byiji'a hsceb is-aardya * the account of the vil- 
lages does not turn out according to the account of the palaces.' 
Cf . Burton, 84. 



118. il-feUash nizil ^aJrmdtni md ^staMa ilia '^d-dibs wiMhini, 

* The fellah went down to the city, and liked only the molasses 
and sesame flour.' 

Of the viands of the city the fellah liked dibs mixed with 
sesame flour, because he had been used to the sweets obtained 



70 e/. R. Jewett^ 

from figs, grapes, raisins, and dihs^ and had not been accustomed 
to other sweet dainties, the former being cheap and abundant at 
his home. Hence the proverb is used of one unaccustomed to 
the manner of living and to the taste of cultivated people. H. 

faJjini is used especially of the sesame fiour. H. Cf . Landberg, p. 242. 



119. ktln bil^auwwdl yd Jiha tod lau kom bqass U-liha, 

* Be first in everything, O Jiha, even if it were in cutting off 
your beard.' 

Be first in everything, even though it be something which will 
injure you. 

lifyi for 

Cf . Fr. ill. 2798 ; See. 666 ; Berg, under barbe ; Kail. 896. 



Ot^t ^A^^So S^kxJl jjju 

120. t^aUdm il-haitara bhamir ilrkrdd. 

*He learned the veterinary art by practising on the Kurds' 
donkeys.' 

Used of one unskilled in his work. 

krM ior 4>l*i'l, pi. of ^'^S^ 

Cf . Ft. iii. 1070 ; Bt. 752-8 (which seem to be identical in meaning, 
although Bt. declares, on what authority he does not state, that the 
second is in opposition to the first) ; Kail. 284-5. 



... I 1 .. •» J 
121. r^dyit yauvi htaiadnit slni. 

* Pasturing goats one day makes a man a boor a whole year.' 
(Literally, is at the price of boorishness for a year.) 

Used of the stupidity of shepherds. H. 

Uiisani for 'kxjm^kS 'goatishness.* Lane. Cf. Dozy, s. v. 

Cf. Fr. i. p. 885, No. 189 ; p. 404, No. 178 ; p. 701, No. 142 ; Durra, 17. 



Arabic Proverbs cmd Proverbial PhraMs, 71 

122. il-btr il'fcerigh m(i hyitUh in-nidi, 

' Dew will not fill the empty well.' 

Used of what is insufficient to answer the manifest require- 
ments in any given case. 

Variant : md byimtili min in-nida.— With the form yitlih of. talla 
* fflllen,' Hartmann, Vokabular. — H. compares this proverb with Fr. ii. 
p. 586, No. 1. 

Cf . Bt. 185 ; Burton, 114. 



5^ ^jj |.U vibLi 131 

1 23. iza fcBtdk ^dm trdjjd bghairu, 

* If a year escape you, put your hope in another.' 

If you do not succeed this time, hope to do so another time. 

Variants ; ija (for idha)^ and ghairu without b. 
Cf. Soc. 440-1, and Bt. 662, quoted by Soc. 



•• ^ •■ 

124. illi byce^ud il-ijra hyituUdb Jil-^amiL 

* He who takes hire is held responsible for his work.' 

This sentence, originally a legal saying, has been adopted in 
the common language. It is used of one's duty to one's em- 
ployer. H. 

Cf . Sp. 289. 

125. kuU ^anzi bta^rif qatPaha. 

* Every goat knows her own flock.' 



126. il'bf/iSttghil bldaih hyisVrih qalhu, 

' His heart is at ease who works with his own hands.' 




72 e/. R. JewetL 

That is, if, instead of hiring a man to do work, a man does it 
himself, he is^sure to have it turn out as he wishes, and his heart 
will be at rest. 

Another version of this is : U-byiStdghlu Mv^cetu byifrahu qlaibcetu 
* he whose hands are busy has a glad heart.* 

Cf . Soc. 530 ; Fr. iii. 398. 



127. kuU min ^aqlu brdsu hya^rif haldsu. 

* Everyone who has his wits in his head knows what is best for 
himself.' 

Cf . Tant. p. 128. 



128. bain il-buti wir-rahwcen talq Hncen, 

' Between the slow horse and the pacer is only a loosening of 
the reins.' 

That is, between the two is a distance the passing of which de- 
pends on loosening the reins of the slow horse. This proverb is 
used in urging one who is being left behind to exert himself to 
catch up with him who is in advance, and in encouraging him in 
so doing. H. 

Cf. Sp. Ill ; Bt. 52. 



129. Id hair fir-rizq ilti md biduqq il-baeb, 

' There is no good in property which does not knock on the 
door.' 

This is used in many ways, among them the following : 1 . To 
express a preference for income accruing from real estate, for this 
income comes to the house of the owner, and the bringer thereof 
knocks on the owner's door to give it to him. And its continuance 
is more secure than that of other kinds of property. 2. Others 
use it to express preference for cattle to other kinds of property, 
for these go away and feed, then return to the house of their 



Arabic Proverbs cmd Proverbial Phrases. 73 

owner, and it is as if they brought him their wool, their milk, 
and their other products, and knocked at his door to enter to him. 
(3) Some use it to express a preference for the property which 
God decrees without a man's exertion. And the ground for pre- 
ferring it is that it is the gift of a generous and wise being who 
knows what is most beneficial for a man better than the man him- 
self does, and that he does not repent of his generosity. There 
is in that property a virtue such as there is in no other, so that 
the virtue of other kinds is counted as naught in comparison with 
it. (4) Others use it of the man for whom another gains, like 
the proverb ^^U ^ajJ SyeL. ^a^ JUI y^ (Fr. i. p. 442, 

No. 60). It is very rarely used in other than these four ways. H. 

In my notes I have the following version of this proverb : 
ir-rizq il-md byidfuS il-bceb u MfHt muS Icezim *alaih * property which 
does not push open the door and enter is to be avoided.' 



ISO. inn hunt std Id t^d, 

* If you are lord, don't lord it.' 

If you are master, do not unnecessarily increase the labor of 
those under you. 

Cf. Fr. ui. 1420. 



L^4> [jCjAXj {jomIXj U ^a^^I 

131. U-haiyyi lemma btin^ass htiqrud dan&bha. 

* When a snake is caught fast, it gnaws off its tail.' 

Used of one who injures himself or his relatives from necessity 
(H), just as a snake gnaws off its tail to escape when its tail is 
held fast. 

btin'a^ means *to be pressed, squeezed': cf. Dozy, s. v. — According 

presser,' Cuche. vj)y3t = * 6tre accule, mis d T^troit,' Cuche. 

Cf . Landberg, No. 25 ; also, for meaning, Vassalli, 718. 
VOL. XV. 10 



o ^ ^ ©.^ * u ^^ *"9 



74 e/. R, JewetU 

13*2. il'hughd bain il-dhl toil-hasad bain ij-j'irdn, 

* Hatred is between members of a family, and envy between 
neighbors.' 

Cf. Fr. i. p. 418, No. 242. 



Lj^uJ^iyo ^jo b^A^U idJI lyb y^ i iU4)uuo v:: 



133. waqaHt maidani fl Masr qdlh Allah xfjima min 
trdtUha, 



• • 



*A minaret fell in Egypt; they said : God protect us from 
its debris.' 

Used of a disaster whose injurious consequences affect those 
who are distant from the scene of its occurrence. H. 

Instead of waqa'it, H. has \,:>ju» , and instead of maidani &ji>Lo , 



U O O ^ O " M ^ 



but says that &jJuuo and &3Juuo are used. — frdfi^ is pi. of &AJb«^ 

* a splash/ from ip^^ * sprinkle, splash,' Dozy. Cf. Landberg, p. 38. 
Cf. Bt. 720. 



134. kettir il-mes*dli u qallil id-dawardn, 

'Ask many questions, but search little.' 

If, for example, you are looking for something that you have 
lost, ask as many questions as you can, and go about but little ; 
you will save yourself trouble and will accomplish just as much. H. 

For dawardn H. has ^K*4> . Elsewhere Nd^ir has written 
jjijuUxJI , instead of ,jlj^ jJI . 



135. mifl il'ttisarwl jawipbu taht bdtii, 

' Like the Egyptians, his answer is under his arm (ready for 
immediate use).' 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 75 

Used of one quick in answering. 

In my notes I have written tahat, instead of tafyt. I also have in my 
notes the following : U-mi^ri j^wcebu bltimmu wil-halabl f*W€ebii 61- 

kimmu icis-OcBmi JHocebu Hnd immu the Egyptian's answer is in his 

mouth, the Aleppine^s in his sleeve, and the Damascene^s in his 
mother's keeping.' 



ViQ, inn sah/i il-mdnmni aliadna iUmara toU-Tmcmn winn md 
sahh il-mdncem kuUu kdlcem bkdlcent. 

' If the dream turn out true, we have gained the woman and 
the animal, and if the dream do not turn out true, it's all mere 
words (no harm is done).' 

According to H. the origin of this is that a fellah and his wife 
went to the city on a donkey, and they saw on the road a blind 
man. They took pity on him, and the fellah, dismounting, let 
the blind man ride in front of his wife. When they reached the 
city, the fellah said to the blind man : " Dismount, my brother, 
for we have reached the city." But the blind man replied : " Go 
about your business, man, the donkey is my donkey and the 
woman is my wife. When we want to we shall go on foot (and 
not before)." Thereupon the fellah began to cry out, and the 
people began to revile him, because, seeing the woman and the 
blind man on the donkey, they supposed he was wronging the 
blind man. So the fellah went to the court and complained of 

the blind man, and the bailiff f Jc^ii) brought the blind man, 

the woman, and the donkey. The cadi asked the woman : 
"Whose wife are you?" She replied: "The fellah's." "To 
whom does the donkey belong ?" " To my husband." Then the 
blind man spoke up and said: "Do not believe her, my lord. 
She said that in order to get rid of me, because I am blind and 
poor, and in order to take this man, who can see, and is able to 
work or scheme for his support in some way, as he has just now 
done with me." The cadi said to the bailiff : " Take the blind 
man to such and such a room and return quickly." He did so, 
and the cadi said to him : " Return where the blind man is. 



?s 



76 J. R, Jewett^ 

without his perceiving it, hear what he says, and come back and 
tell me." He did as the cadi commanded, and heard the blind 
man say inn sahhj etc. He informed the cadi, who gave the 
fellah his wife and his donkey, sent him away, and dismissed the 
blind man with a sound scolding. 

kdlcem bkdlcem = * mere words, without any damage from 
them,' because he believed the cadi would not punish him for 
such a small matter, as he would a man with good eyesight. H. 

Used of the schemer who does not fear the consequences if his 
scheme is found out. H. 



137. il'kilmit illt md hiinfud yd dill qdyUha, 

*Alas for the speaker of the word (or command) which pro- 
duces no effect !' 

Cf . the following from my notes : as'ad iyycem&k nfHd kdicerndk * the 
happiest of thy days are the days when thy words produce the effect 
thou wishest.' 

Cf. Berg, under parole. 



138. Id Vdmmin dahrdk td ti?izal qahrdk, 

* Do not trust your lot till you go down to your grave.' 

Do not think you will be out of danger of misfortunes till you 
die. 



faminin for 



cK 



'ti^l 



139. kull bleed u leha zai tt ktill sdjdra u leha fai. 

' Every country has its own customs, and every tree has its own 
shade.' 

KM «l.»^ 

v5S J vulgar ^\ , * mode, taste, costume, usage *: cf. Dozy and Cuche, 

8. V. 

Cf. Berg, under mixurs. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 77 

140. tiW il'lail *a qadd il-hardml, 

' The night has turned out to suit the thief.' 

If a man goes to a store, for example, and says to the mer- 
chant : " I want twenty yards of blue silk," the latter, taking 
down the only piece he has, and finding that it measures just 
twenty yards, uses this proverb, meaning that he happens to 
have exactly what the customer wants, no more, no less. 



141. Id tiskun ilia mcUrah md btitzcehdm U-aqdcem. 

* Dwell only in the place where feet tread against each other.' 

That is, dwell only in large centers, for there there is more 
business. 

tiq*ud and t*i8 are variants of tiskun. 



v:yU^t Ud <^y^ y:^^kf^\ \jt JlTLu ^I \jt 



142. hdllt bymkul hdl-dklcet blmUt hdl-mautcet, 

* He who eats these kinds of food must die these kinds of 
death.' 

This proverb is used if, for example, a man does what he 
ought not to do and falls into trouble. He who dances must pay 
the piper. 



143. md fl u Id haura wuslit IHnd rahhha. 

* There is not a poplar which has reached its Lord.' 

No matter how high poplar trees may grow, no one of them 
has ever reached the sky. This is said of proud persons. 

Noldeke quotes : '* Es ist dafiir gesorgt dass die Baume nicht in den 
Himmcl wachsen." 
Cf . Landberg, p. 263 ; Berg, under jamais. 



78 e/. a, Jewett^ 

144. md bya^rif kiVn min biVu. 

' He does not know his elbow from his wrist.' 

Cf. See. 681 (ZDMG. xxxvii. 209), where c yS (Noldeke says that this 
word is probably wrong) occurs, and is rendered Jk^ Jl y^jjS , 

Cf. the next proverb : also the following from my notes : ma bya'rif 
tut it-tlceti qaddauH *he doesn't know how much a third of three is.' 
Also : {cUtamls ma hya*rif iJ-junVa mnil haviis * a dolt not knowing 
Friday from Thursday.' 

Cf. No. 213. 



145. md bydWif it-tams nan il-liams, 
' He does not know B from a broomstick.' 

H. gives hn^n9 and fMW», hxima meaning * a fifth,' and \ums being re- 
garded by him as a word manufactured to sound something like htivis. 

This is probably the correct view. There is, however, a verb yr-t ^ , 

with an infinitive jrrt ^ * be effaced, disappear,' used vulgarly in the 

sense of * sink into the water': cf. Cuche and Dozy, s. v. In my notes I 
find a suggestion (made by Ghu?n. I believe) that this hams is a corrup- 
tion from the original form ghavis. 

Cf. md bya^rif U-alif min U-maidni * he does not know an elif from 
a minaret.' 

Cf. Spitta, 294 ; Fr. ii. p. 580, No. 612 ; p. 581, No. 614 : p. 596, No. 18 ; 
p. 605, No. 49 ; p. 636, Nos. 155-6 ; p. 669, No. 284. 



146. kull ^tirs ft f'fff qurs. 

' Every wedding has a cake.' 

This proverb is used to declare that there is no banquet or joy- 
ful gathering, or the like, without something to disturb the gene- 
ral satisfaction. 

quTH is * a round loaf,' H.: * a round cake of bread,' Lane. 

In my notes I have also the following version : ma In^ir ^iirs Mn 
qurs n Id 'oza beta ka'ki ' there is ni) wedding without a round loaf, and 
n . funeral without a cake.' 



Arahic Proverhs and Proverbial Phranes, 79 

147. mitl ij'jauz md hyittmkdl ghair kdsr. 

'Like the walnut, he cannot be eaten without being cracked.' 

Said of a miser. Money cannot be gotten from him except by 
force. 

Instead of kdsr alone 'al-Msr is also used. 



148. mitl il-ghrair md hyimndn ilia ^al-qatl. 

* Like the badger, he gets fat only on blows.' 

The common people suppose that the badger fattens on blows ; 
and so this proverb is used of one whose health is good, although 
he receives many blows, or is in sorrow on account of calami- 
ties. II. 

il-ghrair = &axJI or &aaJI or Eng. badger, H. 



LjJU^ ^1 \jb ^ JOAJI Jl^juu jiujl^ UJb bl^ Jos v:>j| 

UJb 

149. tnt fjftHl u dnd hilqa n ain hya^mil il-qatl ma'' hdUi ''ainha 
hdqa 'f 

' You beat and I will bear ; and what effect does beating have 
with a shameless woman ?' 

Used of one who will not turn from the error of his ways 
or reform, although you give him the severest reproof or the 
severest beating. H. 

w«* hjolll * ainha helqa, literally *with her whose eye is black and 
white.' c-LftJLJI ^AjJI means * impudence': cf. Dozy. H. says the 

reason for this is that the impudent person stares and does not cast 
down his glance, so that, whenever you look at his face, you see the 
black and the white of his eyes, while the modest person, on the other 
hand, casts down his eyes. 



80 J, R. Jewett, 

150. hdU'i tnd h'lS mil hlreMHs. 

m 

m 

* He who has nothing loses nothing.' 
birelUilii = InriUi lu S ; byirliul'QJi is also used. 



151. tnitl habht il-^adis md hyin^dHf lu batn min dahr. 

* Like a grain of lentils, his belly can not be told from his back.' 

Used of a changeable, tricky person, of whom we say " you 
never know where to find him"; one on whose promises no re- 
liance can be put. 

Cf. See. ZDMG. XXX vii. 221, No. 790. 



152. haiyyi H-flUs qabl il-^arHs. 

* Prepare the money before the bride.' 

Before you get your bride, see that you have money enough to 
pay her dowry and the other wedding expenses. So, in general, 
make all necessary preparations before engaging in any enter- 
prise. 

153. rizq il-hasts Idblts, 

* The miser's money belongs to the devil.' 

IdbiU ^ Id IhlU. 
Cf. See. 229. 



154. U-asl il-asl, 

' The main thing is the pedigree.' 

Used of the importance of paying attention to the race or 
lineage. H. 

H. says the first a^l means H^X^ and the second ^hnAn'r-K >.>^mJJI . 



I 

Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, 81 

155. 2awt£?t£?«/^ bintl laftlas min bdlasha ijUni u ar¥a min 
wardha, 

* I married off my daughter to get rid of the trouble of her ; 
she came to me with four behind her.' 

Said of one who takes measures to better his condition but 
only makes it worse. 

Cf. Mustatraf , p. 44, 11. 10-8 from the bottom ; Soc. 93-95. 



156. addr il-hddddr flh iz-zdlcezil wil-amtdr fih seb* teljcet 
kbdr rnin *ada ^z-zghdr. 

* March is the blusterer. In it are earthquakes and rains ; in it 
are seven great snow-storms besides the small ones.' 



157. bl dddr taili^ baqardtdk lid-ddr. 

' In March drive your cows out into the court.' 

Notice how Nd^ir has written the Arabic. 



^LmmJJOI ^ sLJUo Lob ^LaaJuu ^JUii ^^j^j^^xjL^ ^ 

158. Id tista^jib ii-tdJj bl ntsmn t/cemd silnoeh ^an il-kitsmn, 

* Do not be surprised at snow in April. How many times we 
have removed it from the threshing-floors !' 

^L^JJOI = jj*,ltXS'if| , i. e. >*>LuJI , H. Noldeke says this is 

more accurately * heaps of sheaves/ or * heaps of the yet unthreshed 
grain.* 

VOL. XV. 11 



82 J. R. Jewett^ 

n^LIo sJo aOx JjuJI 

J 69. il-bedddk minnu heddu minndk, 

'He from whom you wish something wishes something from 
you.' 

H. compares this with No. 279. 
Cf . for meaning Landberg, 73. 



160. foBiif la t'diij. 

* Don't try to cure a paralytic' 

He cannot be cured, and your efforts will be vain. Do not 
waste your strength in trying to cure what cannot be cured, or 
in trying to do what cannot be done. H. 

On fcdij cf. Dozy, s. v. 

Cf . Soc. 545 ; Berg, under apoplexie. 



161. kiviil in-nuql biz-za^rdr. 

* Now that the zarour has come, the dessert is complete ' (liter- 
ally, the dessert is complete with the zarour). 

Said jokingly to an intimate who comes and finds all his friends 
or a number of them gathered together. H. 

H. says this proverb is like No. 21, and to show the use of the two 
proverbs says : **I happened to be at the house of one of my friends, 
and a number of our friends came in. We remembered one who was not 

with us, so one of us wrote to liim saying : &3L^\j3U iL^'U >JJL}t , 

and will you be it (LjoLjI yjjXi' j^l siJU J^-ji)? As soon as the 
letter reached him, he came (quickly, and when he entered we said 
x^jxJL JJLJI J^ii", and we all laughed." 

Cf. Bt. 627, where the zarour is described. 



162. dlf da^wi md liazaqit qamis, 

* A thousand curses never tore anyone's shirt.' 



Arabic Proverbs emd Proverbial Phrases, 83 

Instead of hazaqit H. has hazzaqit. — Notice that Nd^ir has written 
da'wi, — In my notes I have also the following addition : u dlf ghinniyyi 
majauwwazit ^aris ^ and a thousand songs never married a bridegroom.' 
Compare also the following from my notes : lau kcenit id-da* wi hitjUz 
md kcenit hithalll Id. ^aJbiyyi u Id *ajilz * if cursing were allowed full 
swing, it would leave neither girl nor old woman alive/ 

Cf . Burton. 18 : also, for meaning, Soc. 83-8. 



163. dlf ^ain tibkl u Id ^ainl tidma^, 

'Let a thousand eyes weep, provided raine shed not a tear.' 
(Literally, and let not mine shed tears.) 

Used of indifFerence to others' sorrows provided one escape 
them one's self. H. 

Cf . Berg, under pleurer ; Fr. iii. 83 ; Bt. 2 ; Musta^raf , p. 42, 1. 90 ; 
Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 200, No. 605 ; Nofal, p. 526. 



164. inn habbUm hamoetl ^at-tennilr winn baghaditni ^at- 
tennUr, 

*If my mother-in-law loves me, (I must sleep) on the tennHvy 
and if she hates me, (I must sleep) on the tennUr,'^ 

According to H. the origin of this is as follows : A man be- 
came poor, sold his house and lived in the house of his mother- 
in-law. Now she had but a small house which would only hold 
two beds, 80 she used to let her daughter sleep with her, while 
her son-in-law slept on the tennUr, So the people used to say to 
him : " don't vex your mother-in-law and she will love you," and 
he would reply : inn habbUnly etc. That is, if she loves me, 1 
sleep on the tennUr, and if she hates me, I do the same. That 
is, she can neither benefit nor injure me at all, so her hating me 
and her loving me are equally without effect. 

The proverb is used of one who does not injure when he hates 
or benefit when he loves. H. 

Cf. for meaning Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 218, No. 768. 



84 J. a. Jewett^ 

•• •• 

165. inn rdhit hghannl winn ijit hghannl. 

* If she goes I sing, and if she comes I sing.' 

H. says the origin of this saying was that a certain person wa^ 
singing, although his step-mother's she-ass had been lost and 
could not be found, and some one said to him : '^ Are you singing 
while your step-mother's she-ass has not been found ?" He re- 
plied : inn rdhity etc. 

Used of something the existence of which or the lack of which 
is a matter of indifference. 

This like the saying : mitt illi (or U) m4cLiyyV jaljMt JiAltu inn laqdha 
btgfumni winn md laqdha bighanni. H. (This saying is also found 

in my collection.) (^dltu here means ^his step-mother/ &JL^ being 
used in this sense, as well as in the sense of * mother's sister,' in the 
common language. H. 



^ycj s^^L LujJi ^ 

166. bt^ id'dini hil-OBfVri btirhah, 

' Sell this world for the next ; you will gain.' 

Cf. All, p. 65 ; p. 69, No. 64 ; p. 7V, No. 148. 



167. jebil *a jebil md byiltdqa Icekin inscen *a inscsn byiUdqa. 

^ Mountain never meets mountain, but man meets man.' 

That is, mountains never move, while men go often from place 
to place, and are sometimes in straits among strangers. Now 
every one should assist the stranger, for perhaps he may become 
rich, return to his own country, and some day help those who 
helped him, in case they come to his country and need his assist- 
ance. H. 

H. has byiltiqi, but says byiltaqa is also used. 
Cf . Soc. 87. 



168. ^od U-cuUi u lau kcenU ^al-ha^ri. 

*• Marry the girl of good family, though she be seated on a mat.' 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 85 

That is, though she be so poor that her father's house is spread 
only with mats. H. 

H. writes t^^^ and J . 

Cf. Berg, under nohU; Burton, 108 ; Fr. iii. 1231. 



169. ^auujwid kdlb u Id t^auwwid bint ^dim, 

* Accustom a dog to your kindness, but don't accustom a man 
to it.' (The dog will be grateful, the man will not. H.) 

This proverb is used of the faithlessness of man, and of his in- 
gratitude for favor and kindness. H. 

On bini jEddm, JSdim, cf . No. 2. 
Cf. KaU. 208 ; Mustatraf, p. 46, 1. 11. 



170. ra/tql ^at-tdhUn zahmi, 

* Even my companion to the mill makes too much of a crowd.' 

That is, when I go to mill, I would rather be alone, even one 
companion interfering somewhat with me. (Men in the same 
pursuit are liable to interfere with one another. H.) 

H. compares with this the proverb 

or, as I have it in my notes, Sa^J^dd md bthibh ^dJjjiib mihUyi (same as in 
Kail. 207). 
Cf . also Bt. 288, 419. 



171. zuHBn blcedna u Id qamh ts-scUibl. 

* The tares of our country are better than the wheat of ? ' 

According to H, the meaning is that what you know, have 
tried, and become accustomed to, is better for you than some- 
thing superior which you are not acquainted with, because you 
can make the most of whatever advantages it offers and guard 
against its defects. It is like their saying 



86 J. R. JeweU, 



00 OS-*"" »*,. ott "-y O — O^O'OO^OO,.'* o ,. 



* III luck which you know is better tlian good luck which you get 
acquainted with.' 

It is generally used to express a preference for a bride, com- 
panion, partner, or servant from one's own home. 

H. gives also the following version : ^.^^iJI ^ t* if. vJjJL^ uS) • 

On zauxBn cf. P. Ascherson, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Pal&stina-Ver- 
eins. Band 18, Heft 3, pp. 152 fif. 
Cf . Berg, under avoine ; Soc. 498 ; Vassalli, 838. 



aJUlII viLjlij ^J^y ^ 



172. sUm u salli htirkdibdk il-qilli, 

*Fast and pray — want will come upon you' (literally, will 
ride you). 

Notice that N&^ir has written fum. 
Cf. Fr. ill. 1719-20. 



173. scBqyi md hit^akkir bahr. 

' A brook can not make the sea turbid.' 

Used of the wise, well-balanced man whom a fool treats badly. 
It may be used of the intelligent man to whom some slight dis- 
agreeable thing happens. Again, it may be used to express ad- 
miration for the fortitude of one on whom a severe calamity has 
fallen. H. 

Instead of scBqyi xj)Lm and ^'Luw are used. H. — hiVaukir is a 

variant of bWakkir. 
Cf. Fr. iii. 512. 



174. il-yhdyib Hdhrii ma^u, 

* The absent person has his excuse with him.' 

That is, do not blame an absent person for his slowness or for 
the length of his absence till he returns, for perhaps he has a suf- 
ficient excuse, which can not be known till he comes back. H. 



AraMc Proverbs a/nd Proverbial Phrases. 87 



> > «j , 



Instead of 'idhru ^ijjtu (jU^Sl^) is used. 

Cf. Tant. p. 114 ; Mustafi^* P* ^> ^l* ^) 1^* &^ ^ from the bottom ; 
Kail. 331 ; Scaliger, pp. 70^1, Nos. &-12 inclusive ; Nofal, p. 580. 



175. ^udhr aqbah min dhenb, 

* An excuse viler than the original fault.' 

It appears that this proverb dates from the time of Hartin 
er-RaSid, and its origin was as follows : Hardn er-Ra§id said to 
Abu Nawas : " I want you to make me an excuse viler than a 
fault." So after a time Abu Naw4s approached the Caliph and 
pinched him. Thereupon Har^n er-Ra§id turned upon him 
angrily, and Abu Naw^s said : " Pardon me, my lord, I thought 
it was my lady the queen." Er-Ra§id said : " This is an excuse 
viler than the fault itself." He replied : " This was what my 
lord the king wanted," whereupon the Caliph laughed heartily. H. 

Cf. Tant. p. 114 ; Fr. ill. 1»68 ; Soc. 381. 



1 76. kidl jtl ma^ jilu yiVah, 

* Every generation plays with its own generation.' 

Cf. Fr. iii. 440-1. 



177. md Hfidl Ifbir ilia ];-jemil. 

' I deem nothing great except the camel.' 

Used of one who does not honor and respect those greater than 
himself, so that it seems as if he saw greatness only in the pos- 
sessor of a great body, such as the camel. H. 

Instead of *indi H. has Hndu, 

Cf. Berg, under grand; Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 203, No. 629. 



aJ JLsU ^L3 aJ Le ^1 J^Lo &JUI 
178. Allah y*80BHd illi md lu ddfir thakkUlu, 



88 - J. R. Jewett^ 

* God help him who has no nails to scratch himself with.' 
Said of the weak person who has no helper. H. 

4>&ftr = yjj[Jb\ — Instead of tfyakkiUu H. has xJ siJLsU . 



Cf . Pr. ii. p. 602, No. 89 ; Fr. iii. 237 ; Landberg, 106 ; Mustatraf , p. 85 ; 

Soc. 114 ; Sp. 181 ; Scaliger, p. 28, No. 26 ; Kail. 467 ; Lane under vd^ ; 
Durra, 60. 



179. hi lUi yd niko&n, 

* It's only for one night, O muleteer.' (Literally, it is a night, 
O muleteer.) 

The muJeceri is the man who lets animals for hire, and who 
usually goes with his animals to attend to them. He generally 
remains only one night in a place, so that, however badly off he 
may be there, he consoles himself with the words hi Uliy etc. 
That is, it is only for one night, which will pass away quickly, 
and its discomfort will pass away with it. H. 

' Used of the adversity which afflicts a man only a short time. H. 



180. hyintijis mitl dik il-hahU, 

* He swells up like a turkey-cock.' 

Said of one who shows marks of pride in his conversation and 
in his movements. H. 

y j^_a> = * ruffle * or * shak>^ ' (feathers, said of a bird). Lane. In the 

common language form i. means * swell in water ^ (as a pea, for example) ; 
form viii., * ruffle up, be swollen:' cf. Cuche, and Landberg, Gloe- 
saire, s. v. 

H. says the children often sing the following words to the child who 
*• puts on airs :" 

* O cock, bristle up your comb ; O cock, the hen is your wife.' 



Arabic Proverbs cmd Proverbial Phrases. 89 

181. il-qar^a' htiftilf,ir Ma^r hint hdlitha, 

*The scald-headed woman glories in the hair of her aunt's 
daughter.' 

Cf. Sp. 270 ; Tant. p. 115 ; See. 280 ; Burton, 8 ; Mustatraf, p. 48, 1. 16 ; 
Ft. u. p. 404, No. 328 ; Bt. 570. 



182. min jarrab il-mjarrab keen ^aqlu mfiarrab. 

' He who tries what has already been tried is crack-brained.' 

Cf. Burton,. 106; Fr. ii. p. 730, No. 518 ; Fr. iii. 892. 



vj^ s?y^ '^^'^ *^') 

183. ZiBd tomhid hyiqrl tnain, 
* Food for one will keep two.' 

Cf . the following from my notes : zced il-md yiqri tnain wcBhid aula 
fih * the food which will not keep two is more suitable for one.' 
Cf . Fr. iii. 1284 ; Ali, p. 89, No. 18 ; Berg, under un. 



184. iS'San^a swdra bil-id. 

* A trade is a bracelet in the hand.' 

Cf . No. 28. 



(i 



185. tyauni Allah hVln Allah, 
•In God's day God will help.' 

Do not trouble yourself about what is still far in the future. 
Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." 

Cf . Fr. iii. 842 ; Burton, 168 ; Soc. 513 ; Bt. 298 ; Kail. 820, 645. 
VOL. XV. 12 



90 J, R. Jewett, 

0«Uil J^ JuSyHi ^\^\ JaJ.1 

186. il'hait il-wdti btirkdbu kull in-nces. ^ 

' A low wall is mounted by everybody.' 

This proverb is used of a weak person whom everyone op- 
presses and treats unjustly. H. 

Instead of btirkabu kull in-nces, kull in-ncM htirkabu is used, also 

auXc '^jLsLjJi jwLaJI J^ * everybody treads on it.' H.— Another 

variant is kull in-ncBs bi^Viu. 
Cf . Berg, under mur ; Sp. 45 ; Soc. 465. 



187. Mk Hnib ydmma tiqttU in-ndtUr? 

* Have you grapes, or will you kill the watchman ?' 

Used of one who is promised or guaranteed something, and 
begins to ask all kinds of questions, and to concern himself with 
what he has no right to concern himself about. For example : X. 
wanted to hire a house and had not found one to let^ so one of 
his friends said to him : " I will look for a fine house for you and 
will let you know when I find one." He said : *' How will you 
look for it when you are busy in your trade, and whom will you 
charge with this matter? etc., etc." He replied: ildk *f/ie5, etc. 
H. As we say in colloquial English : " that is my lookout." 

ydmma = Lot L> . 

Cf. Soc. 168 ; Fr. iii. 1236. 



^LJt aUuOi^ auwju ^Juo ^^ 

188. min mddah nefsu dhemmtu ^n-nces, 

' Whoever praises himself, him other people blame.' 

Notice that rues is here of the feminine gender (Noldeke). 
Cf. Fr. iii. 614. 



Arabic Proverbs and P7*overhial Phrases, 91 

^^ vy»5 <yi.y^ JnyUI 

189. il'lail tawil wir-rabb kdrtm. 

m 

' The night is long and the Lord is generous.' 
He will freely give His aid. 



190. a^qal min il-berghUt bil-idn, 
' More cunning than a flea in the ear.' 
Instead of idn, daen and daini are used. 



191. mitl ftail il-*askar dkl u mar^a n qillit san^a. 

* Like the army horses, (with) fodder and pasturage an4 little 
to do.' 

Used of one who, living at his ease, does not tire himself with 
work, and of one who lives at another's expense without heing of 
much use to him. H. 

Like Proverb 28. 

mes*a is a variant for fan*a. 



192. in-nzdl dhydn mnit-tlH^. 

' It is easier to go down hill than up.' 

8*ild is a variant of flik*. 



193. min ba^d ma keen stdha sdr yHabbil bHrsha, 

* After having been her husband, he beat a drum at her wed- 
ding.' 

Said of one who becomes reduced after having been powerful, 
or poor after having been rich. 



92 J. R. Jeioett, 

H. thinks this proverb must have originated in Damascus, or in some 
of the neigh boriug villages whose speech is like that of Damascus, be- 
cause there the women always call their husbands (>Lum! , and a 
woman speaking of her husband says /^ Juu*. . 

Cf . Fr. iii. 2150, 2792 ; Mustatraf , p. 48, 1. 6. 



JuJJb^ iojuJ^ ;L^L JuiaJLI oou Le Jujo vdU oJLo &JUI 

194. Allah yih^&t'ldk mill ma ha^at Ut-tahl hin-nhdr fiaMt u 
bil'Ul taHtq, 

* May God send you what he sent the drum, beating by day 
and hanging up by night.' 

Cf. Fr. ii. p. 166, No. 280. 



Ljf^ ^j^ ^ 



195. 8itt% btimrah u dna bi/rah. 

* My mistress is gay and I am glad.' 

The reply of a maid-servant who was asked how she got along 
in the house of her mistress. 

Used of one who is excessively gay, and who does what he 
wishes, because those who are over him, busied in their own 
pleasures and joys, have their attention called away from him ; 
or it is used to remove the blame from such a one and to cast it 
on those who are over him. H. 

H. quotes the following : 

L?pLo Juklb ouuJI ^p ^J}^ lit 

(joS Jl J<^ iLk3 ^LyyflJI fJ^S iLj (Mustatraf, p. 37, 1. 5.) 

• If the master of the house is beating the drum, don't blame the boys 
in the house for dancing.* 

marah means ' rejoice overmuch * (Lane), ' rejoice extravagantly, be 
intoxicated with joy.' 



oJ?^ Jl^ ^ ^ 

19G. knll M u ilu waqt, 

' Everything has its proper time.' 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, "93 

197. kuU in^mnU^ Ml a, 

' Whatever is forbidden is sweet.' 

matlUbf maJibUb and mdrghUb are variants of fyilu. 
Cf . Fr. ii. p. 390, No. 248 : Bt. 557. 



198. il-ma beddu yaHl bintu blghallt naqdha, 

' He who does not wish to give his daughter in marriage in- 
creases her dowry.' 

Cf. Burton, 136. 



199. il-mlih Vrahbu tesbfh wir-redl bdlceS ghdll, 

* What is of good quality is (a cause of) praise to its Lord, and 
what is of poor quality is dear even if it costs nothing.' 

Cf. Vassalli, 751 ; Sand. 101. 



200. iju '^l-mlceyiki rdhu ^i-Mydttn, 

' When the angels came, the devils went away.' 

Compare the following from my notes: aiS ma rdl). min HH-Hydftn 
bihiff ^al-nihByiki ' the more of the devils go away, the easier it becomes 
for the angels {?y^ha4^^^ is a variant for iju^ and infaradu for rdhu. 

Cf . Bt. 23. 



201. a^wdr Id tfcekir u nqra^ Id tjmkir. 

* Do not dispute with a one-eyed raan, or quarrel with a man 
with a scald-head.' 

According to H. the common people think that the one-eyed man is 
much given to discussion, and that he persists against the manifest 
truth, not yielding his position however many convincing arguments 



94 e/. R, Jewett, 

are brought against it. They think that the man with a scald-head is 
passionately fond of quarreling, and that he will not leave his adversary 
till he has roused him to burning anger. 



According to H. S\jLi = J*>Ls3L3* ^I JbijJ 



Cf . Soc. 560. 



202. qaliu qantdr misk hdaqndk qalln kitrtu rnuS l^fiair. 

' He said to him : There is a kantdr of musk in your beard. 
He replied : Its abundance is no advantage.' 

This is used of one who promises what he cannot perform, 
whence it is inferred that he is lying, and is like the saying 

XJ (5^7^ ^ 7^^^' rH vj^ * h® who increases the size of the 
stone does not throw it.' H. 



203. (W?/ ir-rfcBl ^ala qadd df^dlha, 

* Men's eating should be proportional to their achievements.' 



204. mektab ^ala hmh ij-Jinni md himr hama bithUbb kinni. 

* It is written on the door of Paradise : Never does a mother- 
in-law love a daughter-in-law.' 

Cf. Landberg, p. 87 ; Soc. 237. 



205. Id t^dmil in-nahs ^ala ^amalu. 

m 

* Do not treat the unlucky man as he treats you.' 

The meaning is : Do not punish the unlucky man for his evil 
doing. He harmed you just because he was so unlucky, and he 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 95 

injured himself thereby ; so do not increase his ill luck by taking 
vengeance on him. He is an enemy to himself. H. 

Used to ward off the vengeance and appease the anger of one who 

wishes to take vengeance on a wretch (^jLmJI). H. 



206. nil byiskun il-qardya beddu yihtimU iUbdiasya. 
* Whoever lives in villages must endure afflictions.' 
Used of the discomforts of village life. 

Compare the following taken from my notes : winn jdr *alaik iz- 
zamctn la tiskun ilia 'l-mudn * and if fortune is unjust to thee, live only 
in cities.' It is said that this is sung, but it is also used as a proverb. 
Also skikn U-mudn u lu jdrit * live in cities even if they oppress you.' 

Cf . Fr. iii. 131 ; Kail. 200. 



207. daurit U-misthtyyi min *a bukra li ^aSfyyi, 

* The modest woman's walk lasts from morning to evening.' 

The modest woman rarely goes out or meets anyone, and, when 
she does get the opportunity to go out, she is as delighted with 
the various sights as if she were a stranger ; and she spends a 
long time in looking at them, and in chatting with those of her 
intimate woman friends whom she meets, so that the length of 
her absence from the house has become proverbial. H. 

Used of one who goes for a walk, a call, or anything of the 
kind which usually takes only a short time, and is absent a long 
time. H. 



O w O O ^'*0 OO M' 



Instead of daurit H. has ^J^:^?:^nr♦^ i S%«^ , and says many use 



•• •• 



5U^ J^Lu iaiUI 
208. ilrqutt bycskul ^aSmh, 
* The cat eats his supper.' 



96 J. R. Jewett^ 

Said of a dupe. 



H. says that ioS is pronounced in the three ways 
Cf . y-j(^Ji btcekul ghadceh * the hen eats his dinner.' 



^\ U J.^ JJLU sJOLe ^1 

209. illl Hndu Jilful hlrisS ^at-tillai^, 

' He who has pepper sprinkles the clods with it.' 

Used of the rich spendthrift. H. 



O OS ' 



Instead of tUlai* H. has 5«jUbihXJI * mallows/ and says some use 
instead of ^/wZ )l^ * spice, pepper': cf. Cuche, Hartmann. — tillai*=z 

cikj , for which see Muljit and Dozy, s. v. Cf. {jOJt^ and ^t^ 

* nettle,' Cuche, s. v.; also nfdh**, nfaili\ No. 217.— In mv notes a second 
part of the proverb is given : viz., trilli Hndu bhdr birviS ^cU-bisdr 
(doubtless a mistake for bi^dr : cf . infra) ' and he wlio has spice sprinkles 

the bi^r with it.' — For Mffdr cf . Land berg, p. 79, and Dozy, under 



Cf . Kail. 418 ; Vassalli, 568 ; Sand. 83 ; also, for meaning, Sp. 81 ; Fr. 
ii. p. 740, No. 592. 



210. ba^d hmdrl nia yinbut haMH, 

' May no grass grow after my donkey is gone.' 

That is, I need grass only so long as my donkey is alive or in 
my possession. H. 

Said by one who does not concern himself about others' inter- 
ests after his own interests have ceased to be concerned. This is 
its original meaning, but some of the common people have given 
it a wider application, and have begun to use it of one who 
attains his own wish, or strives to attain it, without troubling 
himself about others' wishes. II. 

Instead of Lo H. has il . 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 97 

211. wia bta*'rif Jyxiru td ^errib gliairu, 

* You will not know his (its) excellence till you try some one 
(something) else.' 

eye o ' o . 

Instead of ^tru, ghairu, H. has TiyjA 8 



Cf . Berg, under hanter ; See. 4 ; also Mustafraf . p. 88, 1. 2 a& imo ; p. 89, 
L16. 



212. iza halaq jdrdk bill int, 

* If your neighbor shaves, moisten your face.' (That is, pre- 
pare to be shaved in your turn.) 

Used of a general calamity which afflicts people one after 
another. The proverb originated from the fact that at the bar- 
ber's each one is shaved in his turn. H. 

H. writes ssaJ I Jl? . 



Cf. Berg, under sawynner; Pr. iii. 668 ; Bt. 10. 



213. md bya^rif it-ttf^ min il-battt^, 
* He doesn't know W from a watemaelon.' 

** -p * ir is a word imitative of the sound of laughter," Lane. 
jJb i»Jli> ' they uttered a reiterated laughing,' lAue. But, as 

H. says, the word was probably chosen here with reference, not to its 
meaning, but to its sound, as it rhymes with &a{f{^. Instead of ith 
some say W^, H. Notice that NAfiir has written tth, 
Cf . Nos. 198-9. 



214. lahm ta^lab, 

* Middling.' (Literally, ' fox's meat.') 

VOL. XV. 18 



98 «/. R. Jewetty 

This is said in answer to an inquiry after one's health, and 
means ' not very well and not very ill.' 



215. jahddk md tirkud witkiXS ghair rizqak md bithUS. 

' However much you may run, and however eager you may be, 
you will only gain what has been predestined for you.' H. 

jL[f= ^ H. UjJI ^ jiLT c^ib = Lji1^ i 1^ ^ 

' was very eager for its pleasures.* Some use JmLS^ in the sense of 

vJL^^Ia aJ« I , 'be enamored with, and wholly ^ven up to/ and some 

use it in the sense of /m^:^ ' collect.' H. Of. Mu^tf and Dozy, s. v. 

According to Dozy the word is of Persian origin. Cuche renders 
liXS by 'avoir beaucoup d'activite dans (ses affaires).' — Instead of 

e m^ fir M •« O 

tkil$ and ti.ilS some say (^•Jo and Jm^^l3* H. — In this proverb 

N&9ir has written (X5\ ; elsewhere he has written it correctly {jaS\ • 

— In my notes I have the following : iS'S'ddi muS bir-rahf ' happiness 
is not to be obtained by running.' 
Cf . Soc. 424 ; Sp. 20 ; Kail. 14. 




• • . .• • 

216. kuUSi^a bcebu bUcebih shdhu t'jurm ^Hd'U-hatab biScsbih 
ij'jcBbu. 

'Every^thing after its kind resembles its owners; even the 
stick of fire-wood resembles the one who brought it,' 

What a man chooses and possesses gives an indication of his 
intellectual range and of his real condition, for the intelligent 
and the learned choose what is beautiful, while the ignorant and 
simple choose what is ugly, and so on. H. 

The proverb is used mostly of the fool whose folly is indicated 
by what he chooses and inclines to. H. 



Arabic Proverbs wnd Proverbial. Phrases. 99 

H. writes f^ (as N&^ir does in another place) = Aa- . Its origin 

is f^ys>- y, which is like f»y>> jfj the more widely known form. 

Cf . Sp. 274 ; Berg, under ressembler ; Burton, 68 ; Tant. p. 127 ; Kail. 
876 ; Fr. iL p. 735, No. 558 ; Mustafraf , p. 46, 1. 12. 



217. ^alSna nsth ma *aMna ntaili* id-dau* 

^ (Said the cocks) : It's our business to crow, not to bring the 
dawn.' 

At the beginning H. writes ^ojui v:>JU». — ^H. writes n^i*. but 
says that some use ntaili^. 



(3^ Udv>^ if^ \jL^ 
218. tihfa u Id y'riddha Blaiq. 
^ Let her perish, but Bulaiq shall not bring her back.' 

According to H. the origin of this is that a certain man had a 
blooded mare which got loose and ran away. Now there hap- 
pened to be a swift horse there, and some one advised him to 
mount it and overtake the mare. But there was something about 
that horse which he disliked, and he said : tihfa^ etc., and his 
words became proverbial. 

The saying is used of a disdainful refusal to accomplish one's 
purpose by means of one who is disliked. H. 



0^0 .- o > 



H. writes this ^jjJb |3o ^a l-i-^* .— ^i^ = ' perish of hunger,' 

Cuche ; cf . also Dozy.—On Bulaiq cf . Fr. ii. p. 908, No. 21 ; Fr. iii. 2218 ; 
Mustafraf , p. 47, 1. 19. 



219. kilmit lau zara^noiha ma tilHt, 

* We sowed the word if^ and it did not spring up.' 

That is, it is useless for us to say '*if such and such were 
true, such and such would result," and the like. H. It is used to 
express the idea expressed by our '' if the dog hadn't stopped, he 
would be running now." 



100 J. R. Jewett^ 

« 

Another yersion is : kUmit lau zara*nceha tUHt kekin ' we sowed the 
word if, and it sprang up buV — lau also means * would that I' 

Cf. Fr. i. p. 186, No. 429; Fr. ii. p. 691, No. 340; Vassalli, 507, 777; 
Tant. p. 128. 



220. bedddk tikdih baiHd ShUddk bedddk tisduq qarrib 
ihUddk, 

* If you want to lie, remove your witnesses ; if you want to tell 
the truth, bring your witnesses near.' 

Cf. Soc. 456. 



221. muS kuU ez-zelqdt zkebyi. 

*• All slips do not bring to one (literally, are not) zeloebyV 

H. says that an old man gave him the following explanation : 
A man's foot once slipped and he fell, and found on the ground 
some pieces of zekebi/i which had fallen from the hand of the per- 
son whom he had jostled when he slipped ; so he picked them up 
and ate them. Then he slipped a second time purposely, and 
jostled an irritable man who struck him a hard blow. There- 
fore one of those who knew of his first slip laughed at him, and 
said to him : m^ kuUy etc., i. e. 'all slips do not result in zeloBbyi^\ 
and his words became a proverb. 

Used of one who succeeds once in a given course, and, arguing 
success therefrom, fails on a second occasion. H. 

Variants : mti§ kull U-hatrdt {dklcet) la^qat {la*qit) zlcebyi. H. writes 

gjujf's ,—zeUBbyi * g&teau, beignet sucre au beurre,' Cuche. 
.: / 

Cf. Tant. p. 127. 



JumjJI >^I^J^ oJLiO* 
222. wisiU l*kw(Byir U-^dail: 

* You have reached the beehives.' 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial P^hna^es, 101 



» « • 



Used of one who is aiming at something which doefif not* really 

offer what he wishes. H. " ,- .-. 

" « ■> « 

H. gives the first part of this saying, with the change of one wor<ir(bd \ 
does not give the original word), as follows : 

* A wasp alighted on the tail of a donkey ; the latter said to him : You 
have reached the beehives.' 
Cf. Mustatraf , p. 44, 1. 7 ab imo. 



223. niin talab iz-zaud waqa*' bin-naqs, 
^ He who seeks too much falls into want.' 
On zaud * surcroit, surplus/ cf. Dozy, s. v. 

^<X2jl ^1, ^**UJI ^\ ^ ^XSUJI JJI 

224. Allah il-mjir mnil-ghanl H-mitjebbir wil-faqir il-mitkebbir, 

* God protect us from the haughty rich man and the proud 
poor man ' (literally, * God is the protector,' etc.). H, 



225. fnitl Sbdt vid *a kdlwfuu rbdt. 

* N. is like February weather ; no confidence is to be put in his 
words.' 

As February weather is very changeable and cannot be de- 
pended on, so his words cannot be depended on. H. 

ribA\ ' a thing with which one ties, binds, or makes fast.' Lane. 



a^l^ ^^^^ &^(>U \jt*^y hAXjo ^ 
226. moi mcelha u Sems qddha toujUh Jecelha, 
* It has brackish water, a burning sun, and sour faces.' 



102 . •;••/• J' R' JeweU, 



•• • 



Si^*o\a place which lacks three most important elements of 
coin^rt, as will be seen by comparing this phrase with Land- 



• "• • ^ 

227. ^ tcsfiud il'^aura u Id bint bintha by^ik ^a tiU iz-zdmcsn 
^urdn u Id tcB^ud il-*^afja u Id bint bintha byljik ^a tUl tz-zamcBn 

' Do not marry a one-eyed girl or her daughter's daughter, else 
you will always have one-eyed children ; and don't marry a lame 
girl or her daughter's daughter, else you will always have lame 
children.' 

N&9ir has written h^tk. 



228. mitl *azimt iJrhmdr lil-^urs. 

* Like the donkey's invitation to the wedding.' 

Used of one who is invited to what seems to confer honor, but 
really involves rendering service and enduring toil. H. 

In my notes stands the following addition to the above : ya lil-fyafab 
ya lil-moi * either to fetch fire- wood or to fetch water.* 

Cf . Soc. 289 ; Tant. p. 122. 



229. kelb il-mtr mtr, 

* The emir's dog is an emir.' 



230. il'hdkitn min kCif^itu wU-niaqta^ min hdSUu. 

* The ruler is to be judged by his lieutenant and the piece of 
cloth by its edge.' 



Arahie Proverbs wnd Proverbial PJirOtH^, 108 

According to H. the meaning is that the power of 4^, zuler is 
in his lieutenant, and the strength of a piece of cloth i& ib its 
edges, and the proverb is used of a man's power derived from the 
power of his family, friends, and those on whom he relies. 



o <. 



For &x^L5^8ee Dozy (in the last instance it is the Persian IJl^ Jo ). 
Noldeke. 



231. bit^auuneif il-bcUt mnil-ffharig ? 
' Can you make dncks afraid of drowning ?' 



232. mscek il-^ait u miXttu kuU min ^cUih St bthiUtu. 

' Grasp the string and stretch it ; whoever owes anything let 
him fetch it.' 

This saying is ased of an eqnal distribution of the expenses. H. 

Some think that the words msoek U-JyiH u mUtpu have no meaning, 
but are used merely to rhyme with the second part. H. This opinion, 

which H. declares to be Juulo mmuJ , seems to be correct. H. how- 

ever gives an explanation about as follows : By ifiuiLl Jue is meant 

' talk a great deal,* the imperative here expressing either a declaration 
or a reproach, and it is as if they said to the person who was explaining 
the expenses at great length : *^ There is no need of all this talk." 

H. writes imstk instead of msceJc—J^A. means here ' pay.' H.— H. 
compares this saying with *iSri 7}4ilabiyyi (see next number), and with 

Cf. Burton, 86. 



9yMiy dU^ (^ib tuuJL^ 8%JL^ 

233. 'iSri halaMyyi taqq handJc u Sirb moiyyi, 
'Aleppo sociability — gabble and a drink of water,' 

f&ttJI = \i:^ytaSi\ J and is a word of the common dialect. H. By 



taqq U-ljxinak the common people mean excessive or ill-arranged talk, 
or empty talk good only for taking up time and wasting it. H. — By Hrb 
moiyyi is indicated that nothing is expended for eatables. 



• • • . 



104 Vv '*• ^' ^' J^y^^ti^ 



• _ • 



H. 8a7^,t%it Aleppo sociability is not of this sort ; and says further 
that«tfa^ proverb, in its correct form, contains only the first two words 
of (hid'Tersion. By it is meant the equal distribution of the expenses, 

•* fi;otn the belief that when a party of Aleppo friends wish to eat together 

* t^ach one pays his part. 

Cf. Burton, 87. 



234. hdlr^aboeyi ya md qaUa^U firi, 

* How many fur cloaks this ^ahosyi has worn out !' 

According to H. the meaning is that the ^ctbceyi is more lasting 
than the fur cloak, because the rich man often becomes poor and 
loses his fur coat, while the poor man's ^ahoeyi remains, because 
it is the least a man can attain to. The proverb is used to ex- 
press the liability of riches to pass away, and further to urge men 
to be contented. H. 

firi for p\^ pi. of 8«^ • H. 



235. ya jebel ^dtl md y^hizzdk rlh, 

* O lofty mountain, the wind shall not shake thee.' 

Said of the powerful, well-balanced {aCt^puv) man. H. 



y^^^ f.f^ ^ ICft JL? U yfc 

236. SH *a heel ^Akki min hddir iUhahr, 

* What does Acre care for the roaring of the sea T 

Used of one who does not fear threats, or of one for whom they 
are not feared. H. 

N&^ir has written ^Akka. 



vdbjJI -.Leo ^ yoiS mXkjU 

237. byitla^ id-dau beta slyoeh id-dtk. 

* Daylight comes without (the help of) the cock's crow,' 



Arahie Proverbs and Prc/oerhM Phrases, 105 

IJBed of one who can be dispensed with, or who is not necessary 
for the attainment of one's wish. H. 



Jf* o, 



H. writes sJLnAjt . 

C_ -•* 

Cf . Vassaili, 393. 



LT/^ iOuu Jjol^ LsSS^ 
238. Jeha u dhl bitu Hits, 

* Jiha and the people of his house are a wedding in themselves.' 

That is, Jiha and his wife and his children are able to get up a 
wedding. H. This is used of a company who are able to man- 
age a matter without need of any one else. For example, if, 
after a great deal of snow has fallen in the courts of the houses, 
you learn that Z and the people of his house have removed the 
snow from their court, and some one then asks you who removed 
the snow from Z's court, you reply : Jehay etc. H. 



239. muS kuU il-^askar hlqdtil. 
* Not all the soldiers tight.' 



240. rrniS hull sdbVak bidatk sawa. 

' The fingers on your hands are iiot all equal.' 

H. writes |«^ oUloLoI J^ Lo . 

Cf . Tant. p. 126 ; See. 204 ; Kail. 231 ; Vassaili, 770. 



241. mitl tahUn ij-jcen qarqa^a wi-hStS wi-thln rnd fU, 

^Like the mill of the Jinn, clanking and clattering, but no 
flour.' 

Used of one who talks but does not act. H. 

VOL. XV. 14 



106 J. R. Jewett, 

H. writes this as follows : ^^xb iL? &JU)«3' ^%il ^^.^.Lb Jjuo, 

but says that the version given above (only with qarq^a instead of 
qarqa*a) is used by some of the people of Lebanon. 

Cf. No. 246 ; Fr. i. p. 282, No. 18 ; Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 208, No. 667 ; 
Durra, 81. 



242. m(n byiShdd tnd*^ ^l-^ardsf immha wil-rndSta. 

* Who will bear witness for the bride ? Her mother and the 
hair-dresser.' 

Used of the worthlessness of a witness's evidence in favor of 
one whom he likes ; used also of the beauty of the faith which 
relatives and friends have in eacb other. H. 

H. says some of the common people say : 

* Who will come with the bride ? Her mother, her mother's sister, and 
seven girls from her street (quarter).' The following variant of this 
occurs in my notes : u 8eb*a min &hl lidritha ' and seven of the people 
of her quarter.' 

Cf. Fr. iii. 1544, 2948. 



243. ma fi u l/i 'Hd ilia u fth du^fidn. 

* There is not a single piece of wood without smoke in it.' 

That is, there is not a distinguished man without a defect or 
something which is offensive to others. H. 

Another form of this is : ma ft u Id "Ad td ilu duhhdn. 

Cf . Fr. iii. 2698 ; Soc. 92 ; Kail. 404 ; also, for meaning, Soc. 8^91 ; Vas- 
salli, 419, 427-33. 



auuuJb jMjoL^ S(>LjJI 

244. il'ddi hdmis taU'a. 

* Habit is a fifth nature.' 

Cf . Mustatraf , p. 35, 1. 4 ah imo ; Bt. 138, 448 ; Kail. 299, 800, 419. 



Arabic Proverbs amd Proverbial Phrases, 107 

245. b^ min ^ankabUt ktir ^al-bimHt. 

*A house of spider's web is a great deal for one who dies.' 

That is, is a great deal for man, because he passes away 
quickly. 

The proverb is used to enjoin, or to express, contentment with 
a little of this world's goods. H. 

H. says that the common people call the spider's web 'ankabUt, They 
also use this word for the spider itself : cf. Hartmann, Vokabular, 
under Spinne. 

Cf . Berg, under araignie. 



246. mttl U-qarqa tiktuk bela rdd^a. 

* Like the brooding hen, clucking without nursing.' 

Said of one who talks but does not act, or who is unable to 
make good his pretenses. H. 

According to H. xj»«j is pronounced &3«3 by the people of Damas- 

CU8, Horns, etc., and ikSyS by the people of Lebanon. — H. writes 

^iXxxj , which he defines as aL^Li^^iXJi 0>i^ • 
Cf. No. 241 ; Burton, 90. 






247. qdXu lil-qird laiS wijhdk aswid qdl dktar mtiil-qird md 
masa(iu Allah, 

* They said to the monkey : Why is your face black ? He 
replied : God transformed nothing more than he did the monkey.' 

Used of a state of affairs which has become the worst possible. 
H. 

The reference here is to the old story that the monkey was 
originally a man whom God transformed on account of his great 
wickedness. H. 



108 J. R. Jewett, 

H. gives only the last part, beginning with aktar, but says that the 
people of Lebanon add the first part. — H. writes masahy not maaahu, 
•^imjo = ' change from one form to another worse form.* H. As an 

example of its use Noldeke cites SUtb, 86. 67. 



248. hmda kdlmmu ^al^h terk mitl (/bilnt ilrfahm, 

* This man's words must be tared, like a weight of charcoal." 

This man's words must be received with a grain of salt. 



249. ydmma sroBJain u $em^a ydmma ^al-^atm jilm^a, 

* (He) either (lights) two lamps and a candle, or (sits) in dark- 
ness a week.' 

Either all of one thing or all of another. Like No. 81. H. 
Cf . Berg, under lampe ; Nof al, p. 500. 



260. qulncB'ldk yd hUri ^imidu htihnqu? 

* We said to you, O priest : Baptize him ; are you going to 
strangle him ?' 

Used of one who goes to excess. H. 



o 



H. writes 8 Jl^ .— Cf . qtUncB-lAk hamm^i md qulnce-ldk J^riqu * we 
said to you : Roast it ; we did not say to you : Bum it.* 

Cf . Sp. 180 ; Burton, 167. 

251. it'tifl iza rnd bikl md hitrad^u hnma. 

* If the baby does not cry, his mother will not nurse him.' 

Used in urging to exertion one who wishes something but who 
does not exert himself to attain it. H. 



Cf. K-rL^yJt jJulJ' ^UuII JloIoJI 'the crying baby is nursed 
often.' ^ ^" 



Arabic Proverbs cmd Proverbial Phrases. 109 

^jiojji y;i^ui^ jg<nll iJLmI ^^JJt Jjuo 
252. mitl-Uli dsldm id-duhr u mmt il-^asr, 

• • • 

' Like the man who became a Moslem at noon and died in the 
afternoon.' 

Used of one who, turning from his own course to another, gains 
no benefit from it, and loses the benefits of the first course. H. 

In my notes stands the following addition to the above : ^tsa tbarra 
minnu u Mhammid via Varraf fth * Jesus got rid of him, and Moham- 
med did not become acquainted with him (because he was too late for 
the noon prayer and died before the afternoon prayer). ' H. gives this 

g > O C C5 ^ O 

also, but writes yiy^ Lo t^i^^ . 
Cf. Burton, 151. 



253. ktir U'kdrdt qdlil il-bdrdt. 

* The man with many trades has few paras,^ 



xjyo iUuU v:>jli' ^ J^^ b 
254. 1/a wail min keen it HUtu mertu, * 

'Alas for the man whose affliction is his wife.' 
Cf. min kasnit 'illtu mertu keen U-qabr mxi^wceh *the grave is the 
only refuge of him whose affliction is his wife.' — iLoLnJI JuL^ &JijL!l 

• •• \^ •• • 



c &Jiju mjLkj bJUuo yxt &Jjo ^^ cX^Lo ^JUI 



255. il-byoeliud fnin niiUi ghair niilltu byiqa^ hHUi ghair 
HlUu, 

* He who takes a wife from a sect not his own falls into an 
affliction not his own.' 

Cf . Fr. iii. 2212 ; Burton, 145 ; Kail. 488. 



110 J, R. Jewett^ 

256. fj'dr in-niswcen u kaid ir-rihhoBn, 

' Women's immorality and monks' wiles (are to be dreaded).' 

N&^ir adds to the above : u zulm el-f^ukkcem *■ and the injustice of 
rulers.' 



Cf. KaU. 308. 



^)y=^ *iUiw JU^^ ^ yAi 



I 



257. of jar tnin nuriyyi mtallqa jauzha, 

* More immoral than a gypsy woman who has divorced her hus- 
band.' 

Noldeke says : Die Zigeunerinnen gelten in der ganzen Welt als 
>Syi * liederliche Frauenzimmer ;' also erst recht eine geschiedne. 



The form given above is the common one, but the original form was 
mtalldqha jauzha * whose husband has divorced her ' (as, indeed, 
stands in one version in my notes.) H. Probably mfallqa is for infal- 



9 



Idqha in rapid pronunciation.— H. writes S\*:>> or L^\^^ . 
Cf. Fr. iii. 171. 



J^>*^ ^^^ ny^^ ^)T^ c>^ 7^' 

258. djjar inin fidri mahrilm u qddl nia^zHl, 

'More vicious than an excommunicated priest and a deposed 
cadi.' 

jLAJLlLd _i Lo 'iXs ^^ &ft£ y& Lo 

259. tnd hd Hjffi min qillit ind ft bil-qiffi, 

' That is not abstemiousness, but the result of having little in 
the larder.' H. 

That is, N's abstaining from such and such a thing results, not 
from his abstemiousness, but from his inability to obtain it, 
owing to the lack of money and the like. The saying is used in 
general of one who abstains, not because he will, but because he 
must. H. 

Cf . ma hH min fj^vhriitha Icekin min qiilt il-izdr * that arises, not from 
her modesty, but from lack of an izdr,' 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, 111 

260. nahn saytbna mill il-bmW il-mils. 

* We are in the same plight as the man who swallows a razor/ 

If the man pulls the razor from his throat, it pains him, and if he 
swallows it with its handle, it pains him even more. H. 
We are in a great dilemma. 

H. begins the proverb with mitlf omitting the first two words, and 

adds &jL^JJ 'as far as its handle.' — In my notes is the followini^ 
addition : inn bcUa^nceh hyijrahna winn SUnceh byijra^na * if we swallow 
it, it wounds us, and if we pull it out, it wounds us.' — Cf. niitl is-sekrdn 
inn ^aUa Jl^rdm vnnn ma ^alla hardm ' like the drunken man : if he 
prays, it's a sin, and if he doesn't pray, it's a sin.' 

Cf . Soc. ZDMG. xxxvii. 220, No. 779. 



261. inn bazaqna Ptaht 'a daqnna w-inn bazaqna Vfauq *a 
hjDdribna, 

' If we spit downwards, it gets on our beard ; and if we spit 
upwards, it gets on our moustache.' 

Said of one in a dilemma ; much like the preceding. 
Cf . Kail. 54-6. 



8ju ^\^\ 

262. il-fiaw(Bt beddu kdtb hijjif 

* Does madness need a certificate in order to be recognized (or 
established) T 



H. writes x^l^ bJu Lo ^LLsLV , but says that the form given 
above is used in Lebanon. — L»»tt :L\ = ^^ a -JA H. 



263. vnaHikf inauqOLf mitl f^ail id-dauli. 

^ Well fed and standing idle, like the government horses.' 

Cf. No. 191. 



112 J, R, Jeiveti, 

264. ^ami u lu tdrit. 

* It is a goat, even if it does fly.' 

Used when one obstinately defends a position shown to be indefensi- 
ble ; as if, for example, one should maintain that a distant black object 
was really a goat even after it had been seen to fly away. 

Cf. B:aU. 329 ; Fr. iii. 2175. 



(jiO^u &i0uj0 (^JoJfi 

265. haidi tahhit bahs, 

* This is a mess of pebbles.' 

Used of a hope which cannot be realized, so that he who expects 
to realize it is like him who expects to cook pebbles tender. It 
may also be used of what is attained after long waiting. BL 



266. ma btidkur Ta^qHb ilia tafU U-qiXbf 

*Do you never remember Jacob except when you are under 
affliction ?' 

Used of one who remembers his friend only when he is himself 
in trouble and needs the latter's help. H. 

Cf. Landberg, 125 ; Bt. 632 ; Wetzstein, ZDMG. xi. 517. 



267. il md lu sPmi md lu din, 

* Tlie man without honor is a man without religion.' 



In the common language Ifmt (SL^ju^Jt) — ^^-^ aLA^^L ^^y^JI 

ii ^ _ ^ ^ ir ^^ . H. It may be rendered * honor, self-respect, nobility of 
character,' etc.: cf. Landberg, Glossaire, s. v. — Variants of afTrnt are 
bait and iaraf.— It is interesting to note that Nd^ir has written ILJL^ , 



Arabic Proverbs cmd Proverbial Phrases, 113 

evidently thinking that the word is written with ^ , though pro- 

nounced with I , which very often takes the place of ^' in the common 
speech. 

Cf. Fr. iii. 116 ; Ali, p. 85, No. 265; p. 87, No. 270. 



•• ^ •• •■ 

268. yd baifl yd bwnitcetl yd msettir ^uwaibcetl, 
' O my house, my dear little house, hider of my little failings.' 
Applied to one in search of a quiet, retired life. H. 
Cf. Fr. i. p. 203, No. 181. 



269. haudi jcej ti mndqtdhun bulced, 

* Those are hens, and their bills are made of steel.' 

That is, they are weak and cowardly, all their strength and 
their boldness being in their mouths, because they are slanderers, 
backbiters, calumniators. H. This saying is used of those who 
are unable to provoke powerful enemies by slander, backbiting, 
and calumny. H. 

Cf . qHtu bihncehu mitl il-^f^^i* * like the frogs, his strength lies in his 
throat.'— i!ina;fc = JU^I . 



^ ^ ^ • • • ■ 

270. jdijdi beki leffi hdllaq sdr yuja^ak rdsdk/ 

' Having been all your life without a turban, has your head 
now begun to ache ?' 

H. says that the origin of this saying was that a poor man 
passed many years without a turban, and, when he had procured 
enough to buy one, he went to the cloth-merchant to buy it- 
A;jd when the merchant began to measure, the poor man said to 
him : Hurry, for my head aches without a turban. Some of 
those who knew his circumstances said to him : jdijdi bela leffi^ 
etc. 

VOL. XV. 15 



114 e/. R. Jewett^ 

Used of one who has endured the want of a thing a long time, 
but becomes impatient when he is on the point of obtaining it. H. 

For jdijdi I have in my notes a.\aoJdjce, Instead otjdiij&i, kuU *umrak 
is also used. H.— In my notes is the following version : mitl iUi qcu/o. 
^omru bla leffl ^dr ivcefyid ifkdiyyU u wcefyid y'liff * like the man who 
passed his life without a turban, (he was so impatient when the time 
came for him to have one that two men had to wait on him, of whom) 
one began to measure and one began to wrap (it aroimd his head)/— 

^L>. (^1-^ is A participle from f>L>. . — (^Jij^ = v:>i>«JI I J^ . 



271. dlf kilmit tfaddcU ind htiswa hattit iMabag. 

*A thousand Come-to-dinner's are not equal to setting the food 
before us once.' 

One act is better than a thousand promises. 



272. hutt it'tabaq HI it-tabaq haqq il-yhanatn matrahu. 

* Bring the tray, remove the tray, as much as you will, the 
price of the sheep remains the same.' 

The origin of this, according to H., was that a Kurd once sold a 
fellah some sheep, and, when he went to the latter's house to pro- 
cure the pay for them, the latter made him put up at his house, 
and began to set food before him at the proper times, in the hope 
that he would be ashamed to ask for the money and would leave 
it. The Kurd, perceiving this, said : hiiU it-tabaq, etc. 



273. ill'i bedddk tiqdih mdih toil-bedddk tirhnu bt^u. 

* What you wish to accomplish at all do quickly, and sell what 
you are thinking of pawning.' H. 

Cf . Landberg, 3 ; Burton. 141 ; Vassalli, 155-6 ; Sand. 39. 



Arabic Proverbs and Proverhi<d Phrases. 115 

274. hydr il-^ata yd Amir hddir hhddir, 

*The choicest gift, O Emir, is the one which is given at once.' 

«>^L^O y6[^ — JL^I ^ J^L^ • H. — Another form is . ^ ^ 
(jO woL^ UUajLlI . H. — Variants for hA^ir bhd4ir are ijiarir hfyarir and 

Cf . Bt. 240 ; Nofal, p. 514. 



v:;^Li Lo xjux v::^Lo L4JI 

• •• 

275. U-md mcBt ^aibu tnd fcBt, 

'As long as one is alive one is not secure from disaster or dis- 



grace.' 



A Syrian lad to whom I read this saying added : voilli 'indu bdncet 
Id y^aiyyir il-qafybcet. 



276. Id tlUm il-ghdyib td yehdar. 
* Don't blame the absentee till he comes.' 
Like No. 1 74. 
Cf. Burton, 67 ; Nofal, p. 680. 



A » 



\j>^^y^ (>4^X* *^^^^ 
277. ^dlb mhammdl qriXS. 
*A dog laden with piasters.' 

Said of a rich miser, or of a rich man who, on account of his 
niggardliness, lives like a dog. H. 

Cf. Burton, 72. 



• • -- - 

278. Jfityyit il-kdlb kdlbin mitlu. 

' The blood-money for a dog is a dog like him.' 



116 J. R. Jewett^ 

That 18, a dog's death is sufficiently revenged by the delivering 
over as payment, or by the killing, of a similar dog. Both dogs 
are equally worthless. 

\J^eA of any two who, on being compared, are found to be 
equally base and ignoble. II. 



&aa:>> = aL)4> , * blood-money.' H. 
Cf. for meaning Landberg, 36, 94. 



vOJbCso^ JS^ jx^ Jl^ LojJt 



279. id'dini hkoek hamtr hikk'dll u bhikkilldk, 

• m • m 

* The world resembles donkeys scratching each other (literally, 
is a scratching of donkeys) : You scratch me and I'll scratch you.' 

Cf. selltnl u bselltk min hallaq lay^th id-dik 'amuse me and Fll 
amuse you from now till the cock crows.' Variants : rceddini bweddik, 
— Cf. also isnid'li hatta ^mmil4ak * lend me a hand, that I may help 
you load.' 

Cf. Fr. ii. p. 8, No. 18 ; p. 356, No. 121 ; Scaliger, p. 113, No. 72 ; Vas- 
salU, 374. 



280. kttr il-ghalahi rdh *a jhennhn qdl il-hatab afidar. 
*The busybody went to Hell and said : The fire-wood is green.' 

Cf. Burton, 172 ; Fr. i. p. 494, No. 71 ; Soc. 332. 



281. qtmtu mitl qimt il-mi'mfpri Uitid il-^Arab, 

*He is of as much value as a mason among the Bedouins.' 

As the Bedouins live in tents, thoy have no need of masons, 
consequently a mason is of no value to them at all. 



Arahic Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases. 117 

V5^' LT^ ^J^ ^ JJ' 
282. ilU ilu ^ain mtiS a^ma. 
* He who has only one eye is not blind.' 

Used of one who has obtained only a part of what he wishes, 
or of one who has lost part and still retains part of something 
dear to him. H. 

Somewhat like our " Half a loaf is better than no bread." 

Cf . for meaning Vassalli, 62 ; Durra, 20. 



283. qdlu lidrdth beddna nrd^tk il-ghanam sdr yibkl qalUlu 
lai^ btibkl qal-lhum dh lau bisihh hdl-tnncem. 

* They said to the wolf : We are going to let you herd the 
sheep. He began to weep. They said to him : Why do you 
weep ? He replied : Oh, if this dream only would come true !' 

H. gives the following form, though he says some of the people of 
Lebanon use the form given above : 

o 







That is, he wept for the truth of their words, because there was no 
truth in what they said. H. — In giving the first form, H. writes vilxftloy 
as I have transliterated. N^^ir has written nra**IX?. 



284. qdlu lid'dtb Id timSi wara H-ghanam ghabrithun bitdurr 
^ainaik qaUlhan ghabrithun kuhl t^ain^yyi, 

' They said to the wolf : Do not walk behind the sheep, their 
dust will hurt your eyes. He replied : Their dust is kuhl to my 
eves.' 

Cf. Bt. 520. 



118 J. H. Jewett^ 

• • •• 

205. mnil-qaddoeha swai u ninis-sauwwcBni Swat. 

*A little from the steel and a little from the flint.' 

The spark is produced by the flint and the steel together, and 
not by either of them separately ; so this phrase is used of two 
causes each of which contributes to bring about trouble, such 
as quarrels, war, insurrection, and the like. For example, if two 
men have a quarrel, and both are more or less in the wrong, a 
common friend will say of their quarrel : mnU-qaddoeha Stoaiy 
etc. H. 

qaddceha means in the common dialect the steel, and not, as in clas- 
sical Arabic, the flint. H. Cf . also Cuche. 



286. qdlH-lu lij'Jemil wai7i daintdJc qdl Sahhtyt/i. 

' They said to the camel : Where is your ear ? He said : Here 
it is.' 

^ahfyiyyi = &a5& aamJ^I = behold it (voici), the hty^ being the pro-' 

noun of the third person feminine. Cf. Mgr. David in Journal Asi- 
atique, September- October, 1887, p. 195. — N&$ir has written simply 
qdlu. 



sJJi^^ 8jJi^ wmOaJI {jQjo 

287. mass il-qasah Hqdi u Hqdi. 

* Sugar-cane is sucked joint by joint.' 

This saying is used of rendering work easy or possible by going 
at it gradually. H. 

H. compares with this the common saying (<^)t^ ^Ju>*kJ\ c«JLb 



:^vi>« * one must go up a ladder one rung at a time.* — a 1 ->■ means 
either 'ladder* or * stairs' : cf. Cuche, Hartmann, s. v. 



Arabic Proverbs amd Provei'biaJ Phrases. 119 

LjaJ v.JLr L4*); aJUl ifl ;yudl U aJ^yj) i^^ i 1^ 

288. tnd f^ u Id zimUli ^at-tennUr ilia Allah razdqha kdlb 
laqqha, 

* There is not a scrap on the tennur but God sends a dog to it 
to lap it up.' 

That is, every paltry or vile thing is nought for by one of its 
own kind. H. 

xJaw^JL sJ« J J| = xi)(>\^| that is, a piece of the dough which 

falls in the tennur from the loaf, and which the woman who is baking 
picks up and throws on the top of the tennur. — H. writes, instead of 



Cf. Mustatraf, p. 35, 1. 17. 



289. lau Id Biskinta wiS-^cair kamt id-dhii bdlf hair, 

V 

*Were it not for Biskinta and es-Swair the world would be 
full of blessings.' 

Biskinta and es-Swair are two villages on the western slope of 
Lebanon a little north of east from Beiriit. 



290. ^bdt lau $abat u lau labat rtht is-aaif fth. 

* However much February scratches and kicks, the breath 
(scent) of summer is in it.' 

Instead of -J , H. writes jj . — ^aba\ means 'scratch, cut slightly': 
cf . Mu^t Aiid Dozy. 
Cf. KaU. 205. 






291. il'^ajSn rad byitW bela (^amtri, 
* Dough will not rise without leaven.' 



120 J, R. JeweU. 

For the attainment of one'w ends the proper means must be 
used. 

Cf. Sand. 50. 



ADDITIONAL REMARKS. 

I may here call attention to the fact that a few of these prov- 
erbs (nine or ten in all), together with a number of others, were 
published in transliteration in Proc. AOS. Oct. 1886 (Journal, 
vol. xiii., p. cxxix ff.). 

Dr. Karl VoUers's Lehrhuch der ^^gypto-arahischen Umgangs- 
aprache will be found valuable for a study of the Egyptian 
Arabic. I did not see a copy of this work till after this article 
had begun to be put in type. 



ARTICLE III. 

THE LETTER OF HOLY SUNDAY 

Syriac Text and Translation. 
By Professor LSAAC H. HALL, 

OF THK METKOPOLTTAN MU8BUK OF ART, NKW YORK CITY. 



Presented to the Society October 30th, 1889. 



In June, 1889, I received from Urrai a manuscript, copied 
in 1885 from a much older one that was not to be obtained, in 
which are written the following compositions : 

1. The narrative of Moses, Approved in Prophecy ; 

2. The letter of Holy Sunday, that descended from Heaven 
upon the hands of Athanasius, Patriarch of Rome ; 

3. The Martyrdom of Giwargis (i. e. George) ; 

4. The narrative of Arsdnis ( Arsenius), King of Egypt ; 

5. Sundry Church Services, Prayers, Rules of Magic, etc. 
The manuscript (copy) consists of sixty-two pages of fair 

Nestorian script, the written page about 7^X5^ inches in 
dimension, witn eighteen lines to the page. There are many 
slips of the scribe, and no little false pointing ; but it is not a 
bad modern copy. 

The second of the above compositions is a different recension 
of the tale which I communicated to the Society in Vol. XIII. 
of the Journal, pages 34—48, under the title of " The Extremity 
of the Romans." The differences are so great that I have 
deemed this form of the tale worth publishing on that account, 
as well as by reason of its own interest, and the light and cor- 
rection it furnishes for the understanding of the text of the 
former one. 

The composition occupies about eleven pages of the manu- 
scrij)t. I have retained the (indifferent) interpunction of the 
text, adding nothing of my own, but generally omitting the 
pointing of the letters, as unnecessary. Abbreviations in the 
manuscript are marked by a sign like our colon, at the end of 
the abbreviated word^ and sometimes in the midst of an abbre- 

VOL. XV. 16 



122 /. H, IMl, 

viated suffix-pronoun. Such words I have retained as they 
were written, since no cases occur where tlie reader will be 
easily misled. 

For other matters respecting this story, see the previous 
comnmnication, '' The Extremity of the Romans," above men- 
tioned, and also the notes at the end hereof. 

The following is the Syriac text : 

9 l^r^l ^£>2^aloI^ ■ 1 i| hW) liiiiV "^Qy^ ^r-^? OlI^^Ad« V^ 



.• f 



. 1^00199 Isi-Af^LS 1 w^mlZ) >a|^ >a'^) V^ }-^^ ■ V JLLttJ^^ 4> V^^f^ 



: ^^aV) jaVlai|0 s»UiJ^ >A|^ 4> )£b^^9 )<^r^ OLi^Airf)) .' |M ^g V 



.. / 






. |.-:^9)9 01 aftatnS flU aftnm ^t )y •! 4. *. jl a ^ WyJ9 qi S T) 



•• •• 

I** -^^ M^^? ^A0la^O|^ : )(3U^ J^^ >aVlaai90 • )oi^ »aV)a>90 : ^^^ai>nS^ 



TRANSLATION. 

[Relying] on the strength of our Lord Jesus Christ, we begin 
to write Tiik Letter of Holy Sunday, that descended from 
heaven upon the hands of Mar Athanasius, patriarch of the city 
Rome ; which is the Tliird Letter. Oar Lord, aid me in thy 
mercies. Amen. 

In the year one thousand one hundred and forty years accord- 
ing to the numbering of Alexander, son of Philip the Macedonian 
(i. e. A.D. 829). 

First, we make known to you, beloved in God and faithful in 
Christ, l)rethren and friends and kinsmen, priests and deacons, 
and the whole congregation of true Christians from one end of 
earth to the other (Ut.^ from extremities to extremities of the 
earth), of the west and of the east, and children of the north with 



The Letter of Holy Sunday, 123 



IZ] >>Vn*n . ^ WaSn«ii;^wo,c? JZ, S \ '.loi— ^ -..^ Z992u4.)9 



« 
•> )m> ^ViSn i ill So 

*• 



ll^o : l^oona) '^sa^SZ \ jininm 0001 ■ ^iln g^ •. )^vV^ 
0001 ^«ooi9 Mnirn^ ._2tfZ 0001 h^'t ))-^^^? • 1^^ ^^ r^ '.)14ViaV)0 



the south, those of every state with those of every degree, both 
lovers of God and beloved for God's sake, spouses of the heavenly 
bridegroom, those that are in the one gospel net — beloved, listen 
and hear, that I may make known to you this Letter that 
descended from heaven* to men because of the laws and command- 
ments, in order that they might keep and do them, and on 
account of the threatenings and heavy stripes that God will bring 
upon them if they keep not and do everything that is written in 
this Letter ; which was sent from God to the church of Constan- 
tinople in the days of Athanasius, patriarch of Rome. Peace be 
with you, and favor, from God our Father and from our Lord 
Jesus Christ. 

In the year one thousand and ninety-four of Alexander, son of 
Philip, on the twenty-fourth of Nisan (i. e. 24 April, A. D. V83), 
this Letter descended, above the temple of the Apostles Peter 
and Paul, when there were assembled in the temple twelve 
bishops and a hundred priests and deacons, beside the many peo- 
ple that were there in the temple, who were twenty- three thou- 
sand in number, men old and young, and children and maidens ; 



124 1. H. Hall, 



•• •• 

• • • • 



• • • •* • • 



^ ^▲JJ w^a )]9 {il^i^ : ^ooi£uLlS : i^i-M > w<Ttn4o . )J^|X ^^ i^bff 



as they were standing and praying and making request from 
God, the daytime changed and became night, and a wonder came 
to pass such as never was its like. 

Then a disciple of the blessed Mar Athanasius went outside, 
and lifted up his eyes to heaven, and he saw, not oYi earth nor in 
heaven, this Letter, that was hanging above the temple, that was 
written on a tablet of crystal. And he saw, and ran to the 
temple, and saluted {lit,^ blessed) and did reverence to Athana- 
sius, and said : My Lord, go out and see the wonder, the sign that 
is hanging between earth and heaven. But he said to him : My 
son, remain first, that the oblation may be offered which the 
living and the dead are looking for and awaiting. And after it 
was offered all the church poured forth and went out with Atha- 
nasius the patriarch. And he decreed a curse, to the purport 
that whosoever heard should not delay from coming to the holy 
church. 



The Letter of Holy Sunday, 125 

]f.M )£k^^ l^o^M )ooio .|^SS )ooio |ViVi«| ^019 ^^2^ :^i^ ^ 









O *.)90l l^^fi^) AbiOo Zi.A.0 .w^|J»0 . < ulSn 

And there were assembled much people, priests and deacons, 
seven thousand men besides the former ones, and the patriarch 
Athanasius among them ; until there remained no one of the 
children of the faith of the Christians that did not come to the 
church, except those women for whom it was not [proper] that 
they should enter the church. 

And as they were standing and weeping, and making supplica- 
tion with weeping from God the Lord of all, because the daytime 
had changed and become night, and when there had been dark- 
ness one hour, and abundant tears had been shed, then was heard 
a voice within the temple, such as there has not been its like ; and 
the people that heard multiplied their sobbing tears of repentance 
before God. Mar Athanasius, the patriarch of Rome, took the 
lead,f and put on white garments, and clothed himself with a 
white priestly robe, and all the people [put on] white garments, 
every one according to his ability, and they also purified them- 
selves from defilement and sin. And the patriarch Athanasius 
stood and spread forth his priestly garment, in which he was 
clad, in the sight of every one ; and this Letter separated and 



* Perhaps to be emended to >aj3 , since the scribe may have repeated 
inadvertently the word two places back. 

t Perhaps **ro8e" is better, reading >ajD for >0|-e . 



126 /. H. HaU, 



h\/ 9L^ ,]:^^ ,^iSS oLO^jao oii-^o %V/t iinno |SV|*"o |-^n\i *^ 
^JSOiisJ ^J0Q-isJ <^oio£m|9 : < 4 ig n > 4 i| n > 4 i| n 0001 ■ aSo |..a : -^^1 

•* / • • 

• IAsOI I9OI |<^t«M| |OOI yJOhAO 

^ * • • • 

-.(^ \^^ vQA^ ^9^0 £bs£b£? .0101^ "K^ P9 p:«H* l^fl"^^ '^ 

— «^^^o ■ >Sn9|o oft^ £J^A :<]i.-a ]o<n £b^9 >e|.Jtf ^o/jnS Po 



1^1^99 ■ •4V^i>o : walk. AJL4A 1^H*| ^9|— ^^o . )^0|.a^ : gJimalkf 

^ • • • 

•• •• 



l^u^Oi^o l^^iOo Irn^o *|l£]o '.).^4n \X£i\ ^nniS\ )J9| 4\n |oi ^f4^ 



loosed itself and descended (or, moved and started and de- 
scended) ; and he received it on his arms with prayers and with 
tears and with sadness. And he read it and expounded it in the 
sight of all the people, three times, while they were crying out, 
Holy, Holy, Holy (that is, ayio^j ayto^, ayio?), Our Lord have 
mercy upon us ! who hath sent his signs and his wonders to-day. 

And this Letter was written thus : 

" Woe to the cursed people that knew not their God ; for I 
wrote and sent to you the first letter — and ye did not anything that 
was in it — in the year one thousand and forty-two of Alexander 
the Macedonian (i. e., A.D. 731) ; and I sent another in the year 
one thousand and fifty (i. e., A.D. 739), that peradventure ye 
might turn you from your hateful doings of your bodies, and 
from whoredom, and [from] your tongues that speak falsehood, 
and keep the day of Sunday that I commanded you. But if ye do 
not keep [it], behold, I will send upon you hard times, and earth- 
quakes,! and burning (or, fever), and the locust, and commotions, 

* Probably an error for \^o\ ; very easy in Nestorian script. 

f As the MS. reads, we should render * filth ' instead of * earthquakes.* 

But I suppose that the P^^i of the MS. is a slip (very easy in Nestorian 

... .• 
script) for ^o] . 



The Letter of Holy Sunday, 127 



h^\ .yol^ysi P) 1M^^ {Zo^iitfo -.l^o^^o l^o^f^o ILm^o . pZoI^eo 

P? ^\^Vf> :^^JS|^9 U^fjD vft^) \:>cQ^ ^^r^ Vy >2xic^ ^^iSs 

-^^^ P ^f »h to .1^9] ^2ie ^J&a J^A I^L^ xaZo^ ^oaAoiZo ; ^ y\Vi» 
P9 ^aa^ Pr^l v.so^o . |9fi^9 l^^r* nNnn^ 9^s ^2« : ^oi/nlVitm 
^oa^ fO^ ^oaaoi^ |] ^(9 . |flin^ ^«^i^ l^^rA >*^9 |Vi^o ^ \^l^ 



jT^^V^ .jInmViSo |2b^J«9|] ^-^9 «oiLJ] .U^|jD );^^o^ Umn 



] -y^^ |oio . ^2am9 ^ooi iSs ^oh ag nS |]o . ^n>V9'^ ^^ ^£^^^^9 



p^^iw^V ^kfioi,^ ■ i|wSV> ^nlV> 'f^L^^ • (.A^a^ >*r*)>d }j9a^aJ ^eoi^ 
-^ ^^ ' ^*»^^^ ^'■>'" ^ *>^ ^Afiobi 1^-09] ]£b^QJLa^ ^dk09Ab^ |i1mf>|3o 



and pestilences, and the small locust, and the creeping locust, and 
darkness, and manifold plagues ; which without diminution I 
will send upon you, because ye have not kept my holy day of 
Sunday, because of your faithlessness and yonr withdrawal from 
the holy church. And if ye will not hear the voice of my words 
and turn to me, I will wipe off all flesh from the eaith ; and they 
shall no more forsake their faith after that they have received 
the knowledge of the truth. 

"And moreover, I say to you that ye swear not at all by my 
name, [nor] by my mighty arm ; for, if ye do not turn, I will do 
to you like the days of Noah, when I brought the flood upon the 
face of the whole earth. Then, indeed, men turned to the 
former wickedness ; but ye thrust away the widows and the poor 
and the wretched from your doors, and upon them shew no 
mercy. Behold, also, to the Hebrews I gave a law, by the hands 
of Moses ; and more than ye they pay tithes and give to the 
poor, and to the strangers sprinkled among their congregations 
they ^ve alms, and they keep all my laws and my words, 



128 /. B. HaU, 

,^9 )Snnln ]2b-^Z ^i:^^o : )£uib^|^ \^ .p<^v<^ ,^ '^ ^ hJ^OL^ 
.\aa^A vft^ ):^9r£> .aa^ )-J) 1.2)0^ -^ U'Oi : ^o^^i^ ^2J,jD(ia^ Po 

•• •• 

•• •• •• 

i^iSir "Km,^ ^-J^ . I n A *^| i>9 )i:^Q^ ^oji^^o *. jInmViS 1^— o?l ^\//n 

)/y^|Sn . l^yQ^kM ^otSs p9|«i^ )oio .• I n ^ nl AZ ov^? li^r^o jAbSj^y 

. ^nn*1iS ^oi-i^ ^aa£JL£o ^oAllrd ^^)o . {.▲111A9 Ij m n ^ ^ *^|t 






although they have no superfluity. But ye have not kept my 
words, ye to whom I gave holy baptism, and who know the 
three Persons of the adorable Trinity. Ye have become trans- 
gressors and not obedient, and neither to my words have ye 
hearkened nor my commandments have ye kept. Now then I 
swear to you by my mighty arm, if ye do not hear and turn your- 
selves from your evil doings and from your hateful ways, and 
give alms to the poor, and keep the day of Sunday from the ninth 
hour of Saturday even till the dawn of Monday, behold also I 
will send upon you savage wild beasts that will devour the flesh 
of men, and will devour your sons and your daughters before 
your eyes and beneath the soles of your feet, and they shall die. 
And moreover, I will send upon you flying serpents, that will 
devour the breasts of your women who speak falsehood and set 
the church in commotion. Verily, verily, I say unto you, if also ye 
will not hearken to these my words, which I commanded you for- 
merly, I will send upon you serpents, I will bring down upon 



The Letter of Holy Sunday. 129 

^oi^^ |] ^]o .^rf^ P -.joiX ^ ^1? >o^ a-ioi ^o^:^)^? . >i ■ ! n 






l^'f!^] ^^oZo . ^nnA 4*^1 ^ob^'^ai^^ : ^o£mooi )7nSt )j^o^ P] . ^ iWoVil 

• • • ^ 



ni^nS * CBLtfOj ^ 4 l| ^)o . )JLm9 li fl W O 0LlflL4r ^^O^iS)o . ])^aso 



^ooiJ Pe . ^^oio^^ ]ooi.^ >A^9 IWp^ *• )2bAA9 >AOin\S » nmV>o 

you hailstones and overwhelming waters, and I will kill you, and 
all your cattle, even to the twenty-fourth of the First Tishrin (i. e. 
24th of October), that ye shall say : This is that which God 
said to us ; we have not done [it]. 

"And if ye do not keep the holy day of Sunday and the day of 
Friday, behold, I swear to you, both by the resurrection of the 
dead and by the ministry of the angels (or, that No ! by the 
resurrection of the dead, and No ! by the ministry of the angels), 
that I will by no means deliver you, nor will I make to pass from 
you anything whatsoever that I was minded formerly to do to 
yon. If ye will keep my laws, then be ye in fasting [and] prayer, 
remembering your souls. 

"And again I say to you that every believer, of the labor of 
whose hand I give to the holy church, I will recompense him in 
this world and in the world to come, thirtyfold and sixtyfold and 
a hundredfold, and I will write his name in the book of life. But 
if any one lendf to his neighbor and raise usury upon him, my 

• PerhapB an error for w^ioJ . 

1 1 correct catf oJ of the MS. to >^}q^ , which seems to be required. A 
modem scribe might easily make the change, through unfamiliarity 
with the (not infrequent) phrase. As the MS. is, it reads * add ' instead 
of ' lend :' * If any one proceed to take usury from his neighbor,' etc. 

VOL. XV. 17 



130 /. //. IMl, 



)ooiJ |] . jnA*^| ii> )Vnan oi|.AAft ^^i^ )*^-^ j - ^ ^ 



•• •• .• .• 



*. )J^9)9 )fi^y 4r ■ ifw\*) ^i^t^ «A0ia;^|jD9 ^ols ^a^^ |Va^ >e|^ 

• »• •• 

]i— ^P ■ i>in9? )aii^? ^noJoiA!^ 0|.a^o . \s\^ \ nmV ols £ua^9 \ I iyS 



•• • 



^OOb^ ■ a ^ i 4>9 ■ aS >]o : j ift.S9 |V>\S*^ ).^J»9 ^H^iSS ^OOOIi^f 

•• •• 

)l aViaVo : ^OflkAfib^) poLS )J^9|9 )oNv ^V^DlV> ^a-J) ^9*J «du^k«i9 ^W,^ 

)Joi9aao )£b^^i^ ) Va »V>o )^or^ ^nn>Ss 9|-^) : ^o^^ Pr^l? ^^^a1^ 

•• •• •• •• •• 



wrath shall be upon him, and mercy shall not be upon him. And 
if he has a grudge against his fellow or against his neighbor, let 
him not take the sacrament nor the oblation until he be reconciled 
to him. Against my word ye shall not transgress. And it any 
one lie in wait for (lit.^ watch silently against) his fellow on the 
day of Sunday, he shall not have remission of sins. 

" Observe the great day of Sunday ; in it (i. e., on that day) be 
ye in love one with another, because the Holy Spirit broodeth 
over you. And in it (i. e., on that day) give alms to the poor, 
that ye may find mercy before my judgment seat, when before it 
shall enter all the families of the earth to the judgment in which 
there is no respect of persons. And do ye honor the priests of 
God, who sacrifice the living Lamb, that mercy may be upon you 
in the world to come. But those that despise them, my wrath 
shall overtake them, because the priests are the salt of the earth, 
and the ministers that do my will and teach you the judgments 
of the holy church. But if ye will not hearken to whatever I 



The Letter of Holy Sundtmj, 131 









c . Iiiynn )*^^ ^004^9^ w^ 1i^— 'lo . ^oiJ^jy pUil^oA ^t^^ 



oJL^a^oi f— ^)? '.UVt^. ^..^ ^ VA a) |l£ )90i |/| J £w^»i^Z]9 iStfo 
.|Vntnn |J^ Uauoi ^«^^^^) .{La9 0LLa:a.o ^a.,^^^Z |]o .nlViim f-^'-""^ 

•> i^aVlSsS l^n^V 019^) ^2« . )^f^? 01^-A^) '^i|S 

Bay to you, I will send upon you chastisements and evil plagues 
and divers diseases and plagues abundantly hateful, and ulcers 
from which worms shall breed ; and again I will send upon you 
evils, and I will obscure the light of the sun from your faces, and 
I will turn away from you my face from you {sic). But if ye 
will bear and be obedient to my words, and turn yourselves to me, 
and keep my holy day of Sunday, and do continually that which 
I wrote to you, I will multiply your possessions, and will bless 
your labor, and I will deliver your bodies from the divers diseases ; 
upon all the earth I will work mercies, and I will turn my face 
toward you, and I will bless the labor of your hands, and will bring 
upon your seed the early and the latter {lit.^ heavy) rains in their 
season, and will satisfy you with good things from my heaven." 

And when this Letter had been read, a voice was heard from 
heaven that said : Believe, ye sons of men, believe, and do not 
doubt And with the voice the temple was filled with sweet and 
delightful odor, such as its like has not been among men ; and a 
voice was heard from heaven that said : Blessed be the honor of 
the Lord from his glorious place forever. 



o^ 



132 /. //. Hall, 



• ,. .» * ,. 



i^g^ ■ iV n^ *. ).Srff9 ^0La^90JD Po . )id0^9 ^OOMO^O -. |d|1^9 

%jgnSfi«?»o vj0O|.^9 ^ooiZa^t Pe -. )J£J^am )oi— ^ )>^r^ < n iiO 

Po *. } ^ 'j^ *. I 1 tS 4>^0 tanl9 I Vn ft n &2^b!ba^9 )^09 >aOI |]o • |>JUkg^ 



' ^ f 



• • • • 

•. )90i l^t-J? 01^iAt) ot^ >\nA> Po ^ Vi 49 J^AO : ^^,^^^^^ 0109*^0 



Now I, Athanasius, patriarch of great Rome, when I read and 
heard these that are the words of our Lord, I wrote a copy of 
this Letter, and sent it to all the ends of the earth, and to all the 
corners of creation, that it might both go and reach even the 
goings down of the sun. And now, then, I swear to you, brethren 
and beloved, who are in every place. No ! by the strength of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, and No ! by the strength of the adorable 
Trinity, and No ! by the assemblies of angels and the troops of 
cherubim, and No ! by the holies of seraphs, who cry Holy, 
Holy, Holy, Lord God Almighty, and No ! by the prayers of the 
holy apostles Peter and Paul, and No ! by that Spirit that spake 
by the mouth of holy prophets and apostles, and No! by the 
crowns of martyrs — that this Letter was not composed out of the 
mouth of men. T^t there be no one to doubt respecting this 
Ijctter ; but when it shall have come to your presence, do ye 
write it out, and send it to those [who are] round about you. 
But every one that bears and does not take a copy of this Letter, 



The Letter of Holy Swndmj. 138 






Pe . |j9|^9 l^a^k^i.^ Po -. )^>a:^9? P-x Po . 0l^9 )-:^90 U^^^ |-^9? 



j»r>^^^ Po *. o^lm P9 jJiLnJ Po '. »^9|*nSV9 oiZo|V>nn Po : 2uu^9 oii^o^ 



OI^OZ^ Po -. 1-''^" 2MbA9 li^O. Po . )^0«^9 l^bAS^ Po : Ql^k^9^1 P? 

• • f 

•• • • 

|jkA2«9 ^ooiZa.^f Po . cBLtfo^ 01 1 m V>n ■* Po *[. )nin |^J wM£iA39 

•• • 

%j0aA|^o >*2k^ -.I^UBoX^o) V^fiM 011^)9 :^ja» :Po l/jnw Po :^09ai|90 

* 



o\fs\i \m7\^^ ,0:^9^? llM Po : ^^ ous t.^»4> 1r^^ P : >Q^k^oLc 

and send it to the cities and the convents and the monasteries 
and the monastic orders, judgment shall be upon him therefrom. 
And those that believe in this Letter, mercies shall be upon them. 
And again I swear to you, brethren and beloved, who are in 
every place, No ! by the Great Strength, and No ! by His mighty 
and lofty arm, and No ! by the voice of thunders, and No ! by 
the swiftness of lightnings, and No ! by the beauty of Seth, and 
No ! by the priesthood of Melchizedek, and No ! by the prophets 
that have not sinned, and No ! by the humble ones who were not 
enticed by luxury, and No ! by the chariots of cherubim, and 
No ! by the fasting of the house of Hanania,f and No ! by the 
inheritance that Sunday shall disclose, and No ! by the conti- 
nence of Joseph, and No ! by the prayers of Moses and of Aaron, 
and No ! by the gospel, and No ! by the gospel that the four 
evangelists preached, Matthew and Mark and Luke and John, 
upon whom the holy church is built, No ! by that hour in which 
John the Baptist laid his hand on the head of Our Lord, No ! by 



* These words omitted, but supplied in margin, and on an equal 
footing with the rest. 

f I suppose the companion of Daniel to be meant: see Daniel 1. 10-21. 



134 /. //. HaU, 



• • 



^>Snan )]) )^^ -. )9(n )<^rJ? 9>-^r^ '^^.^^? |JU) %.^o . ol^j^ ^qa^I^ 
.|(9iA. ^»:^ ).^aj»9 ^fiSnlo *.]9oi )<^r--«P qOnSVi ^1o ^o 



)^ A j 1 V>| 01.^:0^ l^^l £b-^)9 ^^O * \h^^^m l^k^i^O Ua9 U^ 



|] ^OialCO ^AS)J 0C^9lO -.)9|^ ^:^ P 01^^ *. ^99£b^) |m*^V "^ 



l^f^l ^ V> gWnVo ^ flffffiv>9 . Vi\no : >«oio£u«) )A^a^^ hm^^Zo . ^« 



the wood of the cross that bare Our Lord in Jerusalem, No ! by 
the sepulchre in which Our Lord was buried, and No ! by the 
mystery of the twelve apostles that they preached within the upper 
room, No ! by the strength of myriads andf myriads of angels 
that serve before him by day and by night — that this Letter was 
not written by the linger of man, but this [Letter] was written by 
the finger of the living God ; and it was sent to you that ye 
might turn yourselves from your evil doings, and from the whore- 
dom in which ve are : and that every one that hears the matter 
of this letter, the people, but standing on their feet, may both 
hearken to this Letter and entreat mercies from Grod with a pure 
heart and with agonizing tears ; and that every one with whom 
the Letter is may read in it continually, may read it before men 
without delay. 

Whi»soever does not acknowledge that it was sent from our 
l^nl Jesus Christ, his vineyard shall not bear fruit, and his seed 
shall dry up, and his children shall not live, and he is under 
curses. And every one that presumes to despise (/lY., adds and 

* This letter appears to have been intended for a ? , but it is unfin- 
ishetl and unpointed. As it ij*, it is as given above, 
t Probably a slip for ' of* — extremely easy in the Nestorian script. 



The Letter* of Holy Sunday, 135 



r^} ^AOIQJg^Ofi |4^VlVfcO jnSViS OL^ >\M? • ^1^ |i^ 



^n^\n*">o 1^01 )j^|i^090 *. )^9Q-09 )-mo^ )£m9oZo ^0iafi|3 \1^osl^^ 



||Jo9i t^i^n |>1«inn) %|^) ^oao) U^jum )yA^ >i'|^) —^ •^I^A) |:«ooi99 
.* . . . / .• . . .• 



• •• 






• 

despises) [aught] of this Letter, he is guilty therefrom. And 
everywhere that the Letter shall be read, let confession and 
praise be given to God the Lord of all, who gave to him to do 
and keep the commandments of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

Praise to His Father, and confession to the Holy Spirit, and 
exaltation [to the Son]*, now and in every season, and forever 
and ever. Amen. 

Ends the Letter that Descended from Heaven upon the Hands 
of Mar Athanasius, Patriarch of Rome, the i^reat. 

From the hands of the sinful servant, black of face, the stran- 
ger priest Zerwanda, son of the late scribe the son of priest 
Warda. I desire and crave in supplication your love as a friend. 
Is it fitting, brethren, that you should make mention of the writer 
as proud ? No, my Lord. In your prayers in the house of per- 
fect holiness, read, and intercede, O beloved, with Great Jesus 
the Delightsome, that he will forgive the debts of him [who is] 
full of corruption. Amen. 

* The scribe has omitted these words, doubtless by mere accident. 



136 /. n. HaU, 

NOTES. 

In comparing this recension of the legend with that published 
in Vol. XIII. of the Journal, pp. 34 seq., a number of things in the 
latter are seen to need emendation. For most of the textual 
emendations I am indebted, as often hitherto in many tilings, to 
the kindness of Professor Noldeke. I will mention only the most 
salient matters. 



In the title, the word ^^ is the Arabic ILnoS 'history' or 

•. •»* 

'narration.' The title, therefore, is not. the 'Extremity,' but 'The 
Narrative of the Romans.' 

That the text is late is shown not only by the above instance, 
but, among other things, by the word ^'^^^ = Arabic « ^^ < n > 
' copy.' 

Page 38, line 5, r«^r4 is a misprint for r»^''^ . 
" " " 12, r^V^ is a misprint for , ^ i ^|nSf> ? . 
" 39, " 7, ^oa--^^ (MS.) would be better ^Q^»^ ^y^ . 

" 40, " 10, Uia-?o (MS.) would be better U-i?© . 

Translation, accordingly, p. 46, line 18, would read 'poor' 
or 'miserable,' instead of 'destitute,' and the foot-note would 
disappear. 

Page 41, line 2, the better emendation of V-al-^ is to r * '>l ^ ^ , 
the scribe having mistaken a nun for a lomad. Translation, p. 
46, line 31, read ' Ninevites' for ' Greeks.' 

Page 41, line 7, ^o^uOio \hi^^o should be ^©^.-^iol^io |Jo . In 

the MS. the first part is at the bottom of one page, and the rest 
at the top of the next page : a manner of (unmarked) word-divis- 
ion which I was not prepared for. Translation, accordingly, p. 
46, line 37, 'be steadfast in' instead of 'number the full amount 
for.' 

Page 41, last line but one, gi | '^n ii \ (MS.) should be corrected 
to 01 , n ii S . 

Page 42, line 2, 1-^Ji-lo (MS.) would better be \^^^\o , 

Page 43, line 3, >*oio-^a^ is a mistaken reading of the MS., 

which has, though faultily written, >^gi o\Sn\ , Translation, p. 

•18, line 3, for 'exhorters' read 'words ;' and dele the foot-note. 

Page 43, line 8, l-i» l^io|3o (MS.) should be I i 1 m lZ^-l^o |3o . 

Translation, p. 48, lines 8, 9, for * diseases in full measure hateful,' 
read * incurable diseases.' 




The Computation of the Sick, 137 

Idern^ for ^^ * N ^ 1 ? (MS.) read ^ * ^^l ? . Translation, p. 48, 
line 10, for * swarm' read * issue' or 'breed.' 

Page 44, line 11, ^-ao^baia^ should be emended to ^-aA-ai^a^. 

Page 45, end of first paragraph. The new text shows that 
instead of * that are life and death to those who behold,' the ren- 
dering should be 'that the living and the dead behold (or, look 
for).' 

Page 45, second paragraph, line 4, in the light of the new text, 
needs a comma after ' deacons.' 

Page 46, last paragraph. It is evident from the new text that 
the passage from * If ye do not keep the day ' to the end of the 
paragraph is probably misplaced, and belongs in another part of 
the narrative. 

Page 46, line 3. As I ought to have recognized, and as the new 
text also demonstrates, the ^o-ll {ter) is not the Latin ' Heus,' 
but the Greek ay to? ; just as in modern Greek. For 'Alas .... 
holy,' read 'Ayos (or ayio^)^ Ayos, Ayos, that is. Holy, Holy, 
Holy.' 

Page 46, second paragraph. While the two recensions agree 
with reference to the dates of the first and second letters respect- 
ively, they differ in regard to the date of this third letter. In 
the old text it is A.D. 778, December 25 ; in the new, A.D. 783, 
April 24. The difference in date, however, has no bearing that I 
can discover upon the verisimilitude of the fable or the age of 
the composition. 

Page 48, line 4. For ' tread him down,' read ' overtake him.' 



THE COMPUTATION OF THE SICK. 

From the same mainiscript I give the text (along with a 
translation) of what appears to be a collection of excerpts relating 
to the magic diagnosis of diseases by means of lots or numbers. 
As will be seen from the reading, it is not more brilliant than 
other specimens of the divining art, and would be unalterable 
in method or result for the same individual, whatever his dis- 
ease — unless, as often happens among Orientals, his name 
should be changed in the course of his life. The meaning of 
tlie reference to certain monasteries and writings I do not quite 
fathom. It may be the authority cited for the diagnostic pre- 

VOL. XV. 18 



138 /. H. HaU, 

cept ; or it may be the place to find a written f ormnla, as for 
an amulet, charm, or magic medicine. 

The composition occupies almost exactly two pages of the 
manuscript. The writing is about as good and about as faulty 
as the rest of the manuscript, correction being needed here 
and there. I have omitted most of the pointing, retaining it 
in some spots, especially where I think — or know — ^that it is 
wrong. The inteq)unction of the words I have retained. The 
passages underscored are in red in the manuscript; a fact 
which accounts for the omission of some apparently needful 
interpunction. But the Syrian scribes usually considered the 
end of a paragraph, or a change of inks, to be sufficient notice 
of a pause or stop. 

The following are the text and translation : 



• f 



ob^ w^|l^ <^[^]^ ^^? l^'HP K^^^^ |lnA*) ^f^ ^OdkO 



« ^ « w4 ^) ^Aa)o •» OL^)? OL^L^O OLLaA* 



. ) 4ViA> ^i^iSVi^ (joiVoa )ooi |n40 |-^m ^o^iA "f— ^ >~^\a ^^.j^ \1o 



)OOI ^A^Q.* «^ •» 0190* ^2«0 OLS^bS ^^O 9L^h ^^ ^^t*^ l^biUkA |Xk^ 



•> lAbiubA |Xk^9 )£l£i«&js ^ , Ion. %ft^ li^A^ ^ |Joi9aa 



TRANSLATION. 

In the name of our Lord I write the computation of the sick ; 
to deduce it from the numerical parts (or, lots, sortes),* 

Reckon up his namef and the name of his mother,f and divide 
by nine. 

Now if thy remainder is one, on Sunday arose the diseases, at 
sunset. The evil eye has possessed [him] by his head and by his 
shoulder and by his neck. Nine days will the diseases last. — 
Monastery, Mar Yohanan. Writing, Of the Evil Eye. 



* I read ^ctlio , as an almost certain emendation of the incomprefaen' 
sible r^o^ . 
t That is, add up the numerical values of the letters. 



The ComputatiOii of the Sick, 139 



^^ )^|a ai'f^ oil^ — ^o flinS ^^o auo'^ ^^® ^^ ^^ r^l r^ 
ViS) )£ba«2bS vjgo\nqo vJSOtJLS qi;Vn\ « 0irfi£^ •» ■ aVo,* •» w. « loi^ 



|o tViiViM |V|'V> ^oio£m) IhaoASz ^oaS « >^ ■ • Ai^ ]£J^^ ^ 



♦ w^ : I n S {.MuA^o I^Vin I^moJo x^oio^ % q 1 |?|— ^? ^)) . I^Aia 



-• •• 






/ .• 



«A^9 ||^^ |J^9|o ^oqi • Vi gLo ^09 .if no i^^r^ « ll^i?) '^^^ ^^^ 



♦ o^ « ob^ l^^l ^o II^MLd^ )£Lao9 g^\ 9LS ).4ftff)o oia»p *^^ ^ .^ ^v 



. f ^ 



: r>^,S 'il >\ ^0^9) )An<An : 01; 



But if thy remainder be two, it was on Monday, at the new 
moon, [that] an infirmity (or, an infirmity-producer) caught him 
by his loins and by his belly and by his heart and by his whole 
body. The sicknesses are from God. Three days will he be sick. 
— Monastery, Peter and Paul. Writing, Of Every Sort. 

And if thy remainder be three, on Tuesday arose the infirmities 
(or, infirmity-producers), a hot and also a dry one. The air of 
demons has fallen upon him. Therefore let him wash in water, 
and make an ointment, [and] three lampwicks from his clothes. 
Put one at the top of the head, and one at the top of the right 
arm, and one at the top of the left arm ; while they are yet burn- 
ing, pulverize their ashes and throw dust in the midst of it, and 
wash [him] with it alone [at] a pure place, and also make [him] 
drink it. Sixteen days will he be sick. — Monastery of Mar 
'Abdlsho'. Writing, I will lift up mine eyes to the Hills. 

♦ These two underscored words have evidently been transposed by the 
scribe. They belong just before the four last words of the paragraph. 
Also, the word 1f^&^ is evidently to be supphed before them. 

f Read )2^«^? , as a subsequent passage shows us to be necessary. 



140 /. H. HaU, 



•• •• • 

t.M09? |£bA^£^ )^aS4> >A^ IjVnS «& 0i|AAb^ « ^^ « ^V^<l\ 



|nV»[<^ ^^ |joi9as )ooi In^n^Viii ^q^ls « >^ ■ • aj^ \ AViit ^]o 
)>'Um |-^09 ws)o v^o^ VaJ )q^?? 9]) 1<n^? ^n-^^^ )i-e P? )^t^ 



^ ^ ]£bA^£^ ^ia^|j0 >•!■ V) )iV>rLS « oi^a&i;^ ^a^q^ : o^ « oid 2b^ 



f • 



•. I^b^so) Pai^9Z? )^? ^2« •*)c^ ous £b«)? 

a 

^ •• • • 

\^f^ <^*Vftn ^9^ 2baA0i 0i.«^ ^^ Vo . qinS ■ Vo ol^9 ■ V }S|V 

•« •••••• • • 



^i-a? I^u-a-^^b.^ >o <|V> >^/|. V) ly^alk 9i|A&i;^ ^A^oo^ <>^A« -. Ii^s 
» .* - . • .. ^ 

« ]90Lff 



And if thy remainder be four, on Wednesday the air of a 
demon took hold of him. He passed through water without call- 
ing upon the name of the living God. It is also a bad spirit. 
Let him give alms to the fatherless. Thirteen [days] will he be 
sick. — Monastery, Mar Sha'fta. Writing, Of a Bad Spirit. 

And if thy remainder be five, on Thursday arose the disease, 
from over-eating (lit,^ from abundant meats) without calling on 
the name of God. The air of the devils has fallen upon him, and 
also a spirit of demons is in him. Sixteen days will he be sick. — 
Monastery, Mar Sargls (i. e. Sergius). Writing, Of him in whom 
are Devils, from the Blood of a Black [adj. feminine] Cock. 

And if thy remainder be six, on Friday arose the disease, from 
the presence of an infirmity-producing smell, in his head and in 
his heart and in his breast. It turned back two degrees, requir- 
ing an amulet. Twelve days will he be sick. — Monastery, My 
Lady Maryam (i. e. Mary). Writing, Of the daughter of the 
Moon. 



Th^e Computation of the Sick, 141 



•• • •« • ■ — 

a • • • 

— ^ ^ )£mZ9 ^oio^^ AS«^1 oi.^9 ^^e . oinS ^^o 'Coiyos ■ V 

• • •• • • ,• • 



/ •" •• 

V^oJo ^ • i>| n ^qi * ^1 n ^^.^o .| i ia9 JLi^^9 l^i^o |SnnV 



/ w 



)£k^u2ba - M ^ JA ^ ^^.i^tf l|V>fiS oi|^&i^ ■ >Vai< « |»^ « )A^<^^? ]^o^ 









f • 



f • • 



|£2^aZ "Vl e| )JU4^ }.A^a£ SJi ^a£b^ ]^^e|^ ^ ^▲l^ il^Z Je 



• • • • 

And if thy remainder be seven, Saturday there fell upon him 
the fear of Ztlchall, an infirmity (or, producing infirmity) in his 
trunk and in his heart and in his head. Fright has fallen upon 
him. Bring dust from seven ways, and from seven graves, and 
water from three fountains, and water from beneath a mill, and 
call over their heads Barshith ; and let him wash with them in a 
pore place. Twenty-one days will he be sick. — Monastery, Mar 
Glwargls (i. e. George). Writing, Of Fear and Quaking. 

And if thy remainder be eight, on Wednesday he saw an evil 
vision. From a stroke of Satan is all his body sick. Twenty 
days will he be sick. — Monastery, Chazql61 (i. e. Ezekiel). Writ- 
ing, Of an Evil Spirit. 

And if thy remainder be nine, [on] Friday he sat upon a heapf of 
filth or upon a massf [of it]. He did not bring the name of God 

* Read 0190^ • 

1 1 am uncertain about the meaning of this word. 



142 /. H. HaU, 



beneath the emptying* of the house. The air of Zardok has 
fallen upon him. Nineteen days will he be sick. — Monastery, 
Qiiryaq68 (i. e. Cyriacus). Writing, He sitteth in the Secret 
Places. Amen. 



* I am uncertain about the meaning of this word. 



ARTICLE IV. 



CONTKIBUTIONS TO 

THE INTERPRETATION OF THE VEDA. 

By MAURICE BLOOMPIBLD, 

FBOraSBOB Ur JOHirs HOPKIVS UKIYXBBITT, BALTIIIOBS, MD. 



Presented to the Society May 5th, 1891. 



I. The Stoby of Indba and Namucl 

In the explanation of the legend of Indra and Namuci, the first 
requisite seems to me to he to deal with the materials which the 
Vedic writings offer us as a story, an itihdsa or akhydna^ which 
is, so to speak, their face-value. There is, so far as my knowl- 
edge of the Vedic passages hearing upon our suhject is concerned, 
nothing which justifies the interpreter in looking for anthropo- 
morphic motives at the hottom of it ; if these ever existed, they 
have vanished from record. Why should they, indeed, have ex- 
isted? Indra, the Hercules, the demiurge of the Vedic texts, 
encounters, in a manner to he explained helow, a demon, an 
dmtray named Namuci, and deals with him according to the fancy 
of the story-teller — in this case a very vivid fancy. Indra is, to 
be sure, very largely a storm-god, who attacks the clouds and 
other natural phenomena, personified as demons, but he is also the 
heroic person Indra, and in his latter capacity the very one to 
become embroiled with all sorts of uncanny beings, such as inhab- 
it4*d the fancy of the Vedic poople. One of these was the demon 
Namuci, a name whose apparent etymological value was sure to 
be suggestive in the development of the story, and in all specula- 
tions on the same The I]in<ius must have regarded this name as 
rtomposi'd of na * not' and ^nuci " releasing ;' this might be taken 
for ^^ranted, tven if it had gone unrecorde^l. Panini (vi. :i. 7o) so 



* See the author's previous communications on kindrc-d subjects in 
the Procwdings tnr May 1H85, May 1886, Oct. 18«6, Oct. 1887, Oct. 18flO 
(Journal, vol. xiii., pp. xliiff.. oxiiff., cxxxiiff.. ccxivff.; vol. xv., pp. 
xxxixff.), reproduced witli modifications and additions in two articles 
in the Am. Journal Philol., vol. vii., pp. 466-88. vol. xl., pp. 319-56. under 
the title given above ; of these the following paper may be considered 
a continuation, a third series. 

VOL. XT. 19 



144 M, Blomnfield, 

divides the word, and Adalbert Kuhn (in KZ. viii. 80), in accord- 
ance with the method of the time, interprets Namuci as the cloud- 
demon who does not let go the waters. Fick (in Orient und 
Occident^ iii. 126) even goes so far as to regard Namuci as a proeth- 
nic mythological figure, and connects the word with Gr. ^Ajjvho^^ 
the son of Neptune and king of the Bebryces (Ap. Rh. 2. 48), 
who was slain by Pollux {*AjuvHO(p6vo?y ^PP* Cym. 1. 363). 
What is more important, this etymology of the name peeps out 
in the treatment of the legend at TB. i. T. 1. 6, where it is narrat-ed 
that Namuci would not let go (root srj) Indra unless he entered 
into a certain agreement with him : cf. Sayana at RV. viii. 14. 
A 3. For us this means for the present nothing more than that we 
are in the midst of story-telling about Indra and the demon 
* Don't-let-go ' or * Hold-fast.' 

The second requisite consists in giving up the belief that the 
allusions to the story which may be gathered from the scattered 
mantras are the only true material for its reconstruction. I 
would by all means place myself upon the ground that the 
legends of the Brahmanas which deal with Namuci, as well as the 
manipulations of the same in the Sutras, are based upon essen- 
tially the same conceptions as the mantras. With the difference, 
however, that the looseness in the handling of a story which is 
an unfailing adjunct as it passes from mouth to mouth receives 
an additional impulse in the direction of liberality of treatment, 
owing to its application to practical matters, to sacrifice and to 
witchcraft. To separate these more individual ad hoc touches in 
the story from those which represent, so to say, its ethnic form 
and development represents a critical process for which no rule or 
set of rules can be devised. A species of instinctive judgment, 
or, perhaps better, tact, which is certain to develop in the investi- 
gator with the continuous handling of such materials, will be the 
safest guide in this mode of criticism ; the proper attitude is, on 
the one hand, neither implicit faith in every detail of the con- 
nected legends and in every highly symbolic employment of the 
legend in ritualistic practice ; on the other hand, a growing faith 
in the synchronism of mantra^ brdhynana^ and sutra. As far as 
the first two are concerned, the writer is more and more inclined 
to the belief that mantra and hrahmana are for the least part 
chronological distinctions ; that they represent two modes of lit- 
erary activity, and two modes of literary speech, which are largely 
contemporaneous, the maiUras being the earliest lyric and the 
Brahmanas the earliest epic-didactic manifestation of the same 
cycle of thought. Both forms existed together, for aught we 
know, from earliest times ; only the redaction of the mantra-col- 
lections in their present arrangement seems on the whole to have 
preceded the redaction of the Brahmanas. At any rate, I am for 
my part incapable of believing that even a single Vedic hymn was 
ever composed without reference to ritual application, and without 
that environment of legendary report which we find in a no doubt 
exaggerated and distended form in the Brahmanas and Sutras. 



The Story of Indra and NamuH. 145 

The hymns of the Riff- Veda, like those of the other three Vedas, 
were liturgical from the very start. This means that they form 
only a fragment of a system of religious conceptions ; practices, 
legends, and, no doubt, in a measure theological or theosophical 
speculation, surrounded the hymns from the start ; a knowledge 
of these is essential to their interpretation, and our only means of 
obtaining this knowledge is to reduce the hypertrophied body of 
the Brahmanas, Sutras, and Upanisads to a proper form and size, 
by discounting liberally the tendency towards phantastic and 
untrammeled development which has somehow fastened itself 
upon every mode of Hindu thought of which we have any record. 

The same freedom from prejudice for or against the commenta- 
tors of Vedic texts and texts belonging to the classical literature 
may surely now be regarded as the true method. The old battle on 
the value of the so-called tradition I regard as definitely at an end. 
There are now no reputable Vedic scholars who would be willing 
to follow the ** Sayauas " through thick and thin ; there are, on the 
other hand (if there ever were any), none who would deny that late 
texts and commentaries may contain the correct explanation, or 
the key to the correct explanation, of difficult Vedic passages. 
But there is still in existence an unwholesome tendency towards 
a purely esoteric interpretation of the mantras^ a reliance upon 
X^xe faciUtcts se ipsam interpretandiy without an attempt to search 
painstakingly and exhaustingly their native interpretation and 
application. 

So the key to the hymn AV. ii. 27 and the explanation of the 
Vedic words prd^^ prdtiprd^ and pratiprd^ita was found by the 
writer in the hands of the commentator Darila : see P. A. O. S. 
for May, 1885 (Journal, vol. xiii., p. xlii, and "Seven Hymns of 
the A v.," American Journal of Philology^ vii. 479 ff., 14 of the 
reprint).* Similarly the Vedic word apacU, which was translated 
erroneously by many scholars, was understood correctly by the 
medical ^astras as reported by Wise in his Digest of Hindu Med- 
icine : see the author in " Contributions to the Interpretation of 
the Veda," second series. Am. Jburn. Phil. xi. 326 (p. 8 of the 
reprint). On the other hand, it is equally erroneous to deny — as 
some now tend to do — that time and distance obscure the view, 
and to assert that the post- Vedic literature has in general pre- 
served an unchanged picture of Indian life and thought. We may 
liken the separate features of Vedic life to streams which start to 
traverse the long distance from the Vedic head-spring to modem 
times. Some are lost in the sand on the way. Others flow on 
becoming more and more muddy and sluggish as they advance. 
Still others have preserved throughout their long journey their 



* In this connection I take the liberty of drawing the attention of the 
editors of the Zeitschrift fur vergleicfiende Sprachforschung to the fact 
that the word prdtiprdg treated by I. N. Reuter at vol. xxxi. 229 owes 
its explanation to the papers just quoted : this is duly noted by Bdht- 
lin^k in his lexicon, suh voce. 



146 M. Bloomfield^ 

limpid clearnesB. Who shall say beforehand what is to be the 
fate of any of them ? 

Thus, on the one hand, we fully acknowledge that the yarioiis 
literary types subsequent to the mantras can be employed sue-. 
cessfufly only with great caution and a still greater fund of what 
we designated above as tact, rather than judgment based upon 
schematic principles ; on the other hand, we cannot emphasize 
too much the imperative need of search for help in all kinds of 
later literature. Only it must be tempered by such considera- 
tions as those which have been advanced here ; the later the evi- 
dence, the more cautious must be its application to a Vedic 
passage. Our treatment of the legend will, it is hoped, offer 
various illustrations of the manner in which the interpretation 
of the mantras is benefited by the remaining literature : Brah- 
manas, ISutras, commentaries, and classical legends. 

The story of Namuci may be best treated in five chapters : 1. 
The battle between Indra and N-imuci, and the subsequent com- 
pact. 2. Namuci gets Indra drunk with isurdy and robs him of 
strength, enjoyment of life, and the Soma. 3. Indra, with the 
aid of the A9vin8 and Sarasvati, circumvents the compact and 
revenges himself on Namuci. 4. The A9vins and Sarasvati 
bring Dack the Soma from Namuci. 5. Minor points in the story. 

1. 27*6 battle between Indra and N'a.nmciy and ths subsequent 
compact, — In general, Namuci is designated as an asurd or ctsura. 
So at RV. X. 131. 4 = AV. xx. 125. 4 ; VS. x. 33 ; xx. 76 ; MS. 
iii. 11. 4 ; iv. 12. 5 ; TB. i. 4. 2. 1; at VS. xx. 67 = MS. iii. 11. 4 ; 
TB. ii. 6. 13. 1 ; at VS. xx. 68 = MS. iii. 11. 4 ; at VS. xix. 34 = 
MS. iii. 11. 7 ; TB. ii. 6. 3. 1 ; L^S. v. 4. 16 ; Vait. 30. 12 ; g^S. 
XV. 15. 13 ; at ^B. v. 4. 1. 9 ; xii. 7. 1. 10 ; 3. 1 ; TB. i. 7. 1. 6 ; 
PB. xii. 6. 8. Not infrequently the term cMsa or ddsd is applied 
to Namuci ; so RV. v. 3o. 7, 8 ; vi. 20. 6 ; x. 73. 7 (here makhas- 
y&rh diisam). At RV. i. 53. 7 = AV. xx. 21. 7 we have ndmu- 
dm, mdyiftam^ *the wily Namuci.' All three epithets place him 
on a level with other demons and hostile forces, the last two 
being frequent epithets of demons with whom Indra contends ; 
asurd is the epithet of Svarbhanu, RV. v. 40. 5, 9 ; of etddu^ TS. 
ii. 6. 9. 4, 5 ; of irreligious persons, ChlJ. viii. 8. 5 ; ddsa is applied 
to ^ambara, RV. vi. 26. 6 ; to ^usna ; RV. vii. 19. 2 ; mdt/ln is 
applied to ^usna, RV. i. 11. 7 ; 56. 3 ; to Ahi, RV. i. 32. 4 ; ii. 11. 
6 ; V. 30. 6 ; to Vrtra, RV. x. 147. 2 ; to Danava, RV. ii. 11. 10 ; 
to Arbuda, RV. viii. 3. 19 ; to Pipru, RV. x. 138. 3. The name 
Namuci occurs also more familiarly without epithet at RV. ii. 14. 
5 ; at viii. 14. 13 = AV. xx. 29. 3 ; SV. i. 211 ; VS. xix. 71 ; at 
MS. iii. 11. 4 (p. 145, 1. 10); at TB. ii. 6. 12. 2 = MS. iii. 11. 8 ; 
gB. xii. 8. 1. 3 ; and at TS. i. 8. 14. 1 = TB. i. 7. 8. 2 ; VS. x. 14. 
Namuci appears directly in the company of demons hostile to 
Indra : with Vrtra, RV. vii. 19. 5 ; with Vala, VS. xx. 68 = MS. 
iii. 11. 4 ; with Pipru and Rudhikra, RV. ii. 14. 5 ; with Pipru 
and (^AmbvLTSLy in the Suparnadhyaya, varga 29. 5. 

As clearly as this evidence places Namuci in the position of a 



The Story of Indra and Namuci, 147 

natural enemy of Indra, ultimately to be slain by him, there is on 
the other hand conclusive proof that for some reason or other a 
friendly agreement, in the nature of an alliance, truce, or com- 
pact, existed between the two prior to their final falling-out. 
This is stated roundly at ^B. xii. 7. 1. 10 : namucinai 'va '^''surena 
cacara ^(Indra) went with the dsura Namuci.' Mahidhara at 
VS. X. 34 says : namucir ndmd ^imra indrasya sakhd "«i< * an 
Asura, named Namuci, was a friend of Indra'; so also MBh. ix. 
2434 : tene (sc. namucind) ^ndrah sakhyam akarot * Indra made 
friends with Namuci'; and 2435, where Namuci is addressed by 
Indra as asura^restha sakhe. At PB. xii. 6. 8 this relation ap- 
pears as a compact : Indra and Namuci agree not to slay one 
another either by day or by night, with nothing either wet or 
dry : indrap ca namuci^ cd ^surah sam adadhdtdm na ndu nak- 
tarn na divd lianan(!) nd "rdrena na ^mkene Hi. At 9^- x^'* '7* 
3. 1 Indra tells the A9vins and Sarasvati that he had sworn to 
Namuci that he would not slay him by day or by night, with a 
staff or a bow, with the flat hand or with the fist, with anything 
wet or dry : ^pdno ^smi narancaye na tvd divd na naktaih 
handni nu dandena na dhanvand na vrthena na mustind na 
^uskena nd ^^rdreiia. The same compact is stated at MS. iv. 3. 4, 
and here we have for the first time a motive assigned for this 
unholy alliance : indro vdi namucim nd Habhata sa ra^mln kuld- 
yarn krtvd ^^rohad amum ddityam tarn vd anvainautrayata 8a- 
Jehdyd asdve Hi so ^bravln nd ^ham hanisydml Hi so ^bravtt 
samdhdm te samdadhdi yathd tvd mi divd handai na naktarh 
na ^uskena nd ^^rdrene Hi * Indra did not seize Namuci. He 
(Namuci), making the rays (of the sun) into a net- work, ascended 
to yonder sun. He (Namuci) addressed him (Indra), saying: 
*' let us two be friends." He (Indra) said : " I shall not slay 
(you)." He said (further): "I will make an agreement with you 
not to slay you either by day or by night, with any thing either 
dry or wet.' Rather different is the account at TB. i. 7. 1. 6 : 
* Indra, having slain Vytra, and having overcome the Asuras, did 
not catch the dsura Namuci. But by means of 9*^^ (^^*^ might) 
Indra seized him. They closed upon one another. Namuci was 
more successful than this one. Namuci said : '^ Let us form an 
agreement ; then I will let you down : you shall not slay me with 
anything dry nor with anything wet, neither by day nor by 
night."' The text is: indro vrtram hatvd, ds^irdn purdbhdvya 
namucim dsurarh nd Habhata, tarn ^acyd ^grhndt, tdu samalabhe- 
tdm, so ^smdd abhi^unataro ^bhavat, so ^bravlt samdhdm sam- 
dadhdvahdi, atha tvd ^vah* sraksydmi, na md p^^kena nd "rc/mia 

*8o the text of the Bibliotheca Indica. I see no good reason for 
emending the adverb avaJSf. to the preposition aiHz, as proposed by Muir 
(Sanskrit Texts, iv.*, p. 361) and Ludwig (Rig- Veda, v. 145) : ava}i srak- 
fydmi is to ava srak^dmi as nicdih khananti (AV. ii. 8. 8) is to ny dkha- 
nan ( AV. vi. 109. 8). S&ya^ in his commentary on PB. xii. 6. 6 quotes 
this passage from the TB., and reads vdAHih for tvd *va1^. But the text 
of the BibL Ind. is by no means trustworthy. 



148 M, Bloomfield^ 

hanah na diva na naktam itu The same motive is assigned 
even more clearly by Sayana at RV. viii. 14. 13 : purd kite ^ndro 
^surdfijitvCi narnucim asuram grahltum na ^a^dka: sa ca yudhr 
yamdnaa tend ''surenajagrhe^ sa ca grhttam indram evam avocat 
tvdfh vtsrjdmi rdtrdv ahni ca ^uskend '*Wdrena cd ^''yudhena yadi 
mdm md hinslr iti. Very similarly Sayana at PB. xii. 6. 8 : in- 
drah sarvdn a^urdfijitva sarvebhyo ^surebhyo ^dhikaih namucyd- 
khyam asuram baldt jagrdha^ sa cd ^sura indrdd adhikabalah 
san tarn avajagrdha, grh'Uvd ca tvdrh vtsrjdmi yadi tvatn mdm 
ahordtrayor drdrena ^uskena na hanydd (/) iti. 

The belief has been expressed above that this motive has some 
relation to the supposed etymology of the name ndmuci. The 
commentator at TB. i. 7. 1. 6, 7, cited by Ludwig, Rig- Veda v. 145,* 
expresses with especial vividness the notion of * holding close * or 
'not letting go' which the name suggests : *as one wrestler, when 
fighting, puts forth his might, and, embracing, seizes the opposing 
wrestler with his hands, thus then Indra and Namuci, intent upon 
destroying one another, having closed with their hands and their 
feet, grasping one another firmly, fell upon the earth like a pwr 
of wrestlers. (Namuci) turned out more successful {abhi-funch 
tara)j i. e. stronger round about {abhitah) in his hands and feet. 
And he said : " I am sorry to have Indra die." ' 

The mantras report nothing of this preliminary contest between 
Indra and Namuci, nor of the compact resulting from it. But 
an allusion to the subsequent companionship of the pair may be 
gathered with a great degree of probability from the verse RV. 
X. 131. 5 = AV. XX. 125. 5 ; VS. x. 34 ; xx. 77; MS. iil 11. 4 ; 
iv. 12. 5 ; TB. i. 4. 2. 1 ; A^S. iii. 9. 3. The discussion of this 
stanza leads to the second chapter of the story, which may be 
entitled : 

2. Namuci gets Indra drunk with surd^ and robs him, of strength^ 
enjoyment of life, and the so^na, — The stanza in question reads : 
putrdm iva pitdrdv a^vmo ^bhe ^ndrd ^^vdthuh kdvydir dansd- 
ndbhih: yat surdmam vy dpibaJi ^dcibhih sdrasvatl tvd mag/ia* 
vann abhisnak\ *as parents a child, so did both A9vins, O Indra, 
help you with their magical wonders ; when, O Maghavan, 
you with your might had drunk surd until sickness, Sarasvati per- 
formed a cure upon you.' This stanza is preceded in the Sam- 
hitas etc. (RV. x. 131. 4 = AV. xx. 125. 4 ; VS. x. 33 ; xx. 76 ; 
MS. ibid.; TB. ibid.; A^S. ibid.; Vfiit. 30. 12) by the verse: 
yuvdm surdmatn a^vind ndfnucdv dsuresdcd: vipipdnd. fubhas 
patl iudram kdrtna^v dvatam *you two A9vins, drinking your- 



* In the Bibl. Ind. edition of the TB., Madhava's commentary on 
prapa^hakas 6 and 7 of the first ka9<}a is wanting. , 

f At TB. i. 4. 2. 1, abhi^ndt, without accent, probably for abhtmdt 
*help* (= abhi + i^ndtf au^mentless imperfect from the root i^). The 
accent was lost under the mfluence of aohi§nak of the parallel versions. 
We may assume that the redactors of the TB. felt the word to be of 
about the same meaning as abhv$i}ak. 



The Story of Irulra mid Namuci, 149 

selves into a surfeit of surd with the asura Namuci,* helped Indra 
in his deeds, O ye lords of light. 'f 

The difficult word in both verses is surdma. The pada-text of 
the RV. does not divide the word ;J neither does the VS. Prati- 
9akhya (see Ind. Stud. iv. 306). They were, indeed, in doubt as 
to its meaning. Mahidhara at VS. x, 33, 34 glosses it by susthu 
ramayati .... »usthu ratnamyam ; at xx. 76 by surdmayarh 
graham. Madhava at TB. i. 4. 2. 1 defines it by surayd sampdditam 
imam pdfrasthath dravyavi^esam (text dravya^sam), and surayd 
sampaditam imam rasavi^esam.^ Sayana at RV. x. 131. 4, 5 has 
susthu ramanasddhanam idaih havir (st. 4) and sukhena ram^a- 
(Kuddhanam (st. 5). Both stanzas play an important part in 
the sdutrdmanlrceremouyy as will be seen below ; the explana- 
tion of surdma is complicated further by the employment in 
the same rite of certain prdisas which contain the stem surd- 
man. Thus, VS. xxi. 42 ; MS. iii. 11. 4 (p. 145) : hdtd yaksad 
a^indu sdrasvatim mdram sutrdmdnam ime sdmdh surdmd- 
napl chdgdir nd mesdir rsabhdih sutdh, etc. Here again Ma- 
hidhara glosses stirdmdnah with susthu ramayanti 

ramanlydh. At A^S. iii. 9. 3 a similar prdisa is inserted be- 
tween RV. X. 131. 4 and x. 131. 5 : m,drjayitvd yuvaih surdmam 
agvine Hi yrahdndm puronuvdkydy hotd yaksad apvind sarasvatl 
^ndrarh sutrdm-dnaih somdndm surdmndrh jusantdm vyantu pi- 
vantu madantu soman surdm,no hotar yaje Hi prdisah^putram iva 
pitardv a^vino ^hhe Hi yOjyd: cf. also (}(}^. xv. 15. 8-12 ; K^S. 
xix. 6. 20 and 23. That the stem surdman as an epithet of soma 
means ' delightful ' seems an unavoidable assumption, and so the 



♦ * With ' in the sense of French chez in chez mot, etc. Cf . RV. viii. 
4. 3 : kdnve^ su sdcd piba ' drink (O Indra) bravely with the Ka^vas.' 

t Grassmann in his translation (ii. 498) relegates this verse to the 
appendix, because it differs in its metre from the rest of the hymn, and 
because it is not directly addressed to Indra. And yet the entire tra- 
dition of the stanzas exhibits it in close juxtaposition with stanza 5. 
The Yajus-samhitas and the (rdu^a-ritual point to the fact that the two 
stanzas are inseparable ; what is perhaps more important, the two 
verses are part of the same story. Similarly the especially jpithy verse 
RV. viii. 91. 21 is treated by Grassmann at i. 567, although it is found in 
close connection with verse 22 at VS. xi. 78-4 ; TS. iv. 1. 10. 1 ; MS. ii. 7. 
7 ; and above all is fixed in its place by the ritual tradition, e. g. KQS. 
xvi. 4. 38-9. The clearer it becomes that the primary purpose of the 
manf ro-collectiond was their use in connection with religious practices, 
as prayers accompanying the acts, the less ground will there be for such 
ingenious but subjective criticism. 

t In Max MQller s editions of the padapafha of the RV. surdmam in 
stanza 5 is written with avagraha, su-rdmam, and Aufrecht in his 
second edition quotes the undivided form of the word only in the fourth 
stanza. In a Ms. of the padapatha belonging to Roth, however, surd- 
mam is left undivided in both stanzas, 4 and 6 ; see KZ. xxiii. 476. 

^ MSdhava, ibid., states explicitly that surd was employed with the 
recitation of these two stanzas : atha mxintradvayena surayd 'numan- 
tranamil). Cf. also KC8. xix. 6. 20. 

I At TB. ii. 6. 12. 10 tne same prdisa occurs, with the variant sutrd- 
mdndfy for surdmdiyih. 



150 M, Bloomfield^ 

two Petersburg Lexicons translate the word. From the jazta- 
position of Buraman with surdma in the books of the Yajur-Veda 
we are constrained to conclude further that the authors of the 
prdisas quoted above in some way conceived of surdma also as 
'delightful' — in other words, tha,t surdma was either misunder- 
stood by the authors or dia^keuasts of the Yajus-works, or that 
they exerted themselves greatly for the sake of the pun. I incline 
to the latter view, because the stanzas containing the word are 
employed intelligently at Viiit. 30. 11, as will be shown imme- 
diately below. 

The translation of surdma by ' ^ura-sickness,' or * nausea due to 
the consequences of «ura-drinking,' was first suggested by Roth, 
as cited by Garbe at KZ. xxiii. 476 ;* and the latter scholar (ibid. 
526) showed that this interpretation of the word was implied at 
Vait. 30. 11, where the two stanzas containing the word surdma 
are employed in connection with a graha taken by a somMiputa 
or somavdmin ^ one who has taken soma to excess.'f This one 
is very properly ordered to take a graha of surd mixed with 
milk, not of surd " straight " : yuvam surdmam iti catasrhhih 
(AV. XX. 126. ^-1) payahsurdgrahdndmy na sdurdndm. In fact, 
the employment of the «at/^ramanl-ceremony as the expiatory 
performance of one who * vomits the soma through his mouth or 
the other openings of the body' (Mahidhara in the introduction 
to VS. xix. 1, and in his commentary on xix. 3 : see K^S. xix. 1. 
2 ; Vait. 30. 1 ; cf. Weber, Ind. IStud. x. 349), and the use of the 
sdutrdm>ani'GeTemony after soma-sacrifices (e. g. KB. xvi. 10), are 
no doubt founded upon these two mantras \yuvdm surdmam and 
putrdm iva pitdrdu), which narrate the excessive drinking ex- 
ploits of Indra and the A9vinH.J Conversely, the prominent r61e 
which the surd plays in the sdutrdmanl (see, in addition to the 
last citations, VS. xix. 5, 7, 14, 33, 84 ;L^S. v. 4. 11 ; Ind. JStud. 
X. 349) renders it likely that surdma also contains this word. 

For the present we are only concerned with KV. x. 131. 6, the 
stanza in which it in stated that the A9vins helped India, and 
that Sarasvali cured him of the effects ol his intoxication due to 
«»/r^-drinkiiig. That this stanza refers to some event which had 
taken place in the course of Indra's companionship with Naniuci 
is on the face of it probabli*, because Namiici is mentioned in the 
preceding stanza, and berause of the mrnlion of the A9vinH and 
Sarasvali. The environment of the stanza, tlie situation which it 
refers tt), is in my opinion stated clearly at (^H, xii. 7. 3. 1, in the 



* Previously Grassmann had translated it by * freudenreich ' (ii. 407, 
498 of his translation), following the Pet. Lex., which translates it bv 
'ergoetzend :' Muir, OST., p. 93, note, by * delightful'; Ludwig in his 
translation, ii. 266, by *8er erfreuend,' and 'erfreuend*; Oldenberg at 
QGS. vi. 4. 8 by * hocherfreuend.' 

1 A graphic description of this state is given at LQS. viii. 10. V flf. 

X See especially AQS. iii. 9. 8 and QQS. xv. 15. 8-12, where it is appar- 
ent that these two stanzas form the entire original wan fro-stock upon 
which the ceremony is built up. 



0^'*^ 



Tlve Story of Indra and NamueL 151 

words : indrasye '*ndriyam annasya rasam somasya bhaksam 
surayd ^suro namticir aharat^ so ^pviudu ca sarasvatlm co ^pd- 
dhdvaf. . . . The translations of the passage with which I am 
acquainted have, it seems to me, missed the point of the passage. 
Muir, OST. v. 94, note, translates : * The Asura Namuci carried 
off Indra's strength, the essence of food, and the draught of soma, 
together with wine.' Lanman in his Reader, Notes p. 397^, trans- 
lates: *N. stole I.'s strength, etc., along with his surd.^ I would 
render : * By means of surd the Asura Namuci robbed Indra of 
his strength, the taste of his food, and the enjoyment of his soma.' 
In other words, Namuci got Indra drunk by giving him a drink 
to which he was not accustomed. As the result of this, Indra 
came into a state which may be summed up in the German word 
hatzen jammer. No better description of this deplorable condi- 
tion could be presented in Sanskrit words.* And these qualities 
which Indra has lost are conceived as having been robbed from 
him by Namuci for his own benefit. No wonder that Indra re- 
sorted to the A9vins, the heavenly physicians, and to SarasvatI, 
the goddess of wisdom. Equally well does another passage, 9^. 
xii. 7. 1. 10-12, describe Namuci's wile and Indra's mishap : namu- 
cindi ^va saha cacdra (sc. indrah) : sa diksata namucir apunar 
vd ay am abhdd dhantd '^sye ^Jidriyam vtryam somapltham annd- 
dyam hardnl ^ti tasydi '*taydi 'wa sura ye ^ndriyam vlryam soma- 
pUham annddyam aharat sa ha nyarnqh ^i^ye tarn devd upasani- 
jagmire p'estho vdi no ^yain ahhut 1am imam pdpmd ^vidad 
dhante ^mam bhisajydtne ti: te*^indv abruvan yuvaih vdibrah- 

mdndu bhisajdu stho yuvam imam, bhisajyatam iti te 

sarasvatlm ahruvan tvam vdi bhdisajyam asi tvam imam 
bhisajye Ui. ... ' Indra kept company with Namuci. Namuci 
reflected " This one has not come to his senses. Aha ! I will take 
his strength, manhood, soma-drink, and food." By means of this 
very surd he took his strength, manhood, soma-drink and food. 
He (Indra) lay unloosened. The gods came up to him and said : 
" This one has been the best among us, (but) sin has overtaken 
him here. Well, then, let us cure him." They said to the A9- 
vins : " You two indeed are the learned physicians, do you cure 
him" . . . . ' They said to SarasvatI: "You indeed are remedy, 
do you cure him." It is to be observed that Namuci in his self- 
exhortation does not say anything about robbing Indra of surd ; 
therefore the words etaydi ^va surayd in the narrative subse- 
quently cannot mean * along with this surd,^ but * by means of 
this very surd,^ Upon this the understanding of the situation 
depends : Indra in the preceding part of this chapter (^B. xii. 7. 

* A similar description of the results of drunkenness at QB. xii. 7. 2. 1 : 
apa vd etasmat teja indriyam viryarh krdmati yath somo 'tipavata 
Urdhvath vd (text cd) 'vdficaih vd * brilliancy, strength, and manhood 
f^oes away from him who ejects the soma either from above or from 
below.* As a sinner a^inst the gods and one who stands in need of 
purification the somdttpUta is pictured at AV. vi. 51 : cf. Kaug. 35. 21 
and KeQ. ibid. 

VOL. XV. 20 



152 M. BlooiYifidd^ 

• 

1. 1 ff.) has taken the soma from Tvastar and has become drank : 
cf. RV. ill. 48. 4 ; iv. 18. 3 ; M8. ii. 4. 11 ; TS. ii. 3. 2. 6 ; 4. 12. 1 ; 
5. 1. 1 ; vi. 5. 11. 3 ; Kath. xii. 10 ; (^1^, xii. 8. 3. 1 ; AB. vii. 28 ; 
Mahidhara at VS. xix. 12. Now his companion Namuci further 
incapacitates him by plying him with «Mm, so that he comes into 
the state of surfima, or intoxication from surd. Then he robs 
him of those qualities which a drunken man loses : strength, taste 
for food, and especially the soma, which is later on regained by 
arduous labors on the part of the A9vins and Indra. 

A slightly different turn is given the same story by Mahidhara 
at VS. X. 33 : namucir nama ^siira indrasya aakha "«t^ sa vi^vas 
tasj/e hidraaya vlryarh suraya somena aaha papdu tata indro 
^^vindu sarasvatlm co hHt<;d ^ham namucind pUavlryo ^smi * Na- 
muci .... all the time by means of surd together with soma* 
drank Indra^s strength.' . . . Cf. also the commentary at VS. 
xix. 34 : namucine ^ndrasya vlryarh pitam. 

We must remember that the drink surd in general is, so to 
speak, not Indra's "tipple." In the RV., which states innumera- 
ble times that Indra gets his enjoyment and inspiration from his 
soma-potations, the drink surd is never mentioned in any especial 
connection with him : see i. 116. 7 ; 191. 10 ; vii. 86. 6 ; viii. 2. 12. 
Nor is Indra's name associated with the drink in the AV. In 
fact, so far as I know, Indra and surd are associated only in the 
sdutrdmaniy the historical basis of which in all likelihood rests in a 
large measure on our legend. The surd is in general not employed 
in pn7w^a-practices ;f it is Idukika, not vdidika^ and everywhere 
in the worst repute possible. It is a strong drink. Mahidhara 
at VS. xxi. I says that the soma mixed with surd becomes strong 
{dsutah suraya tlvrlkrtah). Its preparation as described at K^S. 
xix. 1. 20-27 and bv Mahidhara at VS. xix. 1 shows that it was a 
strong spiced brandy prepared from fermented grains and plants : 
cf. also Manu xi. 95 = G^-hyas. ii. 16. As earlv as in RV. vii. 86. 6 
surd along with wrath (manyu) dice (ribhidaka)y thoughtless- 
ness {deitti), is spoken of as the cause of sin (drirta). For similar 
condemnation of the drink in the sariihitrw see Muir OST. v. 464 ; 
Zimmer, Alt. Lehen^ pp. 280-1. The Brahman who drinks the surd 
at the sdutrdmanl is hired to do so at ^C'^- xv. 15. 14 ; at ^"^B. 
xii. 8. 1. 5 surd is designated as an unwholesome potation : a^iva 
ioa vd esa bhakso yat surd hrOkmanasya ; therefore a rdjanya 
or vaii^ya is hired to drink it at K^S. xix. 3. 16. At QB. i. 6. 3. 4 ; 
V. 5. 4. 5, we have : so (sc. kalaviilkah) ^bhimddyatka iva va- 
dati, abhimdJyaun iva hi surdta p'Uvd vadati * the sparrow utters 
sounds like a drunkard, just as a person who has drunk surd.^ 
Cf. also MS. ii. 4. 2 (p. 39, bottom). Especially strong is the con- 
demnation of surd in the ^iistras : e. g. at Manu xi. 94, where it is 



* Cf. surdsoniena at C?S. xv. 15. 5, and VS. xix. 5 : suraya hi somah 
siita asuto maddya. Cf. also ^B. xii. 7. 3. 12. 

f In addition to the sdutrdmaniy only the punarabhiHeka-cereniony, 
which is itself a form of the sdutrdmani, prescribes the use of surd. 
Sec AB. viii. 1 ff. and cf. Vait. 80. 2 : KgS. xix. 1. 8 ; Kfiu?. 11. 7-10. 



The Story of Indra and Namuci. 153 

called the * dirty refuse of food' (malam anndncim), and is iden- 
tified with sin ; the sentiment is based upon TS. i. 3. 2. 6, 7 
Kath. xiv. 6. Cf. also in general Manu v. 90 ; viii. 159 ; ix. 235 
237 ; xi. 49, 55, 91-98, 150 ; xii. 56 ; Visnu li. I ; Gfiut. xxi. 1 
xxiii. 1, 6 ; xxiv. 10 ; Ap. Dh. i. 9. 25 ; 3, 10 ; Vasistha xx. 19, 22 
xxvi. 5 ; Yajnav. i. 73, 104 ; iii. 6, 207, 253. Cf. also Ch.U. v. 10 
9, and Ind. tStud., i. 265/ The incidental and therefore most val 
uable statements regarding Hindu life in the Mahabhasya do not 
fail to touch upon this point ; the surd and those addicted to it 
are ridiculed and disparaged : see Weber, I?id. Stud. xiii. 339, 
458, 471, 474, 483. Once (p. 339) the practice of drinking surd 
at the sdutrdmanl is alluded to contemptuously. 

If our interpretation of the word surayd and our conception 
of the stories at ()]^, xii. 7. 1. 10 and 3. 1 is correct, if conse- 
quently the true value of RV. x. 131. 5 has been established by 
the aid of these stories, then we may once more recognize the 
value of the Brilhmanas and Sutras.* For purposes of interpreta- 
tion the entire body of Vedic writings are a unit ; one of the 
main faults of the interpretation of the Vedic hymns in the past 
has been the failure to investigate courageously and thoroughly 
the materials outside of the mantras^ to throw aside the abundant 
chaff, and to derive from what is left the very considerable help 
which they yield, often in the most unexpected manner. Con- 
versely the legends of the Brahmanas and the practices of the rit- 
ual, though they expand, adapt, and symbolize, are usually 
founded upon conceptions expressed in manfra-form, and their 
explanation thus depends in a large measure upon the mantras. 
Just as surayd of the Brahmanas explains surdma of the maritra, 
so also we were led to our interpretation of surayd by the theory 
that the word sur/fma contained the word surd. 

3. Indra with the aid of the A^vins and Sarasvatl circumvents 
the compact, and^revenges himself on Namuci. — We have left In- 
di-a in a sorry plight. According to ^B. xii. 7. 1. 10 (cited above), 
he lies in a drunken stupor, and is so found by the gods, who 
resort to the A9vin8 and Sarasvati in his behalf. According to 
^B. xii. 7. 3. 1, and Mahidhara at VS. x. 33 (see above), he is 
capable of pleading his own case before these divinities. Other 
accounts of the story (TB. i. 7. 1. 6-7 ; Sayana at RV. viii. 14. 13; 
Mahubh. ix. 2434ff.) omit all mention of the Ayvins and Saras- 
vati ;f Indra gets the better of Namuci apparently by his own 



* We may remark by the way once more in illustration of this truth 
that the article entitled ' Die Hauskatze im alten Indien/ Vedisclie Stu- 
dien (Pischel and Geldner) i. 818 ff., would in all probability have 
remained unwritten if Geldner had had at his disposal KauQ. 42. 19 ff., 
which was not published at the time. It then would have been clear 
that AV. i. 18 is directed against a woman with evil personal character- 
istics (pdpalak^and sc. stri) : the point of both hymn and practice is to 
ward off the evil consequences of those characteristics ; they are there- 
fore exorcised, as it were, by word and deed. 

f Cf. also the transformed version of it at Mahabh. v. 818 ff. 



154 M. Bloomfield^ 

cunning. In the RV. only the two stanzas x. 131. 4, 5 attest the 
part played by these gods. The Yajus-samhitas and their attend- 
ant literature present quite a number of mantras which state dis- 
tinctly that aid was given by them to Indra in his affair with 
Namuci. So especially a stanza which occurs in almost all 
accounts of the Bdutrdman'i (VS. xix. 34 ; MS. iii. 11. 7 (p. 151); 
TB. ii. 6. 3. 1 ; ^B. xii. 8. 1. 31 ; K^S. xix. 3. 10 ; Vait. 30. 12 ; L^S. 
V. 4. 15; 99^- ^^'' ^^' 1^) nientions all the dramatis personam: 
Indra, the A5vin8, Sarasvati, and Namuci. The same is true of 
VS. XX. 67 ; MS. iii. 11. 4 (p. 145) ; TB. ii. 6. 13. 1 ; KSQ. xix. 6. 
16 ; also of VS. xx. 68 ; MS. ibid.; TB. ibid.; KSg. ibid.; and also 
of VS. XX. 59 ; MS. iii. 11. 3 (p. 142) ; TB. ii. 6. 12. 2. All these 
will be discussed below in their proper places. Of evident allu- 
sion to this story is also VS. xix. 12, where all but Namuci are 
mentioned by name ; the same is true of VS. xix. 15, and a num- 
ber of other «a?/<r(7mcr7ii-stanzas : VS. xix. 18, 80-83 (=: MS. iii. 
9. 11 ; TB. ii. 6. 4) ; 88-90 (MS. TB. ibid.), 93-95 (TB. ibid); xx. 
56-69 (MS. iii. 11. 3 ; TB. ii. 6. 13); 73-75 (MS. iii. 11. 4 ; TB. ii. 
6. 13), 90 (cf. TB. ii. 7. 12. I). In the two stories of the ^B. the 
A9vins and Sarasvati bargain for a share of the s^t/framam-sacri- 
fice, and it is granted them by the gods at xii. 7. 1. 11, 12, and by 
Indra at xii. 7. 3. 1. The latter passage reads : te ^bruvauy astu 
no *trd '^py athd '^'^hardme Hi saha na etad athd ^^harate Hy ahra- 
vlt, Indra had complained of Namuci's robbery, and asks them 
to bring back what he has lost. ' They (sc. the A5vins and Saras- 
vati) said : " We must have a share in this also, then we will 
bring it back." Indra said : " This belongs to us together, bring 
it back then." ' In the former passage a goat is assigned to the 
A5vin8 as their share, a sheep to Sarasvati, while Indra's share 
consists of a bull : cf. VS. xix. 89-91 ; MS. iii. 11. 9 ; TB. ii. 6. 4 ; 
Vait. 30. 11, 15 ; K^S. xix. 3. 2, 3 ; ^^S. xv. 15. 2-4 ; A^S. iii. 
9. 2. Both these represent the method, patented In the Brahmanas, 
of accounting for the circumstance that the benefits of a certain 
sacrifice accrue to more than one divinity ; this end is generally 
accomplished by an agreement between the divinities involved, 
or a promise rendered by one to the other : see e.g. ^B. iv. 1. 3. 
4 ; AB. iii. 20 ; TS. ii. 6. 6. Of this we must expect no trace in 
the jnantras ; on the other hand, they report clearly that the 
Ayvins and Sarasvati performed a cure upon Indra by means of a 
sacrifice, which is as a matter of course understood by the com- 
mentators to be the sd f/trd?uan~i. Thus VS. xix. 12 : devf1 yajil/im 
atanvata hhesajm'tt bhis/ijd ^iHiui: ruled sarasvati hhisdg mdrdye 
^ndriydni dddhatah *the gods prepared a sacrifice ; the A5vins, the 
j)hysiejans, prepared a remedy; Sarasvati by means of speech acted 
as physician, furnishing Indra his might.' So also VS. xix. 15: 
a^v'thhydm duydfuhn hhesajnm mdrdydi ^''ndram sdrasvatyd * the 
A^vins milked a remedy, Sarasvati strength for Indra ;' VS. xx. 
68 — MS. iii. 11.4 (p. 145) ; TB. ii. 6. 13. 1 : yam a^vind sdrasrat'i 
/lavise hidram dvardhayan * Indra, whom the A9vins and Saras- 
vati strengthened with hams:^ cf. also VS. xx. 56-67, 69 ; 73-75. 



The Story of Indra mid Namuci, 155 

After the cure, we must assume, came the great act, the pihce de 
risistance of the entire story. Indra had sworn that he would not 
slay Namuci under the conditions stated above (p. 127); and yet 
some conditions must be invented which make him free to do this 
without perjuring himself. Down to the latest times the feat by 
which this was accomplished was a favorite theme for the poets : 
Namuci was slain by the foam of the waters. At Ramayana iii. 
30. 2S (Bomb.; iii. 35. 94 Gorresio) we read : sa vrtra iva vajrena 
phenena namucir yathd .... nipapata hatah kharah * Khara 
fell down slain .... as Vrtra was slain by the thunderbolt, as 
Namuci by the foam.' At Mahabh. ix. 2436 : drstvd nlhdram 
x^ara^ cichedd ^sya ^iro .... apdm phenena vdsavah *the 
lord Vasava, perceiving a fog, cut off his (Namuci's) head with 
the foam of the waters.' Nllakautha in his commentary on 
31ahabh. i. 7306 ff. (Calc; i. 197. 31 Bomb.) says : namiicihadhe 
kartavye yathd apdm phene vajrasya pravegah .... * just as 
when Namuci was to be slain (Indra's) thunderbolt entered into 
the foam of the waters '.,..* Mahidhara at VS. x. 33 says : * the 
A9vins and Sarasvati gave to Indra a thunderbolt in the form of 
water-foam. With that Indra cut the head of Namuci.' And at 
xix. 71 : {dpdrn phe^iena) jaladindlrena namucer asurasya pirah 
(udavartayah) chinnavdn asi ' with the foam of water did you 
take off the head of the Asura Namuci.' Sayana at RV. viii. 14. 
13 : *Indra .... cut off his head at the junction of day and 
night, with foam, which is different from dry and wet. This pur- 
port is set forth in this verse : O Indra, with the foam of the 
waters, turned into a bolt, did you take off the head of the Asura 
Namuci.' 

The Brahmanas are more explicit. At MS. iv. 3. 4 we have : 
tcuya vd upodaye Buryasya mhdrarh sarhtatyd ^pdm phenena piro 
^chinat * having spread a fog at sunrise, he cut off his head with 
the foam of the waters.' At TB. i. 7. 1 . 7 it is stated : sa etam 
apdm phenam asitlcaty na vd esa ^uako nd ^''rdrOy vyustd ^^sU, anu- 
ditah svryahy na vd etad divd na naktatn^ ta^ydi tasminl lake 
apdm phenena ^ira udavartayat ' he molded this foam of the 
waters : that, you know, is neither dry nor wet. It was dawn, the 
sun had not risen : that, you know, is neither day nor night. He 
cut off his head with the foam of the water in this world.' The 
Pane. Br. xii. 6. ft has : tasya vytistdydm anudita dditye ^pdm 
phenena ^iro ^chinad etad vdi na 7iaktarh na divd yad vyustd- 
ydm anudita dditye etan nd ^^rdram na ^uskarh yad apdmphe- 
nah *he cut off his head at dawn before the sun had risen with 

♦ A variation of this story at Mahabh. v. 318-330 tells how the great 
R^is had promised Vytra that they would not slay him with anything 
dry or wet, with a stone or wood, with a knife or arrow, neither by day 
nor by night. This promise was kept until at dawn one day Indra saw 
* foam in the sea similar to a mountain ;' this along with his thun- 
derbolt he threw upon Vytra ; Vi^nu entered the foam and slew Vftra. 
Cf . allusions of a more or less general character to the defeat of Namuci 
by Indra at Mahabh. iii. 16605 ; v. 497 ; vi. 3678, 3908 ; xii. 8661, etc. 



156 M. Bloomfield^ 

the foam of the waters. For at dawn before the sun has risen : 
that is neither night nor day ; and foam of the waters : that is 
neither wet nor dry.' 9^- ^"' 7. 3. 3 : tav a^vindu ca aarcuvaii 
cd ^pdm phenam vajratn asiilcan 7ia ^usko nCi ^'^rdra iti, tene 
^ndro namucer asurasj/a vyustdydth rdtrdv anudite ddltt/e na 
divd 7ia naktatn iti ^ira udavdsayat^ tasmdd etad rsind ^bhya- 
nuktam apdm phenene Hi^ *the A9vin8 and Sarasvati molded 
foam of the waters into a thunderbolt, that being neither dry nor 
wet. With this Indra took off* the head of the Asura Namuci 
at dawn before the sun had risen, that being neither day nor 
night. Therefore this was sung by the Rsi in the verse " with the 
foam of the waters'" (VS. xix. 71 =: RV. viii. 14. 13 = AV. xx. 
29. 3). The mantras allude frequently to the fact that Indra 
slew Namuci : RV. i. 53. 7 = AV. xx. 21. 7 ; RV. ii. 14. 6 ; RV. 
vii. 19. 5 = AV. XX. 37. 5 ; RV. x. 73. 7 ; more explicitly it is stated 
that he cut off his head : RV. v. 30. 7, 8 ; vi. 20. 6. ' The stanza 
RV. viii. 14. 13 = AV. xx. 29. 3 = VS. xix. 71 is the only one in 
the entire mantra-literature which mentions in this connection the 
' foam of the waters.' It reads : apdm phhiena ndmuceh ^ira 
indrd ^d avartayah: vi^vd ydd djayah sprdhah * with the foam 
of the waters thou didst take off the head of Namuci, O Indra, 
when thou wast conquering all foes.' Lanman in the Notes to his 
Reader, p. 375** (cf. also Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 
vol. Iviii. [1889] pp. 28 ff.), reflects, I imagine, a pretty wide spread 
opinion, when he says that " the form of the myth as it appears in 
the Brfihmanas originates in a misconception . , . ," This has 
been the stereotyped attitude of investigators on comparing a 
story of the Brahmanas with what corresponded to it in the man- 
tra ; but opinion, it is to be hoped, will soon start upon a career 
of rapid change on this point : cf. the introductory remarks of this 
paper. Certainly there is nothing anywhere in the story of Na- 
muci which favors Lanman's explanation of this dsitra (ibid. p. 
375*) as the personification of a waterspout. For the same reason, 
lack of direct evidence of any sort, I cannot admit Ludwig's ex- 
planation, Rig- Veda v. 146, * that Namuci was one of the principal 
opponents of the Arya in India.' Bergaigne, La Ueligion Vedique^ 
ii. 346, justly points out that there is something very special in the 
choice of the verbs which describe Indra's destruction of Namuci. 
Quite frequently Vrtra's head is the object of Indra'sattack : RV. 
i. 52. 10 ; viii. 6. C ; 65. 2 ; and the root hhid 'split' is employed 
in each of these three passages, as it naturally would be. But in 
the case of Namuci, in addition to familiar verbs of destruction 
which are found at RV. i. 53. 7 ; ii. 14. 5 ; vii. 19. 6, we find the 
unusual verb manth (stem rndthaya) at RV. v. 30. 8 ; vi. 20. 6 ; 
the causative of the root vart at RV. v. 30. 7 ; and the same form 



* Tlie verb udvdsaydmi is employed here not without humor. It is a 
ritual expression used regularly in the sacrifice for the act of taking 
utensils off the altar : Indra took off Namuci's head as a pot is taken off 
the fire. Cf. e. g. Kaug. 2. 37 ; 6. 20. 




The Story of Indra and Namxici. 157 

with the preposition ud at viii. 14. 13. Why not? The act of 
taking off a head with the foam of the waters is correspondingly 
unusual. The root manth means ' rub, churn ;' the conception 
that the head was churned off in a mass of foam offers quite as 
natural a picture as any other mode of taking off a head with 
foam. The causative of the root vrt at v. 30. 7 naturally means 
^ cause to twist,' and 'Od avartayah at viii. 14 13, though not 
altogether clear as to its precise shade of meaning, is paralleled 
by ^B. iv. 4. 3. 4 in connection with V^rtra : vrtro vai sofna asU 
tarn yatra devd aghnans tasya murdho W vavarta. 

I shall now endeaver to show that the version of the story 
given in the Brahmanas was familiarly known to the AV., i. e. in 
fnantra-tvaxe^y as well as to the sutras: in other words, there is no 
reason to believe that it was ever preceded by any historical or 
naturalistic version which was afterwards lost to Indian tradition. 

The hymn AV. i. 16 is a witchcraft practice in which lead is 
supposed to chase away evil spirits and demons of various sorts 
{ydtucdtanam). Thus especially the second stanza reads : sisdyd 
^dhy aha vdrunah sisdyd ^gmr upd ^vati: stsam ma mdrah prd 
'^yachat tad aiigd ydtucdtanam * Varuna supports the lead ; Agni 
helps the lead ; Indra gave me the lead : that surely scatters the 
demons.' Lead is mentioned elsewhere in the AV. only at xii. 2.* 
The opening stanza, addressed to the dead body, reads : naddm 
it roha nd te dtra lokd iddm stsam hhdgadhkyam ta khi : * ascend 
the funeral fire, your place is not here ; this lead be your share ; 
come': i. e., 'after this lead has destroyed you and rendered you 
harmless, you will be cremated.' Cf. also xii. 2. 19, 20, where dis- 
ease is wiped off and lodged in the lead and other symbols of the 
body-burning fire ; and xii. 2. 53, where lead is spoken of as the 
special property of agnih kravydd. Correspondingly, at Kau9. 47. 
23, while reciting AV. i. 1 6, lead is put into the food or the cosmetics 
of an enemy ; 47. 39, the head of a lizard, which is a substitute for 
lead (see Kuu9. 8. 18), is employed in a witchcraft practice ; at 7 1. 7, 
15 lead is employed in connection with the extinction of the funeral- 
fire (kravydc-chamanam). Now there is a very interesting pari- 
bhasd-mtra at Kau5. 8. 18, which reads : slsa-nadislse ayorajdnsi 
krkaldsa^irah sisdni ; this may be paraphrased as follows: 
Mead, river-lead, iron-tilings, and the head of a lizard are in 
practice all of them equivalent to lead.' Durila explains nadlsl^a 
by nadlphefiapindah ' a lump of river-foam ;' Ke5ava by nadlphe- 
nam ' river-foam.' The suggestion that the employment of this 
' riyer-foam ' in hostile practices is due to a reminiscence of In- 
dra's feat performed upon the head of Namuci may be safely 
made, and it can be supported by a parallel practice in the prduta- 
ritual. At VS. x. 14 ; TS. i. 8. 14. 1 ; TB. i. 7. 8. 2 occurs the for- 

♦ Ludwig, Rig-Veda iii. 479, has defined this hymn by ** Tod and Be- 
gr&bniss/* a title which is not quite precise. It is a charm to drive away 
the funeral tire with its evil effects, and Incidentally with it many 
plagues and diseases with which the survivors are beset. 



158 M. Bloomjield^ 

mula lyrdtyaMnm {nirastarh) ndmuceh ^irah ' the head of Namuci 
has been cast back (cast out).' The formula is employed at the 
consecration of a king (rdja^nya)^ 9^- v. 4. 1. 8 ff., lL(}^, xv. 5. 24. 
The passage in the 9^- reads : ^ardrdacarmano jaghandrdhe 
slsarh nihitam bhavatl tat padd pratyasyati pratyastam namttceh 
pira iti nainncir hd vdi ndmd ^'*sura dsa tarn indro nivivyddha 
.... * on the hind part of the tiger-skin lead has been placed ; 
this (the king) kicks with his foot, saying ** the head of Namuci 
has been thrown down." For Namuci, you know, was an dsura; 
him Indra slew . . .' Similarly Katyayana loc. cit.: dkramya 
pddena sixain nirasyati pratyastam iti. 

The lead here and the lead at AV. i. 16. 2, *the lead which In- 
dra gives to chase away evil spirits,'* are surely equivalents of, or 
substitutes for, the * river-lead' or * river-foam' of the Kau9ika. 
It is easy to guess at the cause of the substitution : foam is too 
volatile, it does not preserve its character long enough to manipu- 
late successfully in practice. Lead is soft, 7nrdu (9B. v. 4. 1. 10), 
and has much the same color as foam ; the same is true of tlie 
ayo-rajdmi * iron-filings ' at Kau9. 8. 18. The substitution for 
something inconvenient to attain, or altogether unattainable, of 
an article easily at hand I have found once before in the Atharvan 
ceremonial. For ihepdldva which at RV. i. 1 16. ; ix. 88. 4, AV. 
X. 4, means * the horse of Pedu which slays serpents ' there is 
substituted at Kau9. 32. 21, 22 ; 35. 4 an insect, hostile to ser- 
pents, it may be supposed ; this is manipulated instead of the 
legendary horse. See Kauy. Introduction, p. xliv ff. 

If I have succeeded in showing that the practices mentioned 
above and the reference to lead in the mantras of the AV. and the 
Yajus-saihhitas are connected with the * foam of the waters ' in 
our story, no hesitation need be felt in regarding the view of the 
RV. as identical with that of the remaining literature. 

4. The Agvins arid Sara^vati bring back the soma from Na- 
7nuci. — After Namuci's head has been cut off, Indra is still without 



♦ Cf. also the statement at VS. xxi. 36 ; TB. ii. 6. 11. 6 : gu^aih saras- 
vatl bhimk slsena duha indriyam * strength and vigor Sarasvati milks 
with lead,' in evident allusion to the version of the story current among 
the Vajasaneyins, according to which the Agvins and Sarasvati forged 
for Indra the bolt out of the foam of the waters (QB. xii. 7. 3. 8). 
Hence, probably, at the sdntrdmanl materials for the preparation of the 
surd are purchased of a eunuch, who represents Namuci, the original 
owner of the surd; he is given lead in payment : see K^S. xix. 1. 19; 
Mahidhara at VS. xix. 1 ; QB. xii. 7. 2. 12. Again, at the rdjasuya, a 
eunuch is struck with the lead according? to TB. i. 7. 8. 2. According to 
KQS. XV. 5. 22 ; Mahidhara at VS. x. 10 ; (^. v. 4. 1. 1, brass {lofidyasn) 
is thrown into the moutli of the eunuch. This again reminds us of the 
ayorajdhsi of Kaug. 8. 18, which are there equivalent to * river-lead.' 
See also the very pointed statement at MS. ii. 4. 2 : sisena kllbdt kdryd 
'yiftaih vai slsam anftarh kllho 'iiYtaih surd ^nrtenui 'rd ^nftdd ariftaih 
krlndti. We have here three of the most important features in our 
little drama : Namuci, the lead, and the surd, Cf. also RV. i, 32. 7, 
where Vjtra is designated as a vddhri * castrated.' 



The Story of Lulra and Namuci, 159 

his soma, for Namuci had drunk it up, and now it flowed out of 
his body mixed with his blood and impure. Mahldhara at VS. x. 
34 says : ' then the A9vins, having drunk the soma and the Bura 
mixed with his blood, returned it pure to Indra.' Similarly at 
VS. xix. 34 : * Namuci had drunk the strength of Indra ; after 
he had been slain, soma mixed with blood came ; that the 
gods drank.' Again at VS. xx. 59 : a^mnau .... suraya aaha 
.... amalinam somarh namuceh as^irdt sakd^^dt dharatdrh sa- 
rasvafl ca tarn eva somam barhisd ^^starandrthena aaha dbharat 
. . . . indrcutyapdndrtham ; a.tys.xx.67 : a^vindu aaraavatl ca 
.... huddhyd krtvd namucer indrdrlham .... djahrire .... 
havih indriyam vlryam .... dhanam ca, Mahidhara's concep- 
tion is founded in part upon the matUras and in part upon a 
statement of the y^* -^^ ^**« ^' ^' ^ w® have : tasya glrsah^ 
chinne lohitami^rah soma Histhaty tasmdd ablbhatsantaj ta etad 
andhasor vipdnam apa^yan soma rdjd hnrtam suta iti tendi 
^narh gvddayitvd ^Hmann adadhata * when his f Namuci's) head 
had been cut off, there was the soma mixed \^itn blood. They 
(the A9vin8 and Sarasvati) loathed it. (But) they saw* this drink 
of the two somas according to the stanza "l^ing Soma when 
pressed is amrtam " (VS. xix. 72), and, having made it (the drink 
which had flowed from Namuci) palatable, they put it into them- 
selves.' 

The most prominent of the mantras which alludes to this event 
is the first one which contains the word surdma (cf. above § 1) : 
RV. X. 131. 4 = AV. XX. 125. 4 ; VS. x. 33 ; xx. 76 ; MS. iii. 11. 4 
(p. 145); iv. 12. 5 (191); TB. i. 4. 2. 1. It has been translated 
above : *you, drinking yourselvesf into a surfeit of surd with the 
dsura Namuci, helped Indra in his deeds, O ye lords of light.' 
The implication is that the drink was disagreeable and too much 
for the A9vins, but, as it had to pass through them to become 
pure and tit for Indra's use, they subjected themselves to ' surd- 
sickness' (surdma) in Indra's service. Here belong a number of 
Yajus-stanzas, as VS. XX. 69 ; MS. iii. 11. 3 (p. 143) ; TB.ii. 6.12. 2 : 
apvtnd ndmuceh sutdm sdmarh pukrdm parisrHtd : sarasvati turn 
Mharad harhisi ^ndrdya pdtave * the A9vin8 brought the pure 
pressed soma along with ;[>arwrw^ from Namuci ; Sarasvati brought 
it along with the barhis for Indra to drink.' Similarly VS. xx. 
67 ; MS. iii. 11. 4 (p. 145); TB. ii. 6. 13. 1: a^vmd havir indri- 
yam ndmucer dhiya sdrasvati: d ^nkram dsurdd vdsu maghdm\ 
indrdyajabhrire^ * the A9vins and Sarasvati by means of her wis- 



* That is, had revealed to them. 

t Note the difference between the middle vipindnd, in stanza 4 of the 
hymn, and the active vy dpibdfy in stanza 5. 1 would fain think that 
this is not accidental : the Acvins drink themselves full intentionally 
for the purpose of returning the drink to Indra ; Indra becomes drunk 
unintentionally, with surd furnished by his boon companion. 

X BiS. madvam. 

i Cf . also the expression ddatta namucer vasUf MS. ibid, line 10 : YS 
xx.71«; TB. iL6. 13. 1. 

VOL. XV. 21 



160 M\ BUomjieldy 

dora brought back to Indra from the dsura Namuci the fiavis^ 
strength, and the pure good gift (the purified soma).' And VS. 
xix. 34 ; MS. iii. 11. T (p. 151) ; TB. ii. 6. 3. 1 ; ^B. xii. 8. 1. 3 ; KgS. 
xix. 3. 10 ; Vait. 30, 12 ; L^^S. v. 4. 15 ; ^^S. xv. 16. 13 : ydmap- 
innd fuhnttcer dsurdd ddhi* sdrasvatl dsunod\ indriy^ya ;t itndm 
tdm ^ukmui inddJmrnajitam uidui'u $6 mam rdjdnam ihd ohaksch 
ydmi ' this pure honied drop. Soma the King, whom the A9vin8 
and Sarasvati pressed for strength from the d^rura Namuci, do I 
here sij).' Less clear in detail is VS. xx. 68 ; MS. iiL II. 4 (p. 
145) 1. 3) TB. ii. 6. 13. 1 : yam a^vmd sdrasvatl havise ^ndram 
dvardhayan : ad hlbheda valdm § inaghdr'a || ndtnucd ^ d9uri 



sdcd. 



I believe that Mahldhara and Madhava both misunderstand the 
stanza. The purport of their comment is that Indra, after he had 
been strengthened by the A9vins and Sarasvati, slew Vala along 
with Nanmci. Thus Mahidh. : . . . sa indro namucdv dsxire sacd 
narmicind asurena saha rtuKjham rnahanlyam valam megham 
viddrUavdn . . . namuci ni inddry a rrstim kdritavdn ity aHhah, 
And Madhava (p. 721): so ''yam indro namucindmdmire saca 
samhandham. rnagham mahan'iyam halandm^dnani OBuram bu 
bheda viddritavdn. My conce]>ti()n of the stanza differs materi- 
ally : ' Indra, whom the Ay vins and Sarasvati had strengthened 
on the occasion of (the slaughter of) the dsura Namuci, cleft 
proud** Vala.' This rendering has the double advantage of not 
conflicting with the story and of introducing a translation of the 
phrase ndmucd dsure sdcd in accord with its value elsewhere: 
e. g. RV. X. 131. 4. 

5. Minor points in the story. — A Western reader of this story 
would not easily repress the feeling that the artful device of the 
gods in slaying Namuci * with the foam of the waters' was a per- 
missible evasion of the compact, inasmuch as Namuci had not 
played Indra fair. Some of the Brahmauas and the Mahabharata 
take occasion to moralize, to accuse Indra of deceiving a friend, 
and to condemn him to certain penitential acts. Thus TB. i. 7. 
1. 7, 8 : tad (sc. ^'ira/t) en am anvavarfata mitradhrug itiy sa etdn 
apdmdrgdfi ajanayat^ tan, ajuhot^ tdir iHii sa raksdn^ apdhan 
*this(hea<l of Namuci) rolled after him, saying : "(you are a) 



* CCS. as 
f TB. dsa 



iHure dadhi. 
isanod, 

I LCS. indviyena. 

ii MS. TH. Ixtldm. 

I MS. vwdydih. 

•f TB. udmucCiv, 

** So if we road maghdm : the word is not given in adjectival value in 
either of the Pet. L*»xicons ; the readinj^ vicuiyd)h of the MS. would lead 
to a translation ' furious or intoxicated.' I do not see how the editors 
of the Petersburg lexicons e8cap>ed giving either word an adjectival 
value very much in accordance with the commentators. They define 
maghd hy *gift' and madyd by *erfreuend* and * intoxic^iting drink.* 
None of these seem to suit the connection. 



The Story of Indra and Namuci, 161 

traitor to a friend.'* He caused these a/>(?mar^a-plants* to spring 
up. These he (Indra) sacriticed ; with these he drove away the 
spook.' So also PB. xii. 6. 8 : tad enam papiyam vdcam vadad 
anvavartcUa vlrahann adruho dniha itiy ta?i na red na sdmnd 
^pahcmtum aQaknot tad dhdrwarnasya nidhanend "^pdhata * this 
(head) rolled after him uttering abusive language, saying : " you 
slayer of the innocent and the wily." He w^as not able to drive 
away this (head) by means of either rh or sdinan. Then he drove 
it away by means of the 5ama;i-finale called hdrivarna.'* At 
Mhbh. ix. 2436 we have : ' that head of Namuci, after it had been 
cut off, followed after Indra, exclaiming close by ; " Woe to you, 
wicked slayer of friends." And he, being thus goaded by this 
head, again and again in grief narrated this affair to Brahma.' 
Acting upon his advice he performs a sacrifice and bathes in the 
river Aruna ; this atones for his guilt, and the head vanishes. A 
more unprincipled view of the same event is taken at Mhbh. ii. 
1957, where Duryodhana says that Indra had made friends with 
Namuci ; nevertheless he cut off his head, tliat being the usage 
between enemies. There are elsewhere similar stories of bad 
faith on the part of the gods : e. g. TS. vi. 5. 1. 1-3 ; PB. xx. 15. 
6 ; and the Mhbh. presents a goodly number of passages in which 
adroha and forgiveness of enemies is preached : see Ludwig, Hiy- 
Veda, vi. p. 202* {sub "wortbruch Indra's" and ^^ adroha'^). It 
seems quite likely that this entire phase is a secondary append- 
age to the story. It is worked up in a still different fashion at 
MS. iv. 3. 4. 

Once it is said rather vaguely at RV. i. 53. 7 that Indra enjoyed 
the support of Nam! in his conquest of Namuci : ndmyd\ ydd 
indra adkhyd pardvdti niharhdyo ndmucim tulma rndymam. A 
still less explicit association of NamI Sapya with the story of 
Namuci occurs at RV. vi. 20. 6 ; it is stated there that Indra, 
after he had cut off the head of Namuci, bestowed upon NamI 
while asleep wealth, strength, and prosperity : . . . ^iro ddsdsya 
ndnittcer mdthaydn: prava^i ndhfu'ii sdjjydth sasdntarn prudy 
rdyd adm isd sdm svastt. The latter ])as8age is preceded and fol- 
lowed by stanzas in each of which it is stated with rather schematic 
regularity that Indra on the one hand slew some demon and on 
the other benefited some man : ^usna, tlie demon, and Da9()ni, the 
bard (st. 4); ^usna, the demon, and Kutsa, the ally («t. 5); Na- 
muci, the demon, and NamI, the friend (st. 6); the wily Pipru, 
and the pious Rjiyvan (st. 7). At RV. x. 48. 9 NamI Sfipya is 
again an assistant of Indra, who this time furnishes him with 
food and strength : prd rne 7idml sdpyd ise bhiiji bhrit. Against 



* The word suggests the root myj with preposition dpa ' to wipe off/ 
e. g. AV. iv. 18. 7 : apdmdrgo dpa vulrsfu kselHyiim \'apathd\' ca yah 
• may the apdmdrgra-plant wipe off hereditary disease and curses from 
ua.' Cf. also AV. iv. 17. 6 ; vii. 65. 2 ; gB. v. 2. 4. 14 ; xiii. 8. 4. 4. 

t Sa^aijgia explains the word here as the instrumental of namin, and 
refers it to lnara*8 thunderbolt. 



162 M. Blocyinfidd, 

the two passages in the KV. which mention Nami in connection 
with Namuci there are seven which do not refer to Nami : ii. 14. 
5 ; V. 30. 7, 8 ; vii. 19. 5 ; viii. 14. 13 ; x. 73. 7 ; 131. 4.* While 
we may take it for granted that NamI stood in some relation to 
Indra, it is possible that his introduction into this affair is dne in 
the first place to his somewhat accidental antithetical jaxtaposi- 
tion with the demon at RV. vi. 20. 6 ; this may have given rise 
secondarily to the statement at i. 63. 7. Cf. Ludwig, Rig- Veda 
iii. 149. The assonance of the two names Nami and Namuci may 
have favored the process. The texts arc not always very partic- 
ular as to the person to whom they give credit for assistance 
rendered in such contests. At Rv. v. 30. 8 the author of the 
hymn (ace. to the Anukr., Babhru Atreya) says in a > whole-souled 
fashion that Indra made him an ally in his contest with Namuci : 
y{(jarh In mam dkrthCi dd id indra ^iro dmd^ya ndmucer math- 
aydn. At any rate we have in the relation of Nami, Indra, and 
Namuci the germ of a story which was never developed ; with 
this single exception all the reports about Namuci can be brought 
together into a single firmly-jointed whole. 

We may finally present in brief a connected sketch of the en- 
tire legend as reconstructed above. Indra, the god of the clear 
sky, is forever slaying with his thunderbolt the cloud-demons 
who obstruct the rain and withhold from mortals the blessings 
consequent upon it. But in one instance he encounters the demon 
Namuci (* Don't-let-go,' or * Hold-fast'), who, instead of falling an 
easy victim to his thunderbolt, engages him in close combat and 
rather gets the better of him. Namuci holds Indra fast, and re- 
fuses to let him go unless he enters into a strict agreement not to 
slay him subsequently. The compact is constructed very diplo- 
. matically, so as to leave apparently no possibility of danger to 
Namuci from Indra : the latter agrees not to slay the former 
either by day or by night ; i. e., as Namuci construes it, at no 
time whatsoever. He agrees further not to slay him either with 
a staff or a bow, with the fiat hand or the fist, with anything wet 
or dry : i. e., as Namuci intends, with no known weapon. 

For a while the pair are boon companions. But Namuci, the 
dauray is bound to betray his nature, fundamentally hostile towards 
Indra, the deva ; and upon one occasion, when Indra had imbibed 
freely of his favorite beverage, the soma, he plies him still further 
with the strong drink surd (brandy), which is regarded as unholy, 
and is no doubt conceived as the special drink of the Asuras. 
Indra becomes stupefied and loses his strength, his senses, the 
taste for food, and soma, and in the story Namuci is conceived as 
having robbed him of these and appropriated them to his own use. 

The gods now step upon the scene. The A9vins, the heavenly 

* The remaining Samhitas do not, as far as is known, mention Nami 
at all ; at PB. xxv. 10. 17 he is said to be a king of Videha who went to 
heaven by pious practices. 



The Two Dogs of Yama. 163 

physicians, and Sarasvati, the goddess of wisdom, cure Indra, and 
afterwards Indra with their help concocts a plan by which he 
may slay Namaci without perjuring himself. In order to evade 
the clause of the compact which forbids him to do the deed either 
by day or by night, they choose the time of the dawn before the 
sun had risen, * that being neither day nor night.' In order to 
introduce a weapon not excluded by the stipulation of the com- 
pact, they forge a bolt from the foam of the waters, * that being 
neither wet nor dry.' Indra slays Namuci, but he is still without 
his soma, which now flows from the body of Namuci mixed with 
blood and impure, so that he may not drink it. Here again the 
A9vin8 lend their aid ; they drink the loathsome mixture, and, 
having purified it in their divine bodies, they return it to Indra. 



II. The Two Dogs of Yama in a New R6le. 

The extent to which Vedic mantras may be based upon events 
which are narrated more completely or in full in the literature of 
the Brahmanas has just been illustrated by our treatment of the 
story of Indra and Namuci. The hymn AV. vi. 80 offers another 
instance of this kind ; its purport is unintelligible, and it could in 
fact not have been composed, without the background of a group 
of parallel legends narrated in the Maitrayani-samhitfi, Kathaka- 
samhita, and Taittiriya-brahmana. Furthermore, its explanation 
by means of these legends throws, as we believe, valuable light 
upon certain early, if not the earliest, conceptions of the two dogs 
of Yama, which are mentioned from the time of the RV. in vari- 
ous statements diflicult to understand and to harmonize with one 
another. 

The hymn AV. vi. 80 is as follows : 

1. antdrik§€iia patati vicvd bhutd ^vacdkagat : Quno divydsya ydn mdhas 

tend te havi^d vidhema.* 

2. tf^ trdyaJf. kdlakdfijA divi devd iva gritdh: tdn sdrvdn dhva utdye 

^smd armdtdtaye. 

8. apsii tejdnma divi te sadhdsthaiii samudH antdr mahimd te pxthi- 
vydm: ^no divydsya ydn mdhas t4nd te havi§d vidkema.\ 

We may translate : 

1. * He flies through the air looking down upon all beings; we 

desire to do homage with this havis to thee [who art J the 
majesty of the heavenly dog. 

2. *The three kdlakdfija who are fixed upon the sky like gods, all 

these I called for help, to render this one exempt from 
injury. 



* The Paippal&da-text presents the following version of padas h, c,d: 
8var bhatd vyacdcalat : sa no divyasydi 'dam manas tasvid etena havi^d 
fuhomi, 

t P&ipp. c, d as in stanza 1. 



164 1/. BloomfieU, 

3. * In the waters is thy origin ; upon the heavens thy home ; in 
the middle of the sea and upon the earth thy greatness. 
We desire to do homage with this hams to thee [who art] the 
majesty of the heavenly dog.' 

But few attempts have been made to explain this hymn. Lud- 
wig, Rig- Veda iii. 373, translates it under the caption ^no divy- 
asya havih, without defining its aim. Zimmer, Altindisches 
LeheUy p. 353, surmises that the pmn divt/a is the dog-star : cf. 
also Weber, Naksatra ii. 372. 

The legend of the TB. (i. 1. 2. 4-6) which bears upon the hymn 
is as follows : kalakdfijd luli ndnid '*8urd man te siivargdya lokayd 
^gnim a-cinvata^ purum istakdni upd ^dadhdt puntsa Utakdmy 
sa indro brdhniano brnvdna istakdtn upd ^dhatta, esa me citrd 
ndnie ^ti, te suvargalokatii d prd, ''rohan^ sa indra istakdni a 
hrrhat^ te *??« klryant^i^ ye ^va klryanta, ta urnandhhayo ^bhavan, 
dvdv ud apatatdrrij tdu divydu ^rdndv abhavatdm * there were 
Asuras named Kalakanjas. They ])iled up a fire altar in order to 
obtain the world of heaven. Man by man they placed a brick 
upon it. Indra, passing himself off for a Brfilimana, put a brick 
on for himself, saying : "this one, citrd (the bright one) by name, 
is for me." Thev climbed up to heaven. Indra pulled out his 
brick ; they luml>led down. And they who tumbled down be- 
came spiders ; two flew up, and became the two heavenly do^^ 
Similarly at Kfith. S. viii. If (reported by Weber, Ind. Stttd, iiu 
466) we have : kdlakdnjd vdi nd)nd ^surd dsans, ta istakd a^in- 
vata, tad indra istakd tn apy npd \1hatta^ tea/nn mithundti divam 
d ^krajnetdm, tatas tdm d ''rrhat^ te *ra klryanta^ id etdu divydu 
pvd?idu 'there were Asur.is, Kalakanjas by name; they piled 
bricks (for an altar). Then Indra also put on a brick. A pair of 
these ascended to heaven. Tlion he (Indra) tore out this (brick); 
they (the Asuras) were thrown down. Those two are the two 
heavenly dogs.' 

The legend as told at MS. i. 6. 9 is essentially identical with 
these, but it carries us an important step forward by designating 
the *two heavenly dogs' as yaitu(^ni1^ the 'two dogs of Yama': 
kdlakdnjd vd amird istakd acinrata dit*am droksydmd iti tdn 
indro brdhmano hrurdna upd it sa ctdm istakd /n apy upd ^dhatta 
ta prathaind ira dirarn d ''krdtnantd Uha sa tdm d ^brhat te asurdh 
pdplyd/iso bharanto a}fd '^bhrahi^duta yd uttamd dstdm tdu yarna- 
^rd ab/iavatdni ye ^d/iare ta unidiulb/iaya/t **the Asuras called 
Kalakanjas piled bricks (for an altar), saying: "we will ascend 
to heaven." Indra ])assing liiniselt* off for a Brahman came to 
them ; he put on this brick. Th(»y at first, so to speak, arrived at 



* In reference to the heavenly dogs Madhava, comnientarv p. 11 flf., 
says : te^dm asurdndm madhye dmv asiirdu i^raddhdiii^aydl svargam 
2)rdptdv iti bhran^dt tatra devaloke gm'indv abhfitdm, 

f JPresumably the same legend occurs at Kap. S. vi. 6 : see Schroeder*8 
edition of the MS. i. p. 101, note 2. 



The Txoo Dogs of Yama, 165 

heaven ; then Indra tore out that (brick). The Asuras becoming 
quite feeble fell down ; the two that were uppermost became the 
two dogs of Yama, those which were lower became spiders.' 

This identification of the ^vOndu divydu with the dogs of Yama 
does not rest on this passage alone. At the apyam<?cZAa-sacrifice 
daring a certain stage in the proceedings the horse is bathed ; it 
is accompanied to the middle of the water by a ' four-eyed ' dog 
(^van caJturaksd)^ i. e. a symbolic dog of Yama (RV. x. 14. 10, 11; 
AV. xviii. 2. 11, 12 ; TA. vi. 3. 1), who is slain by a low-born man 
under the feet of the horse, by means of a pestle made of the 
wood of the sidhraka'tree : see TB. iii. 8. 4. Iff.; QB, xiii. 1.2. 9 ; 
K^S. XX. 1. 38 ff.; Mahidhara at VS. xxii. 5. The reason assigned 
for this practice by the Brahmanas is : guna^ caturaksasya pra- 
hanti pwe 'ra pftpmd bhrdtrvyah pdpmnnam evd ^sya bhrdtrvyam 
hafUi .... vajrl vd apiHih prdjdpatyah vajrendi^va pdpmdnam 
bhrdtrvyam avaJcrdniati (TB.) 'he slays the four-eyed dog. The 
dog is evil, as it were, and his rival ; his evil indeed and his rival 
he slays. . . . The horse descended from Prajfipati has a thun- 
derbolt ; with the thunderbolt indeed does he overcome evil and 
his rival.'f Similarly ^B. loc. cit.: vajro ^^vah .... ^vdnavi 
caturaksam hatvd ^dhaspadani apvasyo ''pa pldvayati imjrendi 
^vdi 'nawi ava krdmati ndi hi am pdpnid bhrdtrvya djynoti. Cf. 
also QB. vi. 3. 2. 7. This hostility against the dog of Yama 
refers no doubt to the legend above, in connection with which 
it is also stated that hostility and rivalry are removed. from 
him who recognizes its purport: evam asya sapatiio bhrdtrvyah 
pdplydn bhavann apa hhr animate ya etJam tridiu'm, etc. (MS. i. 
6. 9); yo bhrdtrvyavdn sydt sa clfrdydNi aynini d dadhita 
(TB. i. i. 2. 6). Cf. also ^B. ii. 1. 2. 17, where the same story is 
told in a somewhat different form. That the Atharvavedins, in 
composing vi. 80, did not simply refer in general terms to the 
kdlakdnja and the ^lu'indu divydu^ but have in view the legend 
with which we are dealing, is clear from the practice which went 
with the hymn. At Kau^. 31. 18, 11) we have: antariksene 
^ti paksahatatn niautroktaih cahkntmayd. k'ttena dhupayati, 
Darila at 18 says: yamanaih cai'ukrainah .... karmoktam inn- 
traphenend ''bhyudya, . . . Keyava at 18 : ^cdnapadaathdnu' 
nirttikdfn abhimatUrya paksdhatafh(f) decant jyralhnpatiy paksa- 
haiabhaisajyarn. At 19 : ^u7io maksikdni abfiimantryd '*gndu 



* Madhava at TB. iii. 8. 4. 2 (p. 577) : akmor uparibhdge ^k^isadfcam 
vindudvayaik IdHchuiiaiii yasya giinah so 'yam caturdk^ah ; Schol. at 
TO. V. 5. 19. 1 : ak^nor upari inndudvayavdn ; Schol. at KQS. xx. 1. 88 : 
caturak^bhdvdd ya^a Icsisamijye pdundrdtii sa gunavfttyd caturaksah ; 
Saya^a at TA. vi. 3. 1 : uparibhdge punar apy aksidvayam yayos tddf- 
fdtt. So also at RV. x. 14. 10. Cf. also the four-ejed dog (spdnem 
cathrucasmem) at Vd. vili. 41, which is explained hy the Mazdayasnian 
tradition as a dog with a spot over each eye : see Babylonian atid Orien- 
tal Record 1. 86-88 ; iv. 266. 

f M&dhava p. 577 : yo 'yam pdpariipah gatruh so ^yaih ^nd sadfgaJ}, 
atiU^ ^no baahena pdpmdi 'va hato ohavati. 



166 M. Blmmfield, 

praksipya tato dhupayati vyddhipradeQam, The sQtra and its 
commentators, as also the exact relation of the hymn to its ritual, 
are obscure ;* the practice is intended to cure paralysis. It ap- 
pears that the spot where the disease has struck the victim is 
made the object of attack ; this the priest(?), while keeping in 
motion (caiikrainayd)^ rubs over with mud taken from the toot- 
print of a dog. Tlien he fumigates the place by burning an 
insect. But one point seems certain : that the use of the insect 
symbolizes the fate of the kdlakdfija who in the legend become 
spiders. Madhava, ibid., says of them : te co '^rnandbhindmakdh 
Idtdkltdh prdhhavan, tena kltena samsrstam tantajdlam urna^ah- 
deno \*yat€, Cf. with this the word kita at Kau9. 81. 19. 

What now was the Hindu conception regarding the two dogs 
of Yama, which are at the same time the heaven I v dogs * flying 
through the air and looking down upon all beings' (AV. vi. 80. 1) ? 
Weber's and Zimmer's supposition that they refer to some star or 
some constellation of stars is improbable, first, because a constel- 
lation of a character sufficiently marked to lend itself to such a 
comparison is otherwise unknown ; secondly, because the refer- 
ence is evidently to a pair, each of which is independent enough 
to exist by itself. No poet would have spoken of a single mem- 
ber of such a dualism, any more than he would mention separately 
one of the rsi of the aaptarsayah^ the great Bear (e. g. RV. iv. 
42. 8 ; ix. 92.* 2 ; x. 82. 2 ; 109. 4 ;* AV. iv. 11. 7 ; v. 17. 6 ; viii. 10. 
25, et^c.).f The sphere of conceptions which have produced the 
legends of the two heavenly dogs can, we believe, be made to tell 
us what they were. At Kath. S. xxxvii. 14 (cited by Schroeder, 
M8. i. p. 101, note 2) we have the statement that the two dogs of 
Yama are day and night : etdu tu'ti yama^vd aha^ ca rdtri ca. 
The same statement more explicitly we have at KB. ii. 9 (end) : 
sdyatn (istam ite pxird tainasas tasmin kdlejuhuydi sa devaydnah 
ketuh .... prdtah puro \laydd apahate tamasi tasmin kdle 
juhuydt sa devaydnah kttuh .... atho yo Ho anyathd ^gniho- 
train juhoti ^ydma^abaldti hd ^syd ^gnihotram vikhidato ^har 
vdi gabalo rdtrUi ^ydmah sa yo inahdrdtre juhoti ^ydmo hd ^syd 
^gnihotraih vikhidaty atha yo mahdhne juhoti pabalo hd ^syd 
'^gnihotram vikhidati. 'In the evening, when the sun has gone 
down, before the darkness, one should sacrifice (the agnihotra)\ 
at that time the gods arrive. ... In the morning, before sunrise, 
when darkness is dispelled, at that time one should sacrifice (the 
agnihotra); at that time the gods arrive. . . . Therefore (the 
two dogs of Yama) ^yama and 9&hala tear to pieces the agnihotra 
of the one who sacrifices otherwise. 9*^*^* '^ ^^® ^^7 > Cj^™* 
the night. He who sacrifices in the middle of the night, his agni- 



* The tliird stanza of the hymn is employed also in a nondescript 
fashion at Vait. 23. 20 and Ath. Parig. 30. 1 {taifdgadividht) and 42. 8 
{stu'niavidhi). 

f For another instance of the mention of a single divyah ^vd see the 
passage from QB. xi. 1. 5. 1, next page. 



The Two Bogs of Tama. 167 

Kotra 9yama tears asunder ; he who sacrifices in broad daylight, 
his agnihotra ^abala tears asunder.'* At TS. v. 7. 19, where vari- 
ous divinities are assigned to the parts of the horse sacrificed at 
the a^vamedha, we have : surt/adandrarndsau vfkydbkydrhy ^yd- 
mapabaldii nidtasndbhydm, vyitatlm rupena nimruktim dnlpena. 
Here the mention of the pydma^abaldu intervenes between sun 
and moon on the one side and morning and evening twilight on 
the other ; the ^ydma^baldu stand here as a special designation 
either of day and night, which are mentioned by name in the next 
section (v. 7. 20), or of sun and moon themselves. The latter, in- 
deed, is their purely physical value in this sphere of conceptions ; 
they are primarily sun and moon, and secondarily day and night. , 
This is stated in part explicitly at (^^. xi. 1. 5. 1 : sa (sc. candra- 
niah) hdi ^sa divyah gvd sa yajamOnasya pagdn ave ^^ksate. The 
moon (night), the divine dog, is here one of the dogs of Yama, 
the gydma^baldu ; the conclusion that the sun (day) is the other 
is almost self-evident, and we are spared the task of looking for 
two individual stars or a constellation of two stars in order to 
explain the ^vdndu divydu. 

A stanza parallel to AV. vi. 80. 1 occurs at RV. x. 136. 4. The 
translators regard the RV. hymn as a song in praise of an ascetic. 
Grassmann (ii. 499) entitles it *Lob des Bilssers'; Ludwig (v. 563) 
thinks that it sketches a yogin. This seems to me only a partial 
explanation of the hymn ; it is rather a hymn in which Surya is 
praised and compared with a muni. Stanza 1 reads : 

ke^y dgnhh ke^t visdrh kept bibharti rddasl 
kept vipvam svdr drp^ kept ^ddmjydtir ucyate. 

* Ke9in the fire, Ke9ili the visam (fluid? cf. Naigh. i. 12), Ke5in 
carries the two worlds. Ke5in is all brightness which is to be 
beheld ; Ke9in is called light here.' At Nfiigh. v. 6 kepin and 
kepinah occur as divinities ; at Nirukta xii. 26 [ddivatakdndam 
vi. 26) kepin is identified with dditya.\ Of the three kepin^ Agni, 
Surya, and Vayu, which occur at RV. i. 164. 44, * the one who with 
his mighty qualities looks at the whole world (viptmin eko abhi 
caste pdclbhm) is surely Surya : see Nir. xii. 27 ; Haug, Vedtsche 
Rdthselfragen und RdthsehpriXche^ p. 53 ; Kiity. Sarvanukraraani 
(ed. Macdonell), p. 11 ; Sadguru9i8ya ibid. p. 97. Who but 
Siirya is *the horse of the wind, the companion of Vilyu, the 
muni urged on his course by the gods who lives in both seas, the 
eastern and the western ' (ubMu samudrdv <i kseti ydp ca pu'rva 
nl4 ^parah, RV. x. 136. 5) ? Therefore Surya is also the subject 
of stanza 5 : 



♦ Cf. the parallel statement in the Gotama-nyaya-sutra, ii. 57, reported 
by Weber, Ind. Stud, 11. 205. For gydma the variant ^'ydva appears 
here : cf. pydvi as a name for night. Naigh. i. 7. 

f Cf. also Surya's epithet cocl^kega, and AV. xiv. 1. 55 : bfhaspdtih 
prat?iamdfy surydydh gtr§4 kipdri akalpayat * Bphaspati first fashioned 
the hair on the head of Surya.' 

VOL. XV. 22 



168 M\ Bloainjield, 

antdriksena pcUati vi^vd rupd ^vacdka^cU : 
munir devaaya-devasya sdukrtyaya sdkha hitdh. 

* He flies through the air looking upon all beings, he the muni^ 
the friend good to benefit every god.' The word ava^cdka^ 
'looking at' is othen^use applied to the sun at AV. xiii. 2. 12 : ad 
(so. siirya) esi sUdhrtas tapan vl^-vd hhutit ^vacdka^t y at AV. 
xiii. 4. I : sd eti savitd sifdr divds prsthh ^vacakapat. 

Support for our explanation of the divyCiu pmmtu as sun and 
moon seems to be afforded also by a passage in the Chand. Up. 
viii. 13 : gyfrniffc chabakimprapadye, ^abaldc chydmamprapadyey 
apva iva romdni vidhOya pdpam .... brahmalokam abhisam- 
bhavdmL Bohtlingk in his recent edition and translation of the 
text renders : * Vom Schwarzen flUchte ich mich zum Scheckigen, 
vom Scheckigen flllchte ich mich zum Schwarzen. Wie ein Koss 
seine (losen) Haare von sich abschiittelt, so schttttele ich das Buse 
von mir ab, .... und begebe mich in die Statte des Brahman.'* 
The passage becomes more intelligible if we translate : * I go 
from the moon to the sun and from the sun to the moon, .... 
and arrive at the world of Brahman.' Cf. the passage Kaus. Up. 
i. 2, 3,f where it is said that all those who go away from this 
world go to the moon, the moon being the door of the world of 
light. They come to earth again, and then pass to the world of 
Brahman by the road of the gods which has many stages : the 
the world of fire, of wind, of the sun, of the moon, of lightning, 
of Varuna, of Indra, of Prajapati, finally of Brahman. Cf. also 
Chand. Up. iii. 13. 1-6, where the five kinds of breath, personified 
respectively as sun, moon, fire, rain, and wind, are spoken of as 
the doorkeepers of Brahman ; also AB. viii. 28, which ends this 
text in a manner altogether parallel to the ending of Chand. Up., 
where the ^ydma and ^abahi are mentioned. One would fain 
look for more information on the kdlakdfija in connection with 
this study. I have found but one Vedic passage in addition to 
those above, namely Kaus. Up. iii. 2, where Indra is made to say 
of himself that he killed the Pfiulomas in the sky and the Kala- 
kfinjyas upon earth. The ritual of the AV. (Kriu5. 31. 19) clearly 
conceives of the kdlakdnja as spiders, the shape they assumed 
after the final catastrophe : see above. It is to be regretted that 
the relation of the ritual to the hymn is obscure. J In the Mhbh. 



* Cf. Caihkara's gloss : . . . . gydmo ganibhiro varnaf^ ^drnti ttw fyd- 
mo hdraam brahma, atyantadiiravagdhyatvdd tad dhdrdambrahmajila- 
tvd dhydnena tasmdc chydmdc chabalam iva gabalo ^ranyddyanekakd" 
mamit^ratvdd hrahmulokasya qdvalyam tarn brahmalokafh gat^am 
prapadye jnanasd. 

f Tlie passage has been treated recently by Bohtlingk in the Transac- 
tions of the Royal Saxon Academy, Nov. 14, 1890, p. 72 ff. of the 
rei)rint. 

X Only one point more suggests itself in explanation of the application 
of the hymn to s,pak^ahata. The words pakm in this compound may 
possibly stand in some connection with the pak§a of the moon : purva 
or gukla, and apara or kfi^na. Perhaps the appearance of the moon 



The Two Dogs of Yama. 169 

iii. 12196 ff., Indra, in accordance with the statement of the Kaus. 
Up., comes to the golden city of the Pauloma and Kalakaiijya, 
whom he duly conquers : see Weber, fnd. Stud. i. 416 ; Holzraann, 
ZDMG. xxxii. 312 ff. Weber explains both as the * black-haired 
children of a dark mass of clouds.' It seems to me more likely 
that some manifestation of the starry sky (perhaps the galaxy ?) 
is at the bottom of this conception. But I do not know. 

More important is the question of the relation of the sun and 
moon personified as the two dogs of Yama to that other well- 
known physical view which apparently deals with the dogs simply 
as animals. The principal passage of this sort is RV. x. 14. 10- 
12 = AV. xviii. 2. 11-13 = TA. vi. 3. 1, 2. They are alluded to 
further more or less explicitly as animals with the qualities of 
animals at RV. i. 29. 3 ; vii. 55. 2-4 ; AV. v. 30. 6 ; viii. 1. 9 ; 2. 1 1 ; 
8. 10, 11 ; MS. iv. 9. 19 ; TA. iv. 29 ; PGS. i. 16. 24 ; in a 9loka 
which serves as a prayer at the end of the manuscripts of AGS. ;* 
and at HGS. ii. 7. 2.f It is not impossible to mediate between 
the two conceptions from the point of view of the Brahmanas 
alone. The dogs are destructive agents of death, and day and 
night are also familiarly conceived of as destructive instruments 
of death : e. g. KB. ii. 9 states that day and night are the arms of 
death : atho mrtyor ha vd etdu xmijahdhu yad ahordire ; at ^B. 
x. 4. 3. 1 ff. we have : esa vdi mrtyur yat samvatsarah, esa hi mar- 
tydndm ahordtrdbhydm dyuh ksinoti * the year is death ; by 
means of day and night does it destroy the life of mortals.' The 
substitution of sun and moon for day and night would be even 
8impler,J and thus the dogs of Yama would be identified with 
those heavenly bodies. Yet this seems unsatisfactory. The wri- 
ter believes that there has been a superabundance of mythologiz- 
ing on this point. Especially the latest explanation of the two 
dogs, that of J. Ehni, Der Vedhche My thus des Yama, p. 138ff., 
seems to be devoid of every basis of fact. The explanation there 
offered (p. 139) is that the sdrameydu are two winds, namely the 
west-wind and the south-wind.§ I fail to find a single attribute 
as reported by the Hindus themselves which makes in any way for 
such a mythology. Let us consider but the one point of color, 

in the partial activity of its phases suggested the propriety of establish- 
ing symbolic connection between the paksa of the moon and the pak^a- 
hcUa. 

♦ See Weber, Ind. Stud. ii. 296 : vdivasvatakule jdtau dvdu gydmaga- 
valdu ^ndu : tdbhydm pirujLo mayd datto raknetdm pathi ludm aadd, 

f Especially interesting is this passage : athordma (I for adhordma) 
udunwarafy sdrameyo ha dhdvati : samudram iva (I for ava f) cdkagad 
bibhran ni^kam ca rukmaih ca * Sarameya, dark below and brown, runs, 
looking down upon the sea, carrying ornaments and gold.' The verse 
shows notable points of contact with AV. vi. 80 and RV. x. 186. Cf. 
also Ap. Gr. vii. 18. 1-4, and its commentary. 

t Therefore perhaps the frequent statement in the Brahmanas that the 
sun is death. Thus QB. ii. 3. 3. 7 : ya e^a tapati tad yad e^a mjiyiUi. 

^ For earlier explanations see Ehni, ibid, p. 138, note ; Ind, Stvd. L 
114; u. 296. 



170 M. Bloomfieldj 

which appears persistently as an attribute of the dogs : ^abaldu 
at RV. X. 14. 10 ; AV. xviii. 2. 11 ; TA. vi. 3. 1 ; udumbaldu, RV. 
X, 14. 12 ; AV. xviii. 2. 13 ; TA. vi. 3. 2 ; ^t/dma-pabalaUy AV. viii. 
1. 9 ; PGS. i. 16. 24 ; arjuna amd pi^ilf/a, RV. vii. 65. 2. Almost 
all these epithets are assembled at HGS. ii. 7. 2.f Who ever 
heard of winds of a certain color ? or why should the element of 
color turn up so persistently in the personified form of these 
winds ? Ehni exhibits in fact no better argument than an ety- 
mological one : the aarameydu are the oifspring of aaratnd, and 
saramd contains the root sar *go.' He compares saramd with 
saranyu ' fleet, mobile,' used as an epithet of the Maruts at RV. 
i. 62. 4 ; iii. 32. 5, and assumes that saramd is a goddess of the 
storm, and that therefore her children are also gods of the wind. 
After careful deliberation, I would for my part point out that 
the identity of the two dogs with sun and moon which is clearly 
implied in the Brahmanas seems to account for many qualities 
and statements of them mentioned in the mantras, Tne color or 
brightness of sun and moon would comport well with their attri- 
butes of color. They are called the messengers of Yama who go 
after people, a very suitable epithet for sun and moon. J I would 
draw attention especially to the statement y&u te ^vdndu yama 
raksitdrdu .... pathirdksi (A V. pathisddl) nrcdksasdu^ RV. x. 
14. 11 = AV. xviii. 2. 12 = TA. vi. 3. 1 ; here the epithets rak- 
sitdrdu and pathirdksi are favorable to such a construction, and 
the word nrcdksas * looking upon men ' is a standing epithet of 
sun and moon. Thus, nrcdksdh su'ryak at RV. vii. 60. 2 ; nrcdk- 
sdhpusd at RV. x. 139. 2 ; samtdram nrcdksasam^ RV. i. 22. 7 ; 
dditydsya nredksa^ah, AV. xiii. 2. 1 ; dditye nrcdksasi, AV. x. 3. 
18 ; tvdih soma .... abhavo nrcdksdh^ RV. i. 91. 2 ; tvamhinas 
tanvdh soma gopd gdlre-gdlre nisasdtthd ?ircdksdh (double enten- 
dre : soma the drink, and sotna the moon) ; RV. viii. 48. 9, etc. 
Note also the use of the word as epithet of the stars of the night 
at AV. xix. 47. S : ye te rdtri nrgdksaso drastdrah. The entire 
scope of the epithet is well described by Grassmann, Worterbuch^ 
8. v.: 'von den gnttern am hiiufigsten von der Sonne und ihren 
gottern, von Soma (i. e. the moon), und von Agni.' Above all, the 



f The epithet asfumuhha at MS. iv. 9. 19 ; TA. iv. 29, may also have been 
suggested by the notion of color. I would note here, without being able to 
assign a reason, that in the ritual of the A V. the eight verses beginning 
with the three veraes which deal with the dogs of Yama have a specif 
designation, seemingly by a word for color. At Kauc. 80. 35 (see the An- 
tye^tipaddhati and Kegava ibid.) ; 82. 31 ; 83. 20, 28 ; 84. 13 ; Vait. 87. 24, 
the verses AV. xviii. 2. 11-18 are designated as /larmi- verses. The verb 
har is always employed in connection with them {harintbhir hareukUj). 
Whether this justifies us in regarding the word fiarinihhifi (sc. fgohtff^) 
as meaning ' verses with which the act of taking is performtSi,' or 
whether this represents a punning juxtaposition of harini * yellow ' and 
hf * take,' I am not in the position to decide. 

i Cf. RV. X. 92. 12 : sHrydindsd vicdrantd diviknitd ; and RV. x. 88. 11 : 
yadd cari^ti mithundv dbhfitam dd it prdpa^*yan hhuvandni rifw, 
which evidently refers to sun and moon. 



The Two Dogs of Yama, 171 

assumption that sun and moon, are implicated in the myth of 
Tama's dogs relieves us of many apparent inconsistencies in the 
statements concerning them. On the one hand the exhortation 
to the dead, * run past the two spotted dogs .... straightways ; 
then come to the kindly fathers, who hold high feast with Yama,' 
suits well the conception of the ^vdndu divynuy heavenly dogs 
who are suspended m the sky (RV. x. 14. 10). On the other 
hand, by the easiest change of mental attitude the same two dogs 
are the protectors who guard the way, and look upon men (favor- 
ably : this implication is always contained in nrcaksah)^ are 
ordered by Yama to take charge of the dead, and to furnish them 
prosperity and health (RV. x. 14. 11). Again, by an equally 
simple shift of position, sun and moon move among men as the 
messengers of death ; by day and by night men perish while 
these heavenly bodies alternate in their presence among men.* 
This furnishes the terrible side of their nature (RV. x. 14. 12). 
For me at least the verses when viewed in this light have become 
fuller in meaning and more consistent in their relation to one 
another, and if this view stands we are saved the problematic 
assumption that the conception of the ^vdndu dicydu in AV. vi. 
80 and the Brahmanas represents an essentially novel develop- 
ment, totally foreign to the principal passage which describes 
them, RV. x. 14. 10-12. 

I add a summary of the preceding investigation. At AV. vi. 
80 a * heavenly dog,' divyah Qvd, is mentioned who flies through 
the air and looks down upon all beings. Allusion is made in this 
to a legend reported in the Brahmanas, according to which two 
heavenly dogs, formerly Asuras, managed to ascend the heavens 
and to gain there a permanent foothold. The Mfiitrriyani-saiiihita 
states explicitly that these j^ame two dogs are the dogs of Yama. 
Further the two dogs of Yama, either under their collective name 
of yama^vd or separately designated as ^ydrtia (or ^y^fca) and 
^bala, are constantly identified in the Brfihmanas with day and 
night, and once in the ^^tapatha-brfihmana the moon is styled 
'the heavenly dog who looks down upon the cattle.' The con- 
clusion derived from all these statements is that in the Atharvan 
and the Brahmanas the two dogs of Yama are familiarly identified 
with the sun and the moon. 

This result is then brought to bear upon the re[)orts on the two 
dogs of Yama in the hymns themselves, especially the very inter- 
esting passage RV. x. 14. 10-12, an<l the corresponding passages 
in other collections of mantras. It is shown that the aj)}>arently 



♦ In this connection RV. i. 29. 8 is very noteworthy : ni svajyayd mi- 
thudf^gd (Say. yamadutydu) sastdm dbudhyamdne ' ])Ut to sleep tlie two 
(female messengers of Yama) who are visible by turns : let tlieni sleep 
without waking.' The epitliet mithudfi^d fits sun and moon admirably. 
But whv should they be feminine? The Pet. Lex. refers the epithet to 
day and night. 



172 M. Bloomfield^ 

conflicting attributes which arc bestowed upon them in the hymns 
are best separately accounted for and harmonized w^ith one an- 
other by the aid of this very explanation ; every statement in 
these much-discussed stanzas falls naturally into line with the 
other, and the passage seems to be freed from nearly every 
serious difliculty. 

III. The Marriage of Saratov u, Tvastar's Daughter. 

• • • 

In venturing to add one more to the many essays* on the nar- 
rative of Saranyu's conjugal exploits as recorded at RV. x. 17. 1, 
2, my justification is that I come to the task armed with a theory 
which I hope will gain general, if not universal, assent as soon as 
it is applied to the instance in hand. The passage, according to 
my view, belongs to the class of Vedic literary endeavors which 
are styled in the Vedas themselves hrahmodija or hrahmaiiadya ; 
it is a riddle or charade, not, as has hitherto been held, either a 
fragment, or a story of a form so condensed as to be foreign to 
Indian habits of narration. 

The Jyrahmodya occur in the majoritv of Vedic works : e. g., at 
RV. i. 164 = AV. ix. 9 and 10 ; VS. xxiii. 9-12 ; 49-52 ; 61-62 ; 
TS. vii. 4. 18 ; AB. v. 25 ; 9B. xiii. 2. C. 9-17 ; 5. 2. 11-21 ; A^S. 
viii. 13. 13, 14 ; x. 9. 1-3 ; ^^S. xvi. 4-G ; Vait. 37. 1 ff.; 38. 5 ff.; 
LgS. ix. 10. 9ff.; KgS. xx. 7. 11 ; Ap. ^r. xx. 19. They differ 
somewhat in character and structure : sometimes, as at RV. i. 
164. 34, 35, the question is stated in a full verse followed by an 
equally explicit answer ; sometimes, as at AB. v. 25 (15 ff.), the 
riddle is put categorically and concisely, not in the form of a 
question ;f the answer again follows. Again, frequently only the 
question is put in the form either of a categorical statement or 
of an interrogation, the answer either being too obvious or being 
withheld in order to impart additional interest and mystery to 
the riddle. Of this sort is RV. viii. 29, and i. 164, excepting 
vv. 34, 35. Finally, at A^S. viii. 13. 14 and AB. v. 25 (23), there 
is a hrahmodya — as the texts explicitly state — which contains only 
answers to a question which is presupposed and easily supplied.J 



* The literature on the subject, consistinpj of translations, commen- 
taries, and mythological explanations, is very extensive : see Muir, OST. 
V. 227-9 ; Kuhn in KZ. i. 440 ff . ; Roth in ZDMG. iv. 425 : L. Myriantheus. 
Die Aip)\ns^ pp. 1-4 : Max Mi'iller, LectureSj Second Series, no. xi. p. 
501 flf., American edition of 1865, = p. 528 IF., English edition of 1878; 
A. Bergaigne, La Religion Vediqne, ii. 318, 506 ; (rrassmann, Translation, 
ii. 466 ', Ludwig, Rig-Veda, ii. 432 : iii. 332 tf. : v. 391 ff. ; Lanman, Reader, 
p. 381 ; Weber, Ind. Stud, xvii. 310ff.; Ehui, Der x^edische Mythus des 
Vama, p. 16 ff. 

f annada cd'nnaj^atni ed ''iniddd tad agnir avnapatni tad ddityah 
* eater of food and mistress of f(M)d. The eater of food is Agni ; the 
mistress of food is Aditya.' 

X Of. on this entire sul)ject Hang, Vedischr Rdthselfragen niid Rdthsel- 
Hpriiviu% Transactions of thf Munich Academy. 1875, p. 7 ff . of the 
reprint; Ludwig, M^-l^c/ri. iii. 390 ff. 



The Marriage of Saranya, 173 

The text of the passage iu question is as follows : tvdstii du- 
hitre vahattrm krnott Ul ^ddm vf^tmm bhuvanam sdm eti: 
yamdsya maid, paryuhydnidnd mahd jaya vivasvato nand^a, 
dpn '^gdhann anirtdm indvtyehhyah krtvt sdvarndm adadur viva^- 
vate : utd '*^vhidv ahharad ydt tdd dmd djahdd u dvd niithund 
saranyu'h. The two stanzas occur also at AV. xviii. 1. 53 ; 2. 33, 
with unin^portant variants ; stanza 1 a^h is worked up secondarily 
at AV. iii. 31. 5, and will be discussed carefully below (p. 182). 

VV^e translate as follows, reserving the justification of our ren- 
dering for the sequel : * *' Tvastar is instituting a marriage- 
pageant for his daughter" — at this news (all the people of) this 
earth come together. Yama's mother, while being married, the 
wife of mighty Vivasvant, disappeared. They hid away the 
immortal woman from the mortals ; making a sdvarnd (a like one, 
double entendre: one like Saranyu in appearance, and like Vivas- 
vant in character, or caste), they gave her to Vivasvant. More- 
over, when that had taken place,* she bore (? carried) the two 
A9vins ; she abandoned, you know, two pairs — Saranyu.' Many 
are the points which characterize this composition as a orahmodya. 

1. It may be divided naturally into two parts. The answer is 
embraced in the one last word, saranyu h ; the riddle is posited in 
the form of a categorical statement, which stands for the ques- 
tion. The name to be guessed is suggested seven times in the 
riddle, each suggestion presenting a different attribute or aspect 
of Saranyu : a. the daughter of Tvastar ; h. the mother of Yama ; 
c. the wife of Vivasvant ; d, the immortal (who was in some sort 
of touch with mortals) ; e, she for whom a double was made in 
her image ; f, the mother (?) of the A9vins ; g, the divinity who 
abandoned two pairs of twins. We should have put the riddle 
somewhat as follows : " Who is the daughter of Tvastar, the 
mother of Yama, the wife of Vivasvant, etc., etc. ? Answer : 
Saranyti." We can feel that the very multiplicity of striking and 
conflicting events in her history would challenge to their embodi- 
ment in the epitome of a brahmodya, 

2. Several expressions are evidently intended to veil the sense 
of the statements prior to the answer. Thus the palpable prolep- 
sis contained in yamdsya mdtd j)aryuhydmdnd * the mother of 
Yama while being married ' : she was not the mother of Yama at 
the time, but became so afterwards. The omission of the subject 
of stanza 2 afi, namely the. gods, is an obscurity which could have 
been so easily remedied by the small word devdh as to render it 
likely that the author of the riddle intended the hearer or reader 
to gather it from the expression afnr'tdni mdrtyebhya/i^ which 
was sure to yield it after some thought. Our translation above 
indicates that we regard the expression sdvarndm as conveying a 
double meaning, a fitting element in a riddle. 



♦ Or, perhaps better, * what that was :' i. e. that creature, whatever it 
was, into which she had changed ; it is left to the hearer to guess from 
the context that it was a mare. 



174 M. Bloomjieldj 

-.S. Above all, there is something iu the style which can be ac- 
counted for on no other theory. It abounds in ellipses : so, for 
example, it is not stated directly at all whom Tvastar's daughter 
marries after stanza 1 afi ; in st. 1 c,t?, we find her in full* swing 
in tlie very midst of her marital career. At st. 2 a no reason is 
assigned for the hiding away of Saranyu ; at 2 o no account is 
given of how slie bore(?) the A9vin8. Other points might be 
added. The whole, moreover, to our feeling, is pervaded too by an 
air of j)layf ulness,* which cannot be fastened upon any single word 
or expression, but is felt more and more keenly after each reading. 

If our theory is correct, it will affect materially our attitude 
towards the later versions of Saranyu's life-story. One can 
scarcely doubt that a legend which had become so firmly seated 
in the popular mind as to be deemed fitting material for a riddle 
would in the main be reported correctly in the lYtAo^a-literature. 
This does not of course exclude such inevitable embellishments or 
omissions as are almost certain to modify the story on its passage 
from mouth to mouth. Yaska in the Nirukta xii. 10 {adivcUa- 
kftfif/a vi.), and 9«^^i^^k^ ^^^ the Brhaddevatfi vi. 33, reported by 
Sayana at RV. vii. 72. 2, narrate the itihma correspondmg to the 
hrahmodya ; my complaint is that, though they present some 
points more fully than the latter, they omit many motifs which 
can be, as I believe, read with a good deal of certainty between 
the lines. Yaska, commenting on x. 17. 2, says : *In reference to 
this (stanza) an itihasa is told. Tvastar's daughter Saranytl gave 
birth to twins from Vivasvant (the sun). She, putting in her 
place another female, a 'savarnO, taking on the form of a mare, 
fled forth. Vivasvant, correspondingly taking on the form of a 
horse, followed her and coupled with her. From that were born 
the two A9vin8 (the ' Ilorse-men '). Of the savarnd was born 
A[anu. Such is the meaning of this stanza.' 9^^""*^*'^ version is 
as follows : 

ahharml tulthniunh frasftfh saranmih tricirdh saha: 

sa vfii saranyvni pnlyavhat svayatn era lytvasvate. 

tatah Haranyrdmjntt'te yataayamynu vivasvatah: . 

tilf) tipy uhhait. ymndr era hy dstmh yatnyd ca ral yafnah, 

."if'sfrd hJuirtii/j p(n*oA'sa/fi tu ,saranytlh sa<lr^li)i striyam : 

nik'slpya jnifhufiffK tasyOin agrd hhOtvCi pracakranie, 

<irtjfi<lnfiil riranrdns tu tasyd/n ajanayad manum : 

rdpirslr dslt i<a manur vivasrdn ioa tejaad. 

sn rljndyd ^pa/crdntdth tdi'n naranyilm dtmaruplntm : 



* AW may however question whether any suggestion of humor was 
conveyed to the Hindus themselves by any of tliese literary perform- 
anees. They were in all probahility ' quizzes,' which the priests prac- 
tised at p;vQ'dt well-enilow^ed sacritices, intende<l to exhibit before the 
lilxTal yajamdmi the extent of their theological learning, and thus their 
power to understiind the management and meaning of the saciifice. 
We must remember in this connection the ever-recurring expressions 
ya evaih veda and ya evarii vidvdn, etc. 



77/6^ Mamage of Saranyu. 175 

tva9trlm prati jagdmd "pw ^^ifi bhutvd salaksanah, 
sarant/us tu vivasvantam vijndya hayarupinarti : 
tnaiihunayo ^paeakrdma tdm sa tatrd '^Wuroha sah, , . . 
tcU kumdrdu sainbabhuvatuh , , . ydu stutdv apvindv apu 

*■ Tvastar had twin children, (a daughter) Saranyu, and (a son) 
Tri9ira8. He of his own accord gave Saranyu in marriage to 
Vivasvant. Then Saranyu bare to Vivasvant Yama and Yami. 
These two were also twins. Without the knowledge of her hus- 
band she created a woman like- herself, foisted her twin-children 
upon her, and, turning herself into a mare, iied. Vivasvant then 
in ignorance begot on this (female who was left) Manu, a rdjarsi 
like Vivasvant in glory. But, discovering that the real Saranyu 
had gone away, he* quickly followed the daughter of Tvastar, 
having assumed the form of a horse with qualities corresponding 
to hers. Recognizing him in that form, she approached him with 
the desire of intercourse, which he there gratified. . . . From 
this act sprang the two Kumaras, . . . who are known as Horse- 
men.' The story is told again upon essentially the same lines in 
the Harivan^a, 545 ff., in the Samvavijaya 12 (Weber, Sitzungs- 
bericIUe der Berliner Akademiey Jan. 10, 1880, p. 72), in the Vis- 
napurana iii. 2 :* the versions there given are well calculated to 
confirm the belief that a fairly well defined single story underlies 
every report which has come down to our times. 

Turning now to a more detailed analysis of the hrahinodya, the 
first point that claims our attention is the unusual character of 
the marriage of Saranyu. The words iddm vi^vam bhuvanam 
sdm eti seem to me capable of but one construction, namely that 
the whole world, not only the gods but notably also such inhab- 
itants of the earth as were then in existence, were admitted as 
wooers for the hand of the lady. We might be tempted to sup- 
pose that a simyarivjara ' a self-choice marriage ' (cf. Pischel, 
VedUche Studien i. 16 ff.) is indicated, but for the explicit state- 
ment of the Bfhaddevata : ' Tvastar of his own accord gaVe Sa- 
ranyu to Vivasvant.f The statement is significant, and not to be 
taken lightly, as it accords well with the unusual circumstance 
that he gave his daughter not to a god but to a mortal. For in 
this storv Vivasvant and the twins Yama and YamI which he 
begot with Saranyu are, I believe, designated as mortals {mdr- 
tyebhyah, st. 2). J We may assume with a good deal of certainty, 

♦ Cf- also Mark. Pur. Ixxvii. 1 ff.; ci. 1 ff.; Bhag. Pur. vi. 6. 38 ff.; viii. 
13. 8 ; ix. 1. 11 ; Narada's Paiicaratra, i. 4. 85. 

t Cf . the statement at AB. iv. 7, which evidently comes from a similar 
sphere of conceptions : prajdpatir vdi somdya rdjUc duhitaram prdya- 
chat. Similarly KB. xviii. 1. Cf. also TS ii. 3. 5. 1 ; Kath. xi. 3 ; TB. 
it. 3. 10. 1. All these rest on the foundation of conceptions which are 
worked up in mantra-form, in the siiryd-suktay RV. x. 85 (of. especially 
stanzas 9, 13, 40). 

t In fact, if we desire exact consistency from the legend, there are at 
that time no other mortals in existence, inasmuch as Manu is not as 
yet begotten. 

VOL. XV. 23 



176 M. Bloorajieldy 

as the sequel will show, that SaranytL herself either objected to 
the alliance or at least was indifferent to it. 

The character of Yivasvant as a mortal, or at least as a divinity 
with a not unblemished escutcheon, forms the dramatic motif of 
the story. His designation here as a mdrtya is supported by the 
designation of his son Manu as a rdjarsi in the Brhaddevata, as 
also at Mahabh. iii. 12747.* At TS. vi. 5. 6. 2, it is stated ex- 
plicitly that men are the offspring of Vivasvant : tdto vivasvdn 
ddityd ^jdyataj tdsya vd iydm prajd ydn tnanmyah. Especially 
interesting is the legend about Aditi and her eight sons, which is 
indicated at RV. x. 72. 8, 9, and expanded at ^B. iii. 1. 3. 3ff. It 
is told with the evident intention of showing that Vivasvant, 
though called dditya, is yet of a rank and quality very different 
from that of the orthodox seven Adityas, inasmuch as the race of 
man is descended from him.f All this is in accord with the char- 
acter of Vivasvant in the myth from the start. I do not hesitate 
to identify the epithet mdrtya as assigned to Vivasvant and 
Yama with mashyo of the Avestan myth ; at Ya9na ix. 3, 4 
Vivanhao is spoken of expressly as the first mortal (paoiryd 
mashyo) ; at ix. 6, 7, Yima is stated to be the second mortal 
bityo mashyo). Whatever may be the genetic development of 
the myths concerning these divine personalities — a question with 
which we are here not directly concerned — there is present at 
some stage, probably a very early one, the notion that they were 
men, the first men. In the Avesta and in the Persian literature 
Vivanhao (Pers. Vaivendshehan, Janbekhan, or Anudshihan : 
ZDMG. iv. p. 422) is always a mythical king, there being no 
longer any trace of naturalistic conceptions in connection with 
him. In the mantras the naturalistic side {vivqsvanty the shining 
sun) is altogether prominent ; the anthropomorphic side is in fact 
represented most clearly and expressly by the passage here under 
discussion. But as king Yama is the first mortal (AV. xviii. 3. 

* In Madhusudana Saras vatfs gloss on Bhagavadgita iv. 1, Manu is 
also called a k^atriya : see Muir, OST. i. 508. 

t RV. X. 72. 8, 9 we translate : * with seven of the eight sons which 
were bom from Aditi she (Aditi) went to the gods ; M&rta^cjla (Vivas- 
vant) she threw aside. With seven sons Aditi came to the race of old ; 
but Marta^ija she brought to beget (the raCe of man), and on the other 
hand to death again (and again?).' The legend at QB, iii. 1. 3. 3ff. is 
as follows : * Now Aditi had eight sons. But those that are called * the 
gods, the Adityas' (note the implication that M&rt&n^a is not a god) were 
seven ; for the eighth, M&rt&i3i<}a, she brought forth unformed ; he was 
a mere heap, as nigh as broad, some say of the size of a man. Then the 
gods, the Adityas. saying ** What was born after us let it not be in 
vain ; come, let us fashion it," fashioned him as man is fashioned. The 
fiesh which they cut off and threw down became the elephant (* he with 
the hand, or trunk': note again the allusion to man) ; hence they say 
that one must not accept as a gift an elephant, since the elephant has 
sprung from man. Now he whom they had thus fashioned was Vivas- 
vant, the sun {Aditya), Of him came these creatures.' Cf. Muir, OST. 
i v.« 14 ; v. 50, note ; Eggeling, SBE. xxvi. 12 ff. Cf. also AV. viii. 9. 21 ; 
TA. i. 18. 2, 8 ; TS. vi. 5. 6. 1 ; Hariv. 5i6ff. 



The Marriage of Saranyu. 177 

13 ; RV. X. 14. 2 ; 136. Ih it is likely a fortiori that a Bimiiar 
view of the character of his father Yivasyant must have existed 
by the side of the .unquestionably well-established naturalistic 
foundation of the divinity. His human character appears even 
more clearly in the circumstance that Manu,.'the man' (cf. RV. 
i. 80. 16 ; 1*12. 16 ; TS. iii. 1. 9. 4 ; ^B. i. 8. 1. 1 ff.), the progeni- 
tor of the present race of men, is very early regarded as his son : 
tndnau vivasvati, RV. viii. 62. 1 (Valakh. 4. 1); mdnur vaiva^- 
vatdhy AV. viii. 10. 24. (cf. Nir. xii. 10 ; (}1^. xiii. 4. 3. 3, etc., 
below). The human element in Vivasvant's character manifests 
itself also directly in his connection with all sorts of sacrificial 
acts, especially the composition and promotion of prayers at the 
soma-sacrifice. At RV. ix. 99. 2 the pious thoughts of Vivasvant 
(the soma-hymn) urge the flow of the yellow soma : yddl vivds- 
vato dhiyo hdrim hinvdrUi ydtave: cf. also i. 139. 1 ; ix. 14. 6 
(soma cleaned by Vivasvant's fingers). At viii. 6. 39 Indra is 
urged to take delight in the thought or invention of Vivasvant, 
i. e. either in his hymn or in the (soma-) sacrifice which he has 
devised : {indra) mdtsvd vivasvato mait* Similarly i. 46. 1 3. 
The expression sddane vivdsvatah 'at the seat of vivasvant' 
(RV. i. 63. 1 ; iii. 34. 7 ; 51. 3 ; x 12. 7 ; 75. 1) means in plain 
language ' in the place where the (soma-) sacrifice is performed, 
where the soma-songs are sung':f see Grassmann s. v. vivdsvat, 3 ; 
Ludwig, Rig- Veda v. 77 ; Ehni, Jama, p. 38, all of whom fol- 
low Sayana's rather bald rendering of vivdsvatah by yajamdnasya, 
Vivasvant is the typical sacrificer, and it is perhaps not accidental 
that Indra is the divinity to whom honor is shown most frequently 
at the seat of Vivasvant, since the sacrifice of Vivasvant and 
Vivanhao is the soma,t and the soma is Indra's drink. Thus, i. 
53. 1 : prd mahk bhardmahe gira indrdya sddane vivdsvatah ; 
iii. 34. 7 : vivdsvatah sddane asya (sc. Indrasya) tdni viprd uk- 
tfiebhih kavdyo grnanti ; and iii. 51. 3 : mdro .... vivdsvatah 
sddana d hi pipriye. At any rate, the supposition that the an- 
thropomorphic Vivasvant may be viewed as a mortal in a story of 
evident cosmogonic character seems to be plausible, and the de- 
velopment of the story, according to our view, will tend to show 
that it furnishes the only possible explanation of the word mdr- 
tyebhyah in our passage. 

Saranyu presents Vivasvant with the twins Yama and Yami, 
bat after this the feeling that she is the victim of a mhalliance 
gains ground more and more. The poet at Harivan9a 547 has a 
true sense of the situation when he says : bhartrrupena nd Husyad 
rupayduvanafdlinl^ * Saranyu, endowed with beauty and youth. 



* Saya^a : paricaranavato yajamdnasya matyd. 

t Cf. Pischel. Vedische Studien, i. 241 flf. 

t vivahhdo mdm (sc. haomem) paoiryo mashyo . . . hunuta, Tasna ix. 
4 : cf. also VS. viii. 5. 

J Cf. M&rk. Pur. IzxviL 23 : suryatdpam anichanti te^jasas tasya 
Ifwhyati, 



178 M. BlooinfieW, 

took no delight in the form of her husband.' Possibly the story 
aims to convey a more special form of Saranyti's dissatisfaction, 
which peeps out not only in her abandonment of her husband, 
but more clearly in her metamorphosis into a mare : Vivasvant in 
his human capacity may have failed to satisfy the instincts of the 
goddess, which were probably laid out on too large a scale for 
his mortal capacities.* Without desiring to imply any genetic 
connection, we may bear in mind the prevalence of similar fea- 
tures in ancient novel-literature : e. g. in tlie story of Pasiphae 
and in the ovo% of Lucian. 

At any rate, we need not hesitate to regard Saranyti's metamor- 
phosis into a mare as an integral part of the story, even if the 
motive assigned turns out to be foreign to it ; our theory that 
the version of the Rig- Veda is a hrahmodya makes it more than 
natural that her change into a mare (a^ud) be left to be inferred 
from the designation of her second pair of twins as * the horsemen 

The course of the story accordingly is as follows : Since SaranyA 
does not approve of her husband, she makes her escape (nan- 
apa), and betakes herself to the gods, her natural associates, living 
there as a mare for the reasons indicated above. By the aid of 
the gods she lived there unknown to Vivasvant and her children 
by him. Therefore it is said that the gods hid away the im- 
mortal woman from her mortal relatives. To make her securer 
in her changed circumstances, they devise the «rfvam/7, which 
we have interpreted above as involving an intentional doable 
sense: 'one like herself and also *one like (Vivasvant) in char- 
acter or class.' For the latter use of the word iniriia cf. dtUam 
Viirnafn at RV. ii. 12. 4 ; drymh vdrnam at RV. iii. 34. 9 ; dstirydm 
vdr'nam at RV. ix. 71. 2 ; TB. i. 4. 7.' 1 ; AB. vi. 36. 15. At RV. i. 
104. *2 men speak of their rmrna, saying : te (sc. (Uvdso) na 4 
vaksan mivitdya varnam * may the gods lead our kind to prosper- 
ity.' At Gfmt. xxviii. 40 and Ap. Dh. Su. ii. 13. 1 ; 27. 11 savarnd 
is * a woman of the same caste.' Yaska, ^aunaka, and the later 
versions further report unanimously that the sdvarna {chnya she is 



* The assumption of animal shapes on the part of the male and female 
principles in early cosmogonic stories is known elsewhere. At AB. iii. 
38, Prajapati, intending to cohabit with his daughter Dyu or U^as, 
changes to a buck, while she becomes a female deer : tarn fpyo hhiilvd 
rohitam hhutam (tbhydit. At ^B. xiv. 4. 3. 6 ff. the female principle 
appears successively in the form of cow, mare, she-aas, she-goat, ete.; 
the male as bull, stallion, he-ass, ^oat, ete. So also PB. xi. 3. 5 ; agvo 
vdi bhutvd prajdpatih prajd ani'jata ; and (JB. xiv. 1. 3. 25: *thou 
(O earth) art the horse of Manu ; for she, having become a mare, car- 
ried Manu ; he is her husband, Prajapati.' Cf. also VS. xxxvii. 12. 
Here also there seems to be a choice of animals of recognized produc- 
tivity. We may note in this connection that at RV. x. 68. 11 the 
heavens are compared with a horse, and at RV. x. 73. 10 Agni is said to 
be descended from a horse, which perhaps again is the heavens. Cf. also 
RV. ii. 35. 6. and Sftyaija ibid.; QB. v. 1.4. 5; vii. 5. 2. 18: here the 
lightning is a horse descended from the w^aters, or the clouds. 



The Marriage of Saranyu, 179 

called in VP., etc.; samjfid in Hariv., etc.) gave birth to Manu, 
thus establishing Manu as a brother of Yama. This, of course, 
harmonizes the statement at RV. viii. 52. 1 (Viilakh. 4. 1) ; AV. 
viii. 10. 24, that Manu was the son of Vivasvant, with that other 
more common one that Yama is the son of the same father. Now 
we must not fail to note that nevertheless Manu and Yama are 
scarcely ever mentioned together in the samhiUls — at least, so far as 
we are able to find with the means at our control. In fact, AV. 
viii. 10. 23, 24, where it is stated rather loosely that Yama and 
Manu were the calves of the viri^j, is the only passage, and tliat 
too of evident ftmAmana-character, of this sort in the sam/dtds. 
The statements there are : tdsyCi (sc. virdjah) yamd rtljd vatsd 
d^U / . . . i tdsyd nidnur vdivasvaid vatsd dsit Nor are Yama 
and Manu associated frequently or intimately in the Brfihmanas 
and Sutras. At AB. they occur together m the ahhisecamya- 
stanza : ydhhir indram a^hyasificat prajdpatih aomahi rdjdnam 
varunarh yamam nianum : tdhhir adbhir abhisincdmi tvdm a/tam, 
etc. At 9B. xiii. 4. 3. 3-5 ; ^^S. xvi. 2. 1-5 ; A^S. x. 7. 1-2, we 
have the statement, first, that Manu Vaivasvata is the ruler of 
men ; second, that yama Vaivasvata is the ruler of the manes 
{manur vdivasvato rdjd tasya manusyd vi^ah .... yatno vdi- 
vasvcUo rdjd tasyapitaro vi^ah); this certainly implies that Manu 
and Yama are viewed as the children of the same father Vivas- 
vant, and that they are both intimately connected with the races 
of mortal man : cf. Mahabh. i. 3137, where this is stated explicitly. 
At TS. vi. 5. 6. 2 we have the incidental statement that the race 
of man is descended from Vivasvant : tdto vhjosvdn ddityd ^jdy- 
ata, tdsya vd iydm prajd ydn manusyd' h ; this naturally points 
to Manu as the intermediate progenitor. Of far greater impor- 
tance in determining the antiquity of the fable of Slanu's descent 
from the sdvarnd is the ddnastuti at RV. x. 62. 8-11, in which a 
tndnu sdvarni or sdvarnyd is praised for his generosity to the 
poet. Grassmann in his lexicon and in his translation renders the 
word mdnu by * man,' and quietly assumes that sdvarni and sd- 
varnyd are descendants of a man savarna : * savarna-spross.'* Lud- 
wigin his translation ii. 390 rather inconsistently translates indnu 
in St. 8 as a proper name, in st. 11 by * man,' but at any rate he 
recognizes here, as also in iii. 165-6 ; v. 308, the existence of one 
Manu Savarni or Savarnya.f The passages of importance for our 
theme are the following : prd nunamjdyatdm aydm mdnus tdkme 
*ra rohaiu (st. 8 a^b)\ sdvarnydsya ddksind v'lsmdhur iva paprathe 

* The Pet. Lex. also has assumed this derivation for these two words, 
and Muir OST. i*. 17, note., also fails to recogni2e the early existence 
of a l^nu S&var^i and his relation to the sdvarnd of our passage. 

t Manu Savarni is the very designation under which the son of the 
ch&yd is known to the compilers of the Vi^nu-purai^a (iii. 2), of the Bhag. 
Pur. (vi. 6. 89), and of the Mark. Pur. (106. 14) ; also at Samvavijaya 12. 16 
(Weber ibid. p. 721) the son of Samjfia is called S&var^i. 



180 M. BloomjieM, 

(st. 9e, ^); aaha^ada grdmamr. m<1 risan m^invh (at. 11 a);*«rf- 
varmr dev&h prd tirantv Ayuli (st. lie). We may regard it as 
certain that such a person as savarna (masc.) never existed in 
Indian literature,! and it is rather remarkable that all the author- 
ities have overlooked the evident relation of the patronymics to 
the sdvarnd of our riddle. The fact that some family of Mana- 
vasj had this patronymic vouches for the existence of an original 
Manu Savarni, and points to this fable no less than the patrony- 
mic vdivasvcUd which is elsewhere applied to Manu.§ We need 
therefore not hesitate to regard the introduction of Manu in the 
later versions as an originally integral part of the story. 

The remainder of the story is that Vivasvant, becoming^ aware 
of the imposition which Saranyu had practiced upon him, also 
assumed the form of a horse, * with qualities corresponding to 
hers (salaksanah, as 9'^^^^^^^ remarks significantly).' And Sar- 
anyu * approached him with the desire of sexual connection, which 
he gratified' (ibid.). From this sprang the 'Horsemen.' The 
foundation for this part of the story is la\d securely in the pas- 
sages from the Brfihmanas cited in the foot-note on p. 178 ; indeed, 
Vivasvant's pursuit is from the point of view.of these legends the 
inevitable consequence of Saranyu's flight. Likewise the origin 
of the A9vin8 from the intercourse of the metamorphosed pair, 
though it is reported in no -other connection, must almost cer- 
tainly have suggested itself in connection with their name (a^vin: 
a^im), from the very existence of this line of conceptions. And 
there is positively no ground for insisting that this suggestion did 
not come, or could not have come, even during the earliest period 
of the composition of the mantra^,\\ 

We have tlius endeavored to place the legend out of which the 
riddle at RV. x. 17. 12 was extracted upon the broad groundof 
Vedic conceptions in general, and we believe the claim not an 



* Cf. TB. i. 1. 4. 8 ; mdnos tvd grdmanyo vrafapate vraUnd "dadhdmt 
Hi vdicyasya. This passage shows conclusively that manu in these pas- 
sages 18 to be regarded as a proi)er name. 

f For a suggestion which deals with a possible bahuvrlhi adjective 
savartut see below, p. 187, note J;. 

i Cf. the refrain at stanzas 1-4 of this hymn : prdti afbhriUa widna- 
vdm siutiedhasah * receive kindl3^ O ye wise (gods), the Manava.' 

g At RV. viii. 51. 1 (Valakh. 1. 3) sdihvarani occurs as a patronymic 
of Manu. and I would see in this a corruption of sdvarr^iy brought about 
by the coexistence of the name of a poet samvdrana v. 88. fO (cf. the 
Anukraraani, which ascribes this hymn to Samvarai^a Prajapatya). This 
view is supported by the mention in the next hymn, viii. 52. 1 (Valakh. 
1. 4), of Manu Vaivasvata. The two hymns open respectiveljr as fol- 
lows : ydthd mdnCiu sdrnvaranau soimttn indrd pibah sutdm (viii. 61. IK 
and yathd mdndn imnisvati sdmam gakrA 'pibah sutdm (viii. 52. 1). If 
our conjecture is correct, we have hero the nearest approach to a sys- 
tematic statement harmouiziug Mann's genealogy with the story of the 
sdvarnd. 

I Indeed, Adalbert Kuhn at KZ. i. 450 ff. pleads that the Agvins, whom 
he identifies with Agni and Indra, are so called because they are 
descended from the heavens personified as a horse ; cf . note f on p. 178. 



The Marridge of Saranyu. 181 

corbitant one that no important feature of the legend is wanting 
I support from that source. As the chief difficulty in the way of 
ich an interpretation has been regarded the existence of a some- 
bat related cycle of conceptions which presents the original cos- 
ic principle in the act of creating the inhabitants of the universe 
Y incestuous intercourse with his own daughter. Thus the 
lestion has arisen in the minds of the interpreters whether the 
larriage alluded to in the riddle does not refer to the connection 
: Tvastar with his own daughter ; this would lead to the identi- 
sation of Tvastar and Vivasvaut at RV. x. 17. 1.* I believe 
>wever that the decisive moment in this question can be found 
I the language of the two kinds of stories ; the stories of Praja- 
iti's incest with his daughter exhibit an utter absence of all the 
tchnical words indicative of Vedic marriage rites ; the stories of 
le marriage of Prajapati's daughter almost always exhibit them. 

Thus, as regards the latter kind, we have e. g. at AB. iv. 7. 1 
le expressibns prCij/achat (cf . ddadat at RV. x. 85. 9, and pitra. 
rcUldm ddaya^ PGS. i. 4. 15), vardh, and ijahatuin ; at KB. xviii. 

we have prdyachat and uhyamdndydh (cf . vahat'Cuin uhydind- 
am at AV. xiv. 2. 9, and pdry avahan at RV. x. 85. 38); at TS. ii. 

5. 1 we have adaddt. The passages portraying the cosmic incest 
3 not present a single allusion to wedding-rites. Thus, RV. x. 
I. 7: pUd ydt svdm duhitdram adhiskdfi, etc. (cf. also the pre- 
iding two stanzas, 5, 6); AB. iii. 33. 1 : prajdpatir vdi svdm 
uhUaram abhyadhydyat .... tdni r^yo hhatvd rohitam bhu- 
%m abhydit tarn devd apa^yann akrtarh vdi prajdpatih karotl ^ti; 
B. i. 7. 4. I : prajdpatir ha vdi svdt'u duhitararn abhidadhydu 
. . . mithuny enayd syd/n Hi tdrh sambabhuva tad vdi devd- 
am dga dsa (cf. also ibid. ii. 1. 2. 9); PB. viii. 2. 10 : prajdpatir 
tasam adhydit avdm duhitaram,\ The absence of the tinkle of 
le marriage-bells is painfully noticeable in all these passages, 
ad there can be no doubt that the words vaJtatum and paryuhyd' 
\dnd at RV. x. 17.-1 stamp the passage as one of the former 
iod, in which the daughter is properly married to a stranger. It 

entirely contrary to the spirit of the incestuous passages that 
lere should be a marriage-gathering (vahatu) and a bride 
wjtryuhydmdnd) in connection with the illicit act. So far as the 
etssage now under discussion is concerned, we may note also that 
i stanza 1 the active knioti^ not the middle krmite, is employed. 
'his in itself is sufficient evidence that Tvastar is not the one who 

espousing SaranyQ. 

At AV. iii. 31. 5 the first half of the stanza RV. x. 17. 1 occurs 
I a variant form ; upon this in the main Weber bases his argu- 



♦ Cf . especially the acute exposition of this view by Professor Weber 
Ind. Stud. xvii.SlOff. A similar view was advanced by Ad. Kuhn 
)out thirty vears ago, KZ. i. 448. See also Bergaigne, La Religion 
'Mique, ii. 818. 

t Cf. also the version of this legend from the Matsya-purana iii. 32 flf. , 
iported by Muir OST. i*. 108 ff. 



182 M. Bloomjidd, 

mentation in favor of regarding the stanza as belonging to the 
circle of conceptions about cosmic incest. His argument calls for 
a careful consideration. The stanza is as follows : 

frdstO duhltre vahatum yunaktt '*ti ^ddm viffvam bhUvanam vi 

yati : 
vy dhdih sdrvena pdpmdna vi ydksmend sdm dyusa. 

The second half of the stanza is a refrain which is repeated 
with every one of the 11 stanzas of the hymn. The general char- 
acter of the hymn is perfectly evident : in the Ganamala 6 (of. 
Kauy. 30. 1 7, note) the hymn is grouped along with A V. iv. 33 
and vi. 21 as one designed for the purpose of destroying evil 
(pdpmahd)* More precisely, the hymn is intended, as the re- 
train clearly shows, not only to remove evil {vi . , , pdpmdna vi 
ydksmena), but also to bring life Udm dyu8d).\ Thus the hymn 
is divided into two parts, leaving the refrain out of the question : 
sts. 1-4, which pray for and emphasize separation from evil ; 
sts. 6-11, which contain prayers for endowment or junction with 
life. In stanzas 1-4 the preposition in with the verb vrtX either 
expressed or understood in the sense of * turn away ' is the key- 
word ; in stanzas 6-11 the preposition «^^w with roots dhd and tr, 
either expressed or understood, in the sense of * endow, join to,' is 
the leading word. Now the stanza under discussion (5) stands 
between these two unambiguous divisions, and the question arises 
which it belongs to. Weber unhesitatingly takes the view that 
St. 5 belongs to the first part : "Die vv. 3. 4 enthalten Belege fflr 
griiiidliche Scheidung ; . . . . es muss somit auch unser Vers hie 
einen iUmlichen Inhalt haben (p. 310)." Accordingly he translates : 
" Tvastar schirrt der Tochter den Hochzeitzug an darob ; stob die 
ganze Welt auseinander" (ibid.). And on p. 312 he savs that the 
verse certainly exhibits horror of the vahatu which Tvastar ar- 
ranges, because it involves a sin (papa). If our observation 
above that the passages describing cosmic incest are totally de- 
void of technical marriage- words is of value, then we may ask for 
tlie reasons which have led Weber to a conclusion diametrically 
opposed to this consideration. Cannot stanza 5 belong to the 
class which deal with the positive side of the hymn : endowment 
with life, etc.? Weber does not state the reasons which have 
brought about his conclusion ; I fail to see any other than the 
occurrence of the word in in the stanza in question. This, to be 
sure, renders it externally more similar to sts. 1-4 than to 6-11; 
but the similarity is simply external. The verb in ydti, no matter 



* Cf . also the statement of the Anukrama^I : . . . pdpmahddeixitifam 
. . . brahnin 'nena siiktena mantroktati devdn pdpmagnno *8tduL 

t Accordingly the hymn is also rubricated at KauQ. 58. 3 in a list of 
hymns intended for (friendly) greeting ; this list coincides largely with 
the di/ui^yagana, Ganamal& 4 (cf. Kaug. 54. 11, note), although the latter 
does not contain AV. iii. 31. 

i Thus, not cftj as the printed text has it : see the Index Verborum* 
The manuscripts are unanimous. 



The Marriage of Saranyu. 183 

low it be translated,* has nothing to do with the idea of separa- 
ion from evil expressed by vi with the root vrt understood in the 
Srst four stanzas. Weber's translation of the word by " aus ein- 
inder stieben " evidently corresponds to his theory, but it may be 
fairly questioned whether the word will at all bear this rendering. 
rhe K V . has adm eti, and this also is the reading at AV. xviii. 
I. 53, where the original stanza occurs in full. In the AV. vi ya 
18 a an. Xiy.^ occurring only in the passage under discussion ; in 
ihe RV. the word never means *go asunder,' as does vi i (e. g. 
t. 14. 9 = AV. xviii. 1. 55 ; VS. xii. 45 ; TS- iv. 2. 4. 1 ; TB. i. 2. 
I. 16 ; TA. i. 27. 5 ; vi. 6. J); but it is transitive, and means 'pass 
;brough.' Thus, i. 39. 3, vi yathana vaninah prthivyd vy a^ah 
wirvatdndm ; i. 86. lO^tdmo xu ydta ; i. 116. 20, vi pdrvatOn . . . 
tydtam ; i. 117. 16, v^ . . . . yayaihuh sdnv ddreh ; i. 140. 9, 
/ativi jrdyah ; iii. 31. 19, drdho vi ydti hahidd ddevl/i ; vi. 12. 6, 
n ydsi duchund ; vi. 62. 7, ve . . . . ydtam ddrim ; vi. 66. 7, vi 
"ddoH ydti; viii. 7. 23, vi vrtrdm .... yayur vi pdrvatdn ; 
f\\\, 73. 13, yd vdrh rdjdnsy apnnd rdtho viyiiti ; ix. 91. 3, su'rO 
invarh vi ydti; x. 32. 2, vi ''tulra ydsi divydni rocand. There 
B no other case of vi yd in the RV. At MS. i. 10 14 = Kath. S. 
J6. 8 = Nirukta v. 5 the word is also transitive : tdm (sc. vrtrdm) 
nariUah kaurdpamnd vy dyuh ; at (}li, xii. 4. 1. 2, 3 the word is 
iIbo transitive and means *pass through' and not *go apart': 
ra yadi hd '*syd ^py antarena grdmo 'griin viydydt. Resting 
ipon such testimony, one may venture to say that vi yd in the 
V eda does not mean * go away, turn aside,' etc.,f and therefore 
>erbap8 both the Pet. Lexicons remark that vi ydti at AV. iii. 31. 
> is probably a corrupt reading. If any value at all is to be at- 
Ached to this AV. reading, we may surmise that v/ has crept in 
'rom the other stanzas in the place of sdm ; in the four preceding 
itanzas including the refrains v'i occurs no less than 16 times ; if 
we add the remaining refrains, it occurs altogether 30 times in 
be hymn. Or if, on the other hand, we assume that vi in the 
K>dy of stanza 5 is intentional, the passage itl ^dam vi^vam 
^hikvanam vi ydti would seem to mean ' thus knowing (or hear- 
ng) he (Vivasvant, or perhaps Tvastar himself)! passes through 



♦ We may indeed question whether any importance at all is to be 
kttached to this variant ; the AV. poet may have worked in the half- 
rerse out of the old legend in ar purely fantastic, nay nonsensical fash- 
on ; the entire hymn is largely conjurer's hodge-podge. See also below. 

t Bdhtlingk in his lexicon s. \, yd + vi 4) posits the meaning * abtrQn- 
lig warden* for the opening passage of MS. ii. 1. 1, as received in the 
»xt : dindrdgnam ekadagaKapdlam nirvaped yasya sajdtd viydyuli{\) 
an oblation consisting of eleven cups (or dishes) sliall he bring 
whoee relatives have turned away from him.' The word vtydy^di is 
x>rrupt (note the variant readings), and Schroeder conjectures viyuh 
*Tom vi i. 

X Cf. RV. iii. 55. 19, imd ca vl^d bhiivandny asya (sc. tvd^tuh); iv. 
12. 8, tvd§fe ^va vicvd bhuvandni vidvdn ; x. 110. 9, pdfy . . . dpingad 
}hiivandni vigvd ; VS. xxix. 9, tvd^ie ^ddih viipxim bhuvanarii jajdna. 

VOL. XV. 24 



184 M, Bloomfidd^ 

the whole earth,' which is to be sure a result in the highest degree 
unsatisfactory. At any rate it seems clear that Weber's theory 
that the passage expresses the horrified dispersion of the inhab- 
itants of the universe is not supported by the ordinary meaning 
of VI yfiti. On the other hand, there is, so far as can be seen, 
nothing to prevent us from regarding st. 6 as the opening of the 
auspicious part of the hymn. The mention of Tvastar, the fash- 
ioner of creatures and of visible shapes, the creator of the world, 
by itself renders the passage applicable to a charm for the pro- 
duction or continuation of life. The cosmogonic character of the 
passage as a whole, the allusion to the production of Yama, Mann, 
and the A9vins, seem to me to point the same way.* 

It is to be regretted that there is no record of any kind of 
action in connection with RV. x. 1 7. 1 , 2 in the Sutras or Brah- 
manas of the Rig- Veda. In the AV. the two stanzas occur sep- 
arately in the funeral-mantras, as xviii. 1. 53 ; 2. 33 ; they are 
employed neither in the Kau^ika, the Vaitana, nor any of the AV. 
Pari9i8tas. It would be useless to surmise at what point in the 
funeral-practices the stanzas were recited — at least, prior to a 
complete investigation of the ^raAmorfy a-material of the Vedas. 
Many a hymn and part of a hymn will turn out to be of this 
character. Thus it seems to me quite certain that the so^-called 
hiranyagarhha-hymiiy RV. x. 121 = AV. iv. 2 = VS. x. 20 ; xii. 
102 ; xiii. 4 ; xxiii. 3 ; xxv. 12, 13 ; xxvii. 26, 26 ; xxxii. 6, 7 = TS. 
ii. 2. 12 ; iv. 1. 8 ; vii. 5. 16, 17 = MS. ii. 13. 23 is a brahtnodya^ 
which does not in reality ask for information in its refrain kdsmdi 
d^vitya havisO vidhetna, but puts well-known theological dogmas 
into this favorite form. There is primarily no god Hiranyagar- 
bha,f and no god Ka, as Ludwig (liig- Veda ii. 575) assumes ; the 
hymn is a bra/naodydy every staitza of which states evident qual- 
ities of Prajupati, and then asks * who is the god characterized by 
these qualities?' In the last stanza, RV. x. 121. 10, the answer is 
given : ' Prajfipati.' But there is nothing skeptical and nothing 
inquisitive in all this ; every one knows, both the questioner and 
the hearer. And so I would now assume that the famous cos- 
mogonic hymn \W. x. 129 is not a skeptical inquiry, but a hrah- 
modya^ which has in mind an answer to every question it puts. 
Here also it will appear more and more that the hymnal litera- 
ture of the Vedas is connected with action, and was not composed 
to still any independent literary demands ; the hrahmodya is an 
adjunct to the liturgy ; and, but for the habit of instituting these 
doctrinal or theological ' quizzes,' as we might call them, at the 
end of solemn sacrifices, we should have in all probability lost the 
earliest traces of Hindu systematic theology. 

* By the way, the stanzas following, AV. iii. 81. 6-10, are also con- 
strucrtod out of ideas wliioh are f retiuently worke<i up in the brahmodya : 
of. e. g. VS. xxiii. 9. 52, and elsewhere. 

f So Sayapa at RV. x. 121. 1, (juite correctly : hiranyagarbho hiraxt- 
yamayitsya 'u^Uisya garbhabhutcUj prajdpatir hiranyagarbhafi. 



The Marriage of Saranyu. 185 

I cannot leave this subject without a few words on the mytho- 
logical combinations which have been advanced in interpretation 
of the passage. Yfiska, Nir. xii. 11, says : rdirir adityasyd ^^dit- 
yocktye ^ntardh'iyate * night vanishes at sunrise.' There is nothing 
more in this than the later stereotyped equation vivasvant = 
aditya * the sun.' Naturally, if there is something which vanishes 
when the sun appears upon the scene, that something is night ; 
thas reasons Yaska. Western scholars also have not hesitated to 
subject the passage to direct mythological analysis, assuming 
that the story it told was but the veiled anthropomorphic version 
of a series of natural phenomena. Roth, ZDMG. iv. 425, regards 
Saranyu, * the hurrying, impetuous one,' as the dark storm-cloud 
which hovers in space at the beginning of things. Tvastar, the 
creator, unites her to Vivasvant *the shining one,' the light on 
high. Now light and the darkness of the storm-cloud produce 
two pairs. Then chaotic darkness vanishes, i. e. the gods hide 
her (m the tale), and Vivasvant is left with a savarndy ' a similar 
one'; his spouse is a nameless indefinable something: i. e. the 
myth is at a loss to assign another wife to him. Ad. Kuhn, in 
KZ. L 444, accepts Roth's interpretation of Saranyd as the storm- 
cloud, but, after having identified Tvastar with Vivasvant accord- 
ing to the theory of cosmical incest which we have endeavored to 
discredit (above, p. 181 ff.), regards Vivasvant ai? the sun which 
hides behind the clouds : i. e. unites with the cloud in wedlock (p. 
449), producing two pairs, Yama and Yami, lightning and thun- 
der (p. 460), and the A9vin8, Agni and Indra (p. 451). Other 
mythological interpretations are furnished by Muller, Lectures^ 
Second Series, p. 502 = 529 ; 528 = 556 ; Myriantheus, Die A^ 
vinSy p. 56 ff. ; Bergaigne, La Religion Vedique, ii. 98, 318, 506-7 ; 
Ladwig, Jiig-Veda, iii. 332 ; v. 391 ; Ehni, Tama, pp. 20, 54. 
Our attitude towards the passage renders it unnecessary, in fact 
superfluous, to enter into a detailed presentation or discussion of 
all these views. We do not believe that the legend which we 
have endeavored to restore from the brahmodya and the narrative 
versions represent either one single natural •event or a chain of 
natural events, clothed in anthropomorphic language. Mytho- 
logically we believe that the passage has been taken too much au 
grand sirieux. It is a prime need of mythological investigation, 
and one which has certainly been neglected in the past, to draw 
a sharp line of demarcation between the primary attributes of a 
mythological personage which furnish the causes of the personifi- 
cation, and the attributes and events which are assigned, or are 
supposed to happen, after the anthropomorphosis has been com- 
pleted. He who would search for the primary qualities of the 
Greek Zbv^j as expressed e. g. in the formula sid) Jove frigidoy 
in every action and attribute of the Homeric Z£i;> necessarily 
errs ; his error is likely to be as great at some points as is his who 
would look for naturalistic events and physical phenomena in the 
actions of the Hellenic gods in a play of Euripides, where the 
gods are afflicted with all the passions and weaknesses of mortal 



186 M, Bloovrfidd, 

men. Yet he who refuses to mythologize on the basis of Earip- 
ides' presentation need not therefore be skeptical about the 
naturalistic origin of the majority of the Greek gods ; he may be 
willing at the right time and in the right stage of the history of 
any myth to point out the physical factors and the physical events 
which gave it a start. But he will be wise to remember that as 
soon as the anthropomorphosis has crystallized, as soon as a person 
has taken the place of a natural force, as soon as a legend has 
taken the place of a natural event, then the person and the legend 
become parts of the inventory in the possession of those of the 
people who are endowed with fancy, with creative imagination, 
and the desire to tell in captivating words their individual con- 
ceits to willing and delighted listeners. Then these persons take 
by the hand other persons, and these legends interlace with other 
legends, derived perhaps from totally different sources, and all 
that is then produced is no longer fitting material for mytholog- 
ical analysis. The disregard of these simple considerations has 
rendered futile many attempts at mythological explanation in the 
Yedas. The Indian Nairuktas and Aitihfisikas, and after them the 
^mmentators, never hesitate to urge the primary naturalistic 
conceptions which they have established somewhere or other, 
correctly or incorrectly, through every legend which they have 
occasion to present. Western interpreters have by no means 
permitted themselves to accept their particular versions without 
question — they are, indeed, at times as palpably untenable or ab- 
surd as their etymologies — but they have largely fallen into their 
error of making pretty nearly every legendary narrative the ear' 
pus vile of naturalistic anatomy. 

Thus, as regards the story of Saranyti, we do not deny the unity 
of the legend as conceived by its author, but we do most firmly 
believe that it was constructed, or, perhaps better, glued or 
soldered together, by him out of a stock of conceptions derived 
from a considerable variety of sources, and conceived originally at 
different times and in different connections. The marriage which 
Tvastar institutes for his daughter comes unquestionably from 
that cycle of primary cosmogonic conceptions which tell of either 
the marriage or the incest of a female divinity : Stirya, RV. x. 
86. 9, 13 ; KB. xviii. 1 ; Suryfi Savitrl, AB. iv. 7. 1 ; Usas, PB. 
viii. 2. 10 ; Usas or Dyu, AB. iii. 83. 1 ; daughter of Prajapati, 
RV. X. 61. 7 ; TS. ii. 3. 10. 1 ; AB. iii. 33. 1 ; ^B. i. 7. 4. 1. Ac- 
cordingly it seems most likely that Sarauyti is in fact identical 
with Suryfi or Usas ;* whatever may turn out to be the funda- 
mental conception of their marriage will also in all likelihood 
include the case of Saranyu-Erinnys. On the other hand, the 
introduction of Vivasvantf and his children Yama and Yami and 



* Here belongs, therefore, according to Ad. Kuhn's unquestionably 
correct equation, Demeter Erinnys at Paus. viii. 25 : see KZ. i. 452. 

f One is tempted to surmise that Vivasvant^s relation to the soma- 
cultus may have first suggested his union with Saraij^yu, according to 
the proportion : SOryS : Sara^yu = Soma : Vivasvant. 



Tlie Marrixige of Siiranyu, 187 

Manu is purely legendary, not anthropomorphic. It seems under- 
taken solely for the purpose of applying cosmogonic notions to 
various legendary accounts of the origin of man, and it seems to 
me utterly useless to associate any natural phenomena with either 
of the last three personages. Yama and Yami are the primeval 
twins,* while mdnu, the Indo-European word for *man,' by a 
natural hypostasis furnishes a legendary Manu, who like Yama has 
also been associated with Vivasvant, and who also naturally claims 
a nook in the edifice of the story which has previously given shelter 
to these worthies. The presence of Manu in the story may again 
have suggested the propriety of weaving in the legend of the 
sdvarndy which is likely enough to have had an independent ex- 
istence elsewhere.f Once again, the legends about cosmical incest 
contain the feature of the change of the female principle into an 
animal, followed by a corresponding change of the male,J and it 
is natural enough that this also should find a place in the story. 
Finally, the change of Saranyii and Vivasvant into horses sug- 
gests the A9vins, and they are duly incorporated as their children ; 
this feature of the story is of a salicncy the more captivating 
alike to the poet and his hearers as the A9vins are twins, and 
Saranyii and Vivasvant have been previously blessed with the 
twins Yama and YamL We are far from claiming that the 
stratification of the materials as placed by us necessarily accords 
in manner or chronological order with the facts in the case ; all 
we hope to establish is the exceeding variety of the materials, and 
the uselessness of any attempt to see in them a chain of connected 
natural phenomena or events. The degree of probability which 
attaches to any single naturalistic explanation is certainly, as 
every one will admit, in an inverse ratio to the number and 
variety of these explanations advanced for a given case ; in this 
instance they are indeed very numerous ; every scholar has a new 
one. These remarks, mutatis mutandis, apply to many Vedic 
myths, or for that matter to the study of mythology in general ; 
the amount of energy which has been expended upon the unravel- 
ing of secondary legends full of individual fancies and paradoxes 
has been vast, and we believe out of all proportion to the value 
of the results obtained. 

The course which I have followed in the explanation of RV. x. 
17. 1-2 is briefly as follows : At the base of the passage is a 



* Thus Roth, as early as 1850 (ZDMG. iv. 429). Forty years later Ehni, 
Yama, pp. 42 ff., 163, finds it necessary to add one more sun-god to the 
glutted market. Yama is the god of the day -sun and the ** night-sun." 

f The origin of the entire legend of a sdtmrnd may perhaps be looked 
for in a universal Manu or man who shares the kind (caste) or varna of 
all men. He would be sa-varna with all men ; such a conception may 
have furnished the basis for- a person Manu Savar^i or Savarnya, a 
metronymic from a supposed savarnd, and a pendant to the patro- 
nymic Vaivasvata. Now the flood-gates of fancy are opened wide in 
the effort to make the sdvarnd and Vivasvant man and wife. 

i This feature of the story is also of pre- Vedic origin, as it occurs in 
the legend at Pausanias viii. 25 ; see Kuhn, ibid. 



188 M. Bloomjidd. 

legend of a distinctly composite' character which has combined 
with considerable fancy a number of mythological and legendary 
points into a single story. This story must have been well known 
to the Vedic poets : first, because all later reports of it are essen- 
tially unanimous ; secondly, because it was sufficiently familiar to 
justify its embodiment into the condensed form of a brahmodya 
or riddle. The story seems to be as follows : Tvastar offers his 
daughter Saranyu in marriage to the whole world of gods and 
mortals, and the suitor who seems to have gained favor in his 
eyes is Vivasvant, the mortal. Saranyil, barelv married, is dis- 
pleased with Vivasvant, and flees from him, givmg birth however 
to the twins Yama and Yami, the reputed children of Vivasvant 
In order to make secure her escape, she changes into a mare, and 
I'esorts to the gods, who hide her away from the mortals Vivas- 
vant, Yama, and Yam! ; and, in order to make matters still more 
safe, they construct a savarnd which takes Saranyft^s place in 
Vivasvant's affections. The word savarnd means at tne same 
time one who is like Sarany^ in appearance, i. e. her double, and 
also one who is suitable in her character to the mortal Vivasvant 
— more suitable than the divine Saranya, we may perhaps under- 
stand. Vivasvant begets Manu with the savarnd^ but ultiaiately 
tinds out the deception practised upon him, follows Saranyfl in 
the form of a horse, and, thus gaining her favor, begets with her 
the A9vins, * the horsemen.' SaranyCl abandons them also, just 
as she had previously abandoned the twins Yama and Yami, 
and resumes, we may understand, her independent station as a 
divinity. 



ARTICLE V. 

THE DIVINITIES OF THE GATHAS. 

By MORTON W. EASTON, 

PBOTXaSOB OP OOXPABATITS PHILOLOOT IN THS UNITSR8ITT OP PSKlfBTLYAJTIA, PHILA. 



Presented to the Society May 15th, 1891. 



It may be doubted whether the translation of any text which 
can be rendered only by comparison of its vocabulary with the 
words used in other dialects than that in which it is written can 
ever be anything else than uncertain. The etymology of a term 
may give no hint whatever of its precise force as fixed by a 
Benes of adjustments to others during the successive periods of 
the growth of a tongue, or by the more rapid changes that it 
may have undergone in consequence of modifications, often due 
to the teachings of individual leaders, in the intellectual and 
religious conceptions of the people. Translations based upon 
the meaning of ultimate roots are to be regarded with even 
more distrust than others; they may indeed seem clear and 
consistent, simply from the absence of any special significance 
that they may have had to the people among whom the original 
text was written ; but this clearness, like the apparent complete- 
ness of certain definitions in the natural sciences, is due to our 
ignorance or disregard of the really specific character of the 
tning in question. 

The dimculty is most felt in dealing with texts of limited 
compass, such as the old Persian cuneirorm inscriptions and the 
G&tnas, in which the best method of studying a difficult word, 
namely the intercomparison of all the passages in which it is 
used, can be applied to only a limited extent ; in the Gathas a 
large percentage of roots and forms occur but once. In the 
inscriptions, to be sure, the subject-matter is so simple and so 
monotonous in character that any possible shortcomings in the 
result are less perceptible ; in the Gathas, in which the concep- 
tions are, if not profound, at any rate obscure, the brevity of 
the text is perhaps the greatest difficulty with which transla- 
tors have to contend. 



190 M. W, E(i4iton, 

But there are a few words in the Gathas, used, at least in 
some strophes, as proper names, which occur very often, so 
often tliat it would seem that some final ctmclusions might have 
been attained witli reference to their inflection, syntax, and 
meaning. Anha occurs 15r> times in the 288 strophes, and 
vokumano 121 times. Yet one has merely to glance at the 
successive translations, from Spiegel to Caland, to find that no 
certainty has been reached in any one of these points ; not only 
are there great and important differences between the render- 
ings of different translators, but also between the successive 
translations from one and the same hand. Finally, Caland, 
after taking an altogether new direction in the treatment of 
these words, and Geldner, in partly assenting to Caland's view, 
have, in different ways, pracitically pronounced the questions 
connected with their cases and government insoluble (see KZ. 
xxxi. 260 ; xxxii. 828). 

In the most complete and by far the most impressive among 
the later translations, the terms in question are so treated that 
it is often quite impossible to determine whether a given word 
represents ash a or vohuiaano^ or even one of the names of one 
of the minor " divinities." This translation, by the frequent 
use of " my " and " Thy," " within us," etc., has undoubtedly 
gained in clearness, as other translations have also gained in 
clearness by the free use of adverbs (now discarded by Geld- 
ner), and oi a great variety of nouns and adjectives. But these 
expedients, which are aided by a sporadic use of capital letters, 
give to certain passages in the English or the German version 
a definite and diverse significance that is certainly not marked 
in the original. The original, so conceived, could never have 
been undei^stood ; while any one who may think that a personal 
signiHeance always attaches to the words in (juestion must, of 
course, regard such renderings as mistranslations. 

J^ut all translations, so far as made, should be regarded as 
in great part tent*itive ; and not merely is severe adverse criti- 
cism, but perhaps any strf)ng expression of individual opinion, 
altogether out of place. More than any other ancient docu- 
ment, the GathiuJ recjuire deliberate weighing, and by more 
than one mind ; the thought is too indistinct to permit of com- 
plete representation in the current terms of our modern tongues ; 
a special vocabulary must grow up for it, as for some systems 
of metaphysics, and in the course of this growth more than one 
experiment must be tried, and tested by more than one student. 
The |>ersonal eciuation becomes of importance here, as nowhere 
else. One student may think that another, who has been 
trained to exegetical study of a different document, held to be 
inspired, has thereby accpiired a mental temper somewhat un- 
favorable to the study of the Gathas; and yet the former 



The Divinities of the Gdthds. 191 

should be quite ready to confess that a downright positive men- 
tal turn, acquired by some study of the physical sciences, is an 
equal, perhaps a greater, disadvantage. This last named dispo- 
sition may perhaps betray itself in the following pages, in which 
I have brought together some evidence leading to the question 
whether the want of clear conceptions in connection with the 
names or persons discussed, with some inattention to the choice 
of befitting constructions, on the part of those to wh©m the pres- 
ent form of the hymns is due, may not serve for a partial 
explanation of some of the minor ditliculties. Most translators 
feel that the text must be taken as it stands ; there is no accom- 
panying literature, and we are not more in a position to deter- 
mine wnat forms ought to have been used, and what the poet 
should have said, than astronomers are in a position to calculate 
the orbit of Sirius ; the hypothesis advanced tries to show that 
the choice of forms and the spirit of the whole harmonize. 

Some of the statistics given would not be required in the study 
of any other text ; but, where all is obscure, no one can foretell 
the quarter whence light is to be expected, and, in the Gathus, 
not even the common concords can be taken for granted. Some 
passages (not always the same for each subject) are entered as 
"obscure;" part oi these are so regarded by every one; for 
others, there are as many interpretations as commentators, and 
the difference of opinion has rendered the passages in question 
unsuitable for drawing inferences. Translations of doubtful 
certainty, made because nothing better seems to offer itself, do 
not advance Gathic scholarship, and are to be deprecated by 
all students of comparative religion. Space for detailed reasons 
in each case could not be spared. Finally, the obscurity itself 
is to be considered a legitimate result of conditions such as those 
inferred at the close oi the paper, and one of the main sources 
of the evidence in favor of tlie hypothesis advanced there. 

A study of all the passages involving the names of lesser im- 
portance, such as drmaiti, etc., shows that with a very few 
exceptions they belong to one of two classes, so that the sta- 
tistics are limited to the uses of attha and tJohmnmw, 

1. They add nothing to an already existing difficulty. Thus, 
in vdo inazdd ahurd hadd (mhd vahistdcd manahhd hh^hath- 
rd^u^ the plural vdo is already difficult because ashd is governed 
by hculd / (vahintdAM munnhh^l and) klinhathrdcd make no dif- 
"ference, so far as concerns the purpose of the paper. 

2. Or, similarly, the passage may be explained in accordance 
with principles applied to an (isha- or to a v, iiiarmh' in the 
same strophe. 

All not falling under 1 and 2 are quoted. 
Ev^y one who has busied himself with the Gathas will, I 
think, agree with me in feeling that the details of notes made 

VOL. XV. 25 



192 M. W. Easton, 

in several consecutive readings of the whole would show some 
discordance. Still less can entire accord as to all points be 
expected from two different students. But some differences in 
interpretation would not alter the general result; statistics 
applied to language are of only approximate vaHdity, and pre- 
cise figures should not be pushed too far. 

Attributes or functions connected with the coords asha and 
vohumuno, — In the following summary, which recognizes no 
authority but the GathSs themselves, asha is treated through- 
out as a noun. The distinction, so far as concerns this list, is 
of less importance than would appear at first sight, since an 
act, quality, or character may be connected with a^ha alone, or 
with the supreme divinity with a^ha as attribute. As regards 
the general conclusion, namely that the term is generally used 
without full significance, the treatment as adjective would 
merely add to its force. 

I. Attributes of asha, 

1. The word is used in such a connection that nothing can be 
inferred as to the function : 

80. 1 ; 34. 1. 14 ; 43. 1 (but see KZ. xxx. 322), 9, 10 ; 45. 6 ; 46. 15; 
49. 10 (perhaps ** personified "); 50. 8, 9 ; 51. 10 ; 

or it merely implies excellence : 

28. 4 : 30. 5 ; 31. 16 ; 33. 5 ; 34. 2 ; 43. 16 ; 44. 2, 10 ; 46. 4. 10, 12 ; 4a 
8, 12 ; 49. 2, 3, 5, 9 ; 50. 2, 5, 11 ; 51. 1, 4, 11, 13, 17, 18, 21 : 53. 5 : 

as also in the expression gaethao ashaht/a, or equivalent : 

81. 1 ; 43. 6 ; 

and as furthered by the good : 

81. 22 ; 
with special emphasis in 

38. 5 ; 32.4 (almost as one of the *• Trinity "); 43. 12 : 53. 3. 

2. Somewhat more significance is seen in those strophes in 
which asha is agent or means in bestowing blessings or gifts, gen- 
erally of indeterminate character ; some of these may refer to 
revelation, and in some a "personification" is possible : 

38. 1.2: 31. 3. 5 ; 38. 10, 12 ; 34. 6 ; 43. 2 ; 44. 1 ; 50. 3 ; 51. 2 ; 53. 1. 
Also where the word is used in the ablative, with or without 
hacfly as the source of qualities which should impart desert : 

28. 10 ; 31. 2 ; 33. 5 ; 43. 14 ; 46. 19 ; 47. 1 ; 51. 5, 22 ; 
or connected with the final reward : 

46. 7; 50. 7? 
or with temporal blessings for the prophet : 

44. 18 ; 
or where asha appears as protector : 

44. 15 ; 48. 9 ; 49, 8 ; 
or as overcoming the druj : 

48.1. 



The Divinities of the Odthds. 193 

still more where astia is connected clearly with revelation and 
with the mathra : 

30.9; 81.6; 33.8,18; 34.18,15; 44.7; 45.8; 48. 3?, 17; 48.8; 49. 
1,6; 50. 6; 51. 16; 

or in some way with the origin of the prophet's teaching : 

46. 9 (cuM) ; 
asha aids to a knowledge of vohumano : 

34. 8, 12 ; 
and is connected with the altar-flame : 

84.4; 43. 4 (of. 48. 9); 
asha is created by ahura : 

31.8,7; 44. 3; 47, 2; 
is proclaimed by the prophet : 

31. 19, 22 ; ' 

with ahura furthers plant-growth : 

48. 6 ; 
is specialty connected with drmaiti : 

30. 7; 44. 6; 46. 18 (personified?); 48. 11. 
3. In the following strophes asha seems to be treated as a per- 
son, although even then without distinct attributes : 
When said to be hazaoshem^ etc., with ahura: 

28. 8 ; 32. 3 ; 
and especially to have a will like ahura : 

46. 18; 
is an object of praise, sacrifice, or invocation : 

28. 3 ; 31. 4 ; 32. 6, 9 ; 33. 14 : 49. 12 ; 50. 4 (also khshathra) ; 
and of protection : 

28. 11 ; 

and of reward, on the footing of ahura : 

34.3; 
asha^s personal agency in giving specially marked : 

28.7. 
A personal being seems meant in 34. 7. 
Is subject (with others) to ahura^s will : 

29. 4 : 

with ahura the possessor of khshathra : 

34.5; 
with ahura, protects the prophet : 

50. 1. 
the unity of the " Trinity " (and khshathra) asserted : 

:». 11 ; 
the ** Trinity " have a common home : 

30. 10 (cf. however 46. 7 ; 50. 7); 44. 9 ; 

an abstract meaning would constitute nearly an equivalent expres- 
sion : 

33. 3, 8 ; 



194 M. W. Easton, 

and would be meaninglesn in 32. 18, since there is reason to believe 
that the Zarathustrians were not unwilling to make converts. 
AshOy with ahuray not to be annoyed : 

28.9; 
certain persons are preferred to asha: 

32. 12 ; 
the druj is to be delivered into asha^a hands : 

30. 8 ; 44. 14 ; 
holds judgment with ahura and drtnaiti : 

47.6. 

The personality is well marked in 29. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 10, although 
a mere personification is more easily supposed here than m 
some of the above. 

I have not ventured to classify 29. 11 and 33. 7, although 
nothing in then^i militates against conclusions that may be 
drawn from the above. 

The following are obscure to me : 

30. 1, 13, 21 ; 34. 9, 10. 11 ; 44. 8, 13, 20 ; 45. 4, 9, 10 ; 46. 3, 9 {ask&i), 
13; 48. 7; 50. 10; 51. 15,20. 

(asha occurs in composition in several strophes, as in 28. 6 ; 51. 3.) 

II. Attributes of vohumano, 

1. The word is used in such connection that nothing can be 
inferred as to the function : 

28. 5, 6 ; 31. 17 ; 32. 9 ; 49. 7, 10, 12 ; 50. 3, 11 ; 

or it merely implies excellence : 

28. 2, 7, 10 ; 29. 10 ; 33. 10, 12 ; 34. 6 ; 46. 2 ; 48. 12 ; 49. 2, 3, 5 ; 50. 
7,8, 10; 51. 4, 7, 11 ; 53. 3, 4,5; 

so that evil men leave vohumano : 

32. 4, 11 ; 

vohurnafio furthers the gaethOo and the pious : 

46. 12, 13 ; 47. 1 ; 
and pleases the soul of the Kine : 

28. 1; 
the deeds of vohumano :■ 

34. 10, 14 ; 50. 9 ; 
various phrases, paths of vohumano^ etc.: 

33. 13 ; 34. 12, 13 ; 43. 2, 4 ; 48. 3, 6, 11 ; 

the phrases " all the time," etc., of vohumano cannot be further 
defined from indications in the Gathfis : 
28. 9 ; 43. 1. 

2. Somewhat more personal significance is seen in those strophes 
in which vohumano aids the prophet : 

31. 4: 47. 2; 

especially in rewarding his adherents : 
16. 18 ; 



The Divinities of the Gdthds. 195 

and in securing to him gifts from men : 

46. 10 ; 
and when connected with revelation : 

34. 15 ; 51. 16 ; 
and in inspiring or accompanying the prophet's teaching : 

29. 7 ; 46. 9 ; 50. 6 ; 
appearing as mediator : 

48. 7, 9, 11, 15 ; 
ahura knows with or through vohumano : 

32. 6; 

vohumano is connected with the prophet's praise or sacrifices ; 

33. 8, 14 ; 45. 6 ; 

tikhdhdis V, m. may indeed mean nothing more than words of 
righteousness : 

46. 14 ; 48. 9 ; 
vohumano is created by ahura : 

31. 8 ; 44. 4 ; 45. 4 ; 
sustained by ddmis ashem : 

31. 7: 
is connected with drmaiti^ or leads to a knowledge of her : 

30. 7 ; 34. 9 ; 43. 16 ; 44. 6 ; 
accompanies sraosha : 

44. 16; 
is far from those who know not asha : 

34. 8 ; 

and aids Jchshathra : 

30. 8; 31. 6. 
3. More personal in the following strophes : 
an object of sacrifice or invocation : 

28. 3 ; 30. I (if objective genitive) ; 50. 4 ; 
and of protection : 

28. 11 (of. 9); 
with ahura is a protector of the prophet : 

50. 1 ; 

the unity of the " Trinity " is asserted, or vohumano is united 
with ahura: 

82. 2 ; 33. 11 ; 
the " Trinity " have a common home ; vohumano in heaven : 

30. 10 ; 82. 15 ; 33. 5 ; 43. 6? 44. 9 ; 46. 16 ; 
with ahura possesses khshathra: 

34.5; 

a translation implying merely a mental tendency would involve 
an equivalent expression : 

83.3; 
vohumano is not to be annoyed : 

28.9; 



196 M. W. Boston, 

is agent in destroying hendva : 

49. 1 ; 
and specially contrasted with acistd anhus: 

30. 4 ; 

In the following rather long list, I have not classified the 
attributes, Imt find nothing to add to the above : 

29. 11 ; 31. 5, 10, 21 ; 33. 7 ; 84. 11 ; 44. 8, 13 ; 45. 9a, 10: 46. 3 ; 47. 
3; 48. 7; 51. 21. 

The following are obscure to me : 

28. 4 : 33. 9 ; 34. 3, 7 ; 44. 1 ; 45. J9e ; 51. 2, 15, 20. 

The indeterminate character of the conceptions connected 
with these words, whether considered as names of persons or 
regarded as abstract qualities, is the noteworthy feature in the 
above enumeratibn. While it will probably meet with some 
dissent, it is not easy to discover how the fair sense of the liymns 
themselves, considered without reference to traditional interpre- 
tation, can imply anything more to the modem reader, or, in the 
absence of other texts, to the ancient. The adverbs freelv used 
by Geldner are not more significant, and, while he has now with- 
drawn this method of rendering, it does not yet appear what 
more substantial significance is to supply their place. Meanings 
such as "das Gesetz" seem too closely connected with the also 
now relinquished translation of the word as an adjective. An 
aspect of greater distinctness appears at first sight, but only at 
first sight, to result from the }>eri phrases su])plie(l by the vari- 
ous commentators ; a^/ta/u/d gaethfw,^ * the children of the 
kingdom,' unless the phra.se had a mystical implication of 
which no trace can be found in the hymns, is merely the equiv- 
alent of 'righteous persons,' or, what means still less, the fol- 
lowers of the divinity. Renditions such as * heaven ' have no 
relation to the etymology ; and the doubtful merit of seeming 
to meet the supposed necessity of forcing a deeper meaning 
upon the particular strophe hardly counterbalances the very 
decided demerit of being at variance wnth the greater numl>er 
of jMissiiges. 

It is very true that a lari^e ])ropoi*tioii of the passages in the 
New Testament and in the Christian hymnology and ritual 
containing the names of one of the persons of the (liristian 
Trinity would eipuilly fail in giving full and defined meaning, 
since prayer and pmise do not aim at teaching doctrine. Still, 
s(Mnewhere, in such a collection of citations, we should find the 
substance. It is also true that, on any theory of the origin of 
the (rathas, they must be supposed to have been accompanied 
by a system of law and of positive teaching, delivered in some 
form, since there was a service and a priesthood, and Zarathus- 



The Divinities of the Gdihm. 197 

tra was not one to have neglected the social and political organ- 
ization of the body of the faithful ; were there no other diffi- 
culties, the present one might be so explained ; but there are 
other difficulties. Nor, tinally, to conclude the resume of what- 
ever may be said against the conchisions to be drawn from the 
alx>ve summary, must the radical meaning of the names them- 
selves l)e forgotten. In Mills's translation, particularly, this, 
varitni in a manner hardly to be defended from the text, does 
duty in a most remarkable way, adding materially to the im- 
]>re8sive solemnity of the version. Ample allowance nmst cer- 
tainlv be made for the moral effect which the use of the terms 
may be supposed to have produced ; but nohumnno is neverthe- 
less but one and a single term ; it is not a collection of a variety 
of phrases, each freshly suggestive of a different aspect of 
religious sentiment ; in most passages it has no more distinct 
and obvious connection with the context than any simple proper 
name, of derivation unknown to the people, might have had ; 
often one name can stand as well as another, and, in fact, one 
name is often replaced by another, even of the inferior divini- 
ties, without obvious difference in the thought. The names 
CLsha and vohumano^ especially, are almost absolutely inter- 
changeable, and, when the two are mentioned together, nothing 
is adaed to the content of the passage. This last is also true of 
the others, armaiti^ nraosha^ etc.; the names are heaped together 
in a way that reminds the reader of the expletive epithets in 
Homer, or of the similar epithets and vocatives in the Maha- 
bharata. I am speaking not of genetic connection, but of rhe- 
torical resemblance ; and one is tempted to ask whether the 
motive is not the same in all three. The phenomena in the 
Gathas, at all events, greatly resemble the treatment given to 
words having the value of proper names. 

Asha has perhaps a more marked personality than vohuinano^ 
and may be said to be conceived as a more remote entity, while 
vohnmano acts more frecjuently in the capacity of mediator 
between ahura and man : at least, this is the impression made 
on my mind at every rej)eated reading of the wiiole, although 
I find it difficult to prove such a conclusion from the details in 
the summary. But neither these characters nor any other can 
serve in the slightest degree in the interpretation oi any single 
strophe. The association of dsha with the altar-flame must be 
considered a matter of some importance. 

The peculiar difficulty already referred to, and noticed by all 
stuilents of the Gathas, in the manner in which (juality, per- 
sonification, and person are considered to blend with each 
other, is common to all hermeneutics, and depends less on the 
character of the special strophes than on the attitude assumed 
by the reader. Nothing can be more certain than that the 
Jehovah of the Old Testament is a person, and yet there is 



198 Jf. W. Boston, 

hardly a single passage in the whole into which we cannot read 
an abstraction, if so disposed. It is the merest truism that the 
sense of the parts must be determined by that of the whole, 
and, considering the unmistakable evidence afforded by some 
of the passages, it is not easy to see what character could have 
been assigned by the ancient reader or hearer to the simple, 
unqualified, and monotonously repeated asha and vohumatw 
other than that of simple personality, and this too on each and 
every occasion when the words were uttered. In this particular 
a/inraj asha, and vohumano seem to demand the same treat- 
ment, and the problem for the translator is the same as that pre- 
sented in rendering texts involving the names of Indra, Zens, 
Jupiter, and Jehovah. Perhaps the name of Agni affords a 
nearer parallel. On the other liand, it must be noted that there 
is less certainty about some of the minor " divinities," especially 
khshathi^a. 

No other text presents eo complete a lack of attributes special 
to the individual divinities. The Veda, indeed, often assigns 
the same function to more than one god ; but the functions, in 
themselves, are sufiiciently distinct. The Assyrian, less so the 
Babylonian, presents some phenomena parallel in this respect 
to the Gathas, but it is plain that this is due to the obliteration 
of the distinct functions belonging to an earlier nature-worship, 
under a tendency towards an eclectic handling of diverse old 
beliefs. This may have been the case with the Qath&, but 
there is no evidence pointing in this direction ; such attributes 
of aJiura as have been referred to this source are due to the 
universal tendency to assume the most distant and inaccessible 
regions that are known, particularly the bright heavens, as the 
home of the supreme divinity. 

I withhold some statistics with reference to the question of 
the existence in the Gathas of the doctrine of a Trinity, since 
it is virtually answered in the preceding summary. Asha and 
vohumano are more frequently mentioned than the other divin- 
ities except ahura, and in consequence are more frequently 
connected with his name. If the word Trinity is to be regarded 
as anything more than a convenient method of referring to the 
three divinities, we must also speak of a dual being, on account 
of the far more striking association of asha, witn ahura^ and, 
what is absurd, of a quadruplicate being, et<j., including khsha- 
thra^ etc. The unity of two or more oi these persons is indeed 
asserted ; parallel expressions can probably be found in the lit- 
erature of every polytheism ; but, unless supported by a con- 
siderable l>ody of kindred teaching, they prove, for the people, 
simple polytheism and nothing more ; for the earnestness and 
abiding faith of the metaphysical teacher who utters the senti- 
ment, absolutely nothing. At all events, there is nothing in the 



s^ 



The Divinities of the Gdthds. 199 

GsthSs to point to the existence, at that time, of the dogma of 
a triune godhead, whose persons have specific attributes, such 
a8 are seen in the persons of the Christian Trinity. Neither 
here nor elsewhere shall we find substance in the shadows of 
the Gathic conceptions. 

It is evident that the religion is not a new religion. The 
individual impress which always characterizes a first creation is 
absent. Nor is it a religion which has been refined away by 
thinkers of a tendency like that of the various classes of Illumi- 
nati, Theosophists, etc. Such teachers have at least a conscious 
system. 

The "iise of number. — The use of number, singular or plural, 
in inflected words connected with the names of divinities, 
although for the most part in full accordance with the ordinary 
rules 01 Indo-European grammar, shows some significant pecu- 
liarities. In classifying the various uses I have proceeded, as 
already said, on the supposition that the ordinary concords 
require testing, and have, for the present, passed over the solu- 
tion ofEered by Caland. 

It so happens that no question can arise with reference to any 
of those few strophes in which the name of the supi'eme divin- 
ity does not occur, except 29. 3, ashd pait4.7nra/vat ; 30. 7, 
knshathrd jdQOi mcmanhd vohu^ etc., dadat drmaitis. 43. 10 
might perhaps be questioned were it perfectly certain who the 
speakers are. I class it as " obscure, and with it the follow- 
ing, all containing the name of ahura (in some form) : 

29. 8, 11 ; 80. 9 ; 81. 10 ; 88. 7 ; 84. 11 ; 43. 10 ; 44. 8, 9 (after a), 17 : 
45. 4, 11 ; 46. 2, 7, 9 ; 48. 7 ; 50. 6 ; 51. 8 ; 51. 20. 

In the remaining strophes : 

I. Wherever the name of ahura occurs alone, the singular 
only is used. (81. 5 is put here, as vaocd addresses ahura alone.) 
The plural of majesty is therefore not used : 

29. 4, 10c ; 30. 11 ; 81. 5 (vaocd), 11, 14, 15 ; 82. 1, 7, 8, 16 ; 33. 4 ; 43. 
8, 5, 8 ; 44. 5. 12, 19 ; 45. 8 ; 46. 1, 6 ; 48. 2, 4 ; 51. 9 ; 58. 2. And the 
following (see page 191, line 3 from below) : 

81. 9 {armaiti^y; 48. 12 {8rao8h6); 51. 6 (khshaihrd); 53. 9 (khshath- 
rewi). 

Exception, 82. 1. 

IL Ahura occurs in any case but the vocative, together with 
other divinities : 

1. The singular is used because the subject is addressed or 
spoken of in separate clauses, or because all but ahura are in 
some other oblique case than in the instrumental, or aVe in the 
instrumental governed by a preposition or some other single word 
(avoiding therefore confusion with the vocative) : 

• 28. 8 ; 29. 6 ; 31. 2, 21 ; 82. 2, 12 ; 88. 5 ; 46. 12, 16 ; 47. 2 ; 51. 17, 22 : 
58. 1, 4. 

VOL. XV. 26 



200 M. W, Eci8to7i, 

2. The plural is used because there are several subjects with the 
plural verb, or several divinities in apposition with one pronoun, 
e. g. vdo: 

31. 4 ; 45. 5 : 28. 3 ; 29. 3. 

3. In 33. 11, the singular asserts the unity of the various divin- 
ities, while in the following parts of the strophe all are addressed 
in conjunction. 

4. In 31. 6, the subject of vakhshat is questionable ; should 
have been classed "obscure." If we are to supply mazddOy 
taken from the preceding dative, the passage does not belong here. 

5. In 45. 8, hoi plainly refers to ahurem alone, ashd modifying 
the predication with the poet. This case also does not belong here. 

6. There are fifteen places where the nominative of ahura is 
used, not falling under 1 to 5. As the form is unmistakable, 
these, with some exceptions, take the singular : 

45. 6, 9, 10 ; 46. 17 ; 48. 3, 6 ; 51. 16, 21. 
The exceptions are — 

46. 13, plural seems due to a summino: up of all the divinities : 
51. 15, if ve includes ahura, to be explained as 46. 13 ; 

47. 1 , if ddn is a finite verb, and haur, and amer, are its objects, I 
cannot explain the number. 

1X1. Ahura is in the vocative ; other divinities. 

A. 7. The singular is due to separate clauses, etc., as in II. 1. 
(No confusion with the vocative possible.) Exceptions : 

32. 6, v^ mazdd ashdicd ; 

32. 9, mazdd ashdicd yiUhviaihyd ; 

33. 13 a, b, ve although oblique cases ; 
50. 4, vdo mazdd ahura hadd ashdy etc. ; 

(43. 14 contains khshathrd : see i)age lOi, line 3 from below). 

8. 28. 7, separate clauses resumed by plural. 

9. 28. 9 ; 49. 6, vdo explained by the addition of ashem or ashem 
ananas vohucd. 

Of 7, 8, and there are forty-four cases, but the strophes are 
not quoted, since the enumeration would probably seem trivial to 
some, and at all events would require a lengthy discussion for 
some strophes ; 34. 3a and 34. 7a are among them (34. 1 1 contains 
drmaitis and 43, 14 khshathrd). 

B. There remain fifty-six passages with the vocative mazdn 
together with ashd or vohu mafianhd, or both, not gov- 
erned by a preposition or other single word, and therefore not 
plainly in the instrumental. In the enumeration, I have disre- 
garded other forms in the same strophe covered by I., II., and 
III. A : also, in i)rder to reduce the problem to its lowest t^rmn, 
cases such as ashd in 50. 11, where the name is associated with 
the action of the prophet, if, in the same strophe, another name 
occurs — vohCt nainanhd in this instance — sufiicient in itself to 
show the difficulty. Were ashd in 50. 11 the o*nly name in the 
strophe, it would have been included in the list below. 

1. Vocative mazdd with singular of inflected words (a.= ashd; 
V. m. = vohu manahhd): 



Tlie Divinities of the Gdthm, 201 

a. a^hd or vohu mananhd instrumental, associated with the 
action of ahura : 

31. 8, a,; 38. 10, a. and v. m., 34. 12, a.; 43. 2, a.; 44. 1, a.; 51. 7, v. m. 

b. Instrumental associated with the action of others than 
ahura : 

29. 7, r. m.; 30, 8, v. m.; 38. 6, a.; 34. 4, a.; 44. 2, a.; 44. 6, v. m.; 
AA. 18, a.; 46. 3, r. w.; 47. B, v. w.; 48. 8, a.; 48. 12, a. and v, m,; 49. 
5, a. and v. m. {v, m. governed, however, bv the intervening verb, 
according to Geldner, KZ. xxviii. 260) 51. 18, a. 

c. Obscurely connected with the action of ahura: 

28. 6, V. m.; 31. 3, a,; 32. 6, i\ m,; 34. 15. a. and v, m.; 48. 6, v. m.; 43. 
7, V, m.: 43. 9, v. m,; 43. 11, v. m.; 43. 13, v. wi.; 48. 15, v. m.; 44. 15, a.; 
49. 1, r. m.; 49. 7, a.; 49. 12, a. and v. m. (in 49. 12, ve resumes all). 

d. Obscure association ; not with ahura : 
34. 9, a. 

e. Case and connection obscure : 

46. 10, V, m.; 50. 2, a.; 33. 12, a. and v. m. 
2. Ahurdy vocative, with plural of inflected words. 

a. Obscure case : associated with the action of ahura : 

29. 10a, a.; 31. 5 (part), a.; 34. 6, a. and v. m,; 34. 7, a.; 46. 18, a.; 
49. 8, a.; 50. 5, a.; 50. 7, a.; 50. 8, a.; 50. 9, o.; 50. 10, a.; 51. 2, a. 
and V. w. (51. 2 afterwards employs singular). 

b. Obscure case ; associated with the action of others than 
ahura : 

28. 2, V. m.; 33. 13c, a.; 34. 5, a. and v. m, 

c. Both case and association obscure : 
33. 8, a.; 34. 14, a. 

d. Instrumental associated with ahura : 
50. 11, V. m. 

And to III. B may perhaps be added 29. 3 and 30. 7 (both 
without naming ahura. See page 191, line 3 from below). Also 
31. 6 and 45. 8, belonging to II. 4 and 5, without a vocative of 
ahura^ should be taken into consideration in connection with III. 
B ; also 44. 16, which associates v, m. with seraosho, the subject of 
a singular verb. 

Now in some of the strophes classed under III. B it is possible 

to account for the number in accordance with the regular rule of 
Indo-European grammar : for instance, those in which the sin- 
gular can be explained by supposing tliat the divinities are in 
the instrumental, as agents of ahura, and especially those in 
which they are associated with the action of others than ahura. 

But, to say nothing of the inevitable uncertainty of the 
determination of the case and function in some of tliese, this 
explanation is inconsistent with the plural where the divinity 
is agent of ahura, or of some one else, and therefore presuma- 
bly in the instrumental. 

On. the other hand, if the plural is to be explained in 29. 10, 
et<?., by assuming that ashd and vohu mananhd are vocatives, 



202 J/. W. Easton, 

or (contra Caland) used in an instrumental of association, how 
is the series 28. (>, etc., with the singular, to be explained ? 

Finally, if by some dubious expedient we make a more or lees 
satisfactory disposition of all the strophes falling under III. B, 
there still remain the irregularities falling uncler I., II., and 
III. A, and the further evident fact that even the regular singu- 
lars or the regular plurals I., II., and III. A, seem to have been 
suggested mainly by the fact that the word or words chosen to 
fix the number were in forms which, so to speak, made a forci- 
ble impression upon the grammatical sense of the author, or 
compiler, and prove no gi'eater acquaintance with the language 
than might be fairly expected of such men as the Pahlavi trans- 
lators, to say nothing of earUer cento makers. 

It is not worth while to force vi et armis upon the text a 
greater degree of grammatical accuracy than that observed by 
its compilers, and it is a waste of labor to discuss the exceptions. 

There are some instances of a use of both plural and singular 
in the same strophe. The mere change, without considering 
the reasons for the choice of either number in itself, presents 
no difficulty. 

It occurs in 29. 10 ; 31. 5 ; 32. 6 ; 33. 11, 13 ; 34. 3 (if thra- 
08td is verb) ; 34. 7, 15 ; 43. 11, 13 ; 44. 1 ; 46. 10, 13 (if ve refers 
to the divinities) ; 49. 12 ; 51. 2, 4, 15 : 44. 17 is obscure or in- 
explicable. 

In some cases, the plural sums up together the persons used 
separately with the singular in other parts of the strophe, or 
the address is changed ; or a single attribute is referred to one 
divinity in contrast with a prevailing plural, or vice versa. 

The variation in assigning hhshxithra to one in exclusion of 
the others, or vice versa (32. 6; 34. 15; 43.13), is quite in 
accordance with the general absence of precise notions in con- 
nection with the attributes of the divinities. 

Ca^e Statistics, — Mazddh- occurs 201 times, and ahura^ 138 
(although ahuror is not always used of the divinity). Only the 
frequencv of these words concerns us, and particularly the voca- 
tive. Mazda occurs 144 times ; ahurd 82. I have not studied 
the possible occurrence of inazdd as an instrumental (of the a- 
declension). Bartholomae seems to regard it as such in 50. 3. 
The genitive occurs six times, dative four, accusative five. 

The names niazddh' and ahxiror stand on absolute equality, 
except in frequency of use. At first, considering the fact that 
ahura- falls at the close of a pada 34 times and inazdah- about 
19, I suspected that the former was used in a predicate sense, as 
if the ])rophet were proclaiming * as a new gospel the headsliip 
of Mazda,'* Strophe 46. 9 is very suggestive. But there is 
very little evidence in favor of this interpretation, while 



The Dwmitus of the Gdthds. 203 

nuLzddo »rdvl ahurd^ 45. 10, is in itself sufficient to deter from 
much inquiry in this direction. This passage is of capital im- 
portance. 

Asha- occurs 156 times (in one strophe twice), genitive 20 
times, ablative 18, dative 10 ; in -em 26 ; in -a 82 ; all together 
in about two-thirds of the strophes. Ashem is nominative in 
31. 4; 33. 11; 43. 16; 49. 3; 51.4; obscure in 29. 11; 46. 7; 
51. 20; elsewhere accusative. 

As to ashd^ one feels reluctant to attempt precise determina- 
tions. There are, however, 13 places where it is governed by a 
preposition or some other single word : 28. 8 ; 29. 7 ; 32. 2 ; 34. 
2, 11 ; 44. 9, 10 ; 46. 13, 16 ; 48. 11 ; 49. 5 ; 50. 4, 6. In 3 cases 
certainly vocative : 28. 3, 5, 7. In 7 cases perhaps vocative : 
30. 1 ; 31. 5 ? 34. 6, 7, 9, 12 ; 49. 7. The following 28 seem to 
me instrumental : 30. 7 ; 31. 3, 16 ; 33. 6, 10, 12 ; 34. 4, 12 ; 43. 
2, 6 ; 44. 1, 2, 15, 18 ; 45. 6, 8, 10 ; 48. 1, 3, 6, 8, 12 ; 49. 1, 9 ; 50. 
11; 51.1,16,18. Perhaps 31.5 is rather instrumental than 
vocative. The remaining passages, 32 in all, are obscure, and 
with these rather than with the vocative should, perhaps, be 
classed 4 more, viz. 34. 6, 7, 9 ; 49. 7. The use as vocative, 
apart from the '' obscure " passages, seems restricted — remark- 
ably so, considering the nature or the document. But see close 
of paper. 

Amd might, without stretching one's ingenuity too far, and 
without considering the number (sing, or plur.) of the pronouns, 
be regarded as an adjective with mazdd^ the vocative, in some 
28 cases (not worth citation or close counting), or with other 
words in 46. 3, 9. But I know of but one passage {ashahyd^ 
46. 14) where any other case-form than ashd could be treated 
as an adjective. Now, if the word meant ' pure,' or anything 
of the sort, it ought to occur frequently, as adjective, in the 
other oblique cases ; and this alone appears to me a sufficient 
reason for dismissing any further consideration of the stem 
as that part of speech. Were it ever such, the num])er of 
instances of this use might be greatly increased by considering 
it, when standing alone, as a substitute for ahurd or mazdd^ 
and meanine ' () Holy One !' 

V. man^ih' occurs 121 times (in one strophe twice) : genitive, 
49; in -«v? 11 ; in -hd 61. Of the forms in -««, I consider 5 
accusative: 28.5,9,11; 31.7; 49.10; 4 nominative : 30. 4 ; 
33. 11 ; 34. 8 ; 51. 4. One, 28. 3, might be either vocative or 
accusative, and 29. 11 is obscure. 

It were better to kill a water-dog, and assume all the Zara- 
thustrian pains and penalties for the act, than to adventure a 
detennination of the forms in -hd. However, 7 or 8 are gov- 
erned by prepositions or other single words : 28. 4 ; 32. 2 ; 44. 
9 ; 45. 9 ; 46. 12 ; 47. 3 ; 49. 5 ? 50. 4. Instrumental appears 



204 M. W. Easton, 

to me to be 49. 5 and 21 otliers : 28. 6 ; 29. 7; 30. 8 ; 31. 4; 31. 
6 ; 32. ; 33. 8, 10 ; 44. 1, 6, 16 ; 45. 6, 10 ; 46. 9, 13 ; 47. 1 ; 48. 
12; 49.2,7; 50.11; 51.21. The remaining passages, 32 in 
all, are " obscure." It will be understood that some of these 
" instruraentals " are soeiative. 

The superlative, included above, occurs eleven times, and in 
one place occurs something, not included, that looks like a com- 
parative. In 77 padas, mmuih-ieW?^ at the close. The adjective 
and noun are often separated, sometimes by words not syntacti- 
cally connected with it — a peculiarity illustrating the separation 
of tlie elements of Caland's hypothetical compound of inazdiih- 
with a^ha-. 

If 7nazfla is a new divinity for the makers of these hymns, 
as we have them, vohuimino and asha are such, and all the rest. 

The questions relating to the use of number in inflected 
words connected with the names of divinities, and to the special 
case to which the forms a^hd and vohv mnnanhd are to l)e 
referred, belong together. It seems to me that, from that point 
of view which looks for a consistent syntax, nothing can be 
more just than the remarks of Caland [KZ. xxx. 260 ; xxxi. 540), 
although very many students will be inclined to consider that 
the propriety of assuming a soeiative instrumental still remains 
an open question, especially when the great frequency of this 
use in the Veda is remembered. Places such as 44. 6 appear to 
demand this explanation, and the use of a case with or without 
a preposition in the same relation is by no means an infrequent 
phenomenon in language. 

Caland would meet the difficulty by adding to the scheme of 
Gathic cases a vocative and nominative vohA m<inanhd and a 
nominative Ufihd. PischeFs attempt to iind a dative in some of 
these fonns appeal's* to be another essay in the same direction, 
and, so far as concerns the principle involved, with equal justi- 
fication. Now it is possible that Caland means to imply some- 
thing precisely e(juivalent to the suggestion at the close of this 
paper, especially considering his remark in lines 34-6, page 
260, vol. xxxi. of Kuhn's ZnUchrift; but I judge not, since 
he gives a formal explanation of the manner in which such 
case-forms might have originated (and, by the way, in so 
doing, practically denies any claim of the Gathas to be con- 
sidered the i)reaching of a new faith"). If so, the present 
j)a]>er must Ix* regarded as a contribution in favor of his 
view. If he means that viihu iiutnaalui^ for instance, formed 
part of the current declination in the sjK)ken language, why 
nut extend this method still further, and call ashdi (32. 9) a 
vocixtive, rdif (32. I) a singular, and avazuzat (24. 9) a pluraH 
Such extraordinary inflections, like the summaries in the pre- 



I know PischeFs views only at second hand. 



The DlmniiUs of the Gdtbds, 205 

ceding pages, based upon the assumption of a consistent syntax 
and fully signiiicant content, are equivalent to a reductio ad 
ithf^urduni of the assumption itself. The diiference between 
such a treatment of the text and that given to it by the Pahlavi 
translators is simply this : the latter neglects grammar to force 
a certain sense upon the text ; the former f or(»es a probable 
sense upon a recalcitrant grammar. Such a procedure might 
l)e legitimate did it assume a declension according with the 
method of change in Indo-European grammar, whicli does not 
commonly present two diflferent case-forms, each with two dis- 
tinct uses, tlie same for both ; did it also harmonize with every- 
tliing else in the hymns, and did it explain all the difficulties. 
Geldner shows that it fails in this last recjuirement. It is indeed 
ve^y probable that no treatment of the Gatluls will explain 
everj'thing, but more complete success may be demanded from 
any method which assumes that the text is, in it*> own way, 
grammatically correct. 

The details to which attention has been called in the preced- 
ing pages, especially the peculiar absence of definite signifi- 
cance in the atti'ibutes of the divinities, and the absence of clear 
connection of their names with the tenor of the strophes, together 
witli the important det-ail that a large percentage of the difficult 
passages are connected with forms identical with the vocative 
or resembling the vocative in termination (??. mananha) — all 
these taken together produce an impression such as might result 
were the liymns in their present form the work of men w^hose 
purjxise it was to put together more or less extensive f ragmen tis 
of earlier date (compare again Caland's remark, previously 
quoted), taking good care to attain an accurate metrical form ; 
who had probably in view the needs of a ritual of some descrip- 
tion, but to whom the formula, charm, or incantation, the 
mathra^ was the thing most at heart, rather than accurate syn- 
tax and coherent meaning. The importance of such formula% 
with or without sense, is widely recognized over the whole 
Orient; and there are not wanting passages in the Gatluls 
themselves, especially in the first section of tlie hymns, in which 
the poet seems to be seeking for some such form of words 
rather than for spiritual enlightenment. 

Such compositions deal extensively in vocative utterances and 
in litany-like lists of the names of divinities. This demand 
met, and the whole being put into proper metrical form, the 
men who made up the cento might, {)erhaps from partial ignor- 
ance lM:)th of the language and of the original thought, nave 
given less consideration to sense and syntax. Furthermore, 
some defects in both might well be due to the difficulties attend- 
ing metrical composition. 

There are many reasons why no one could suspect that the 
whole bulk of the poems was produced in this way : for one 



206 M. W, Eastan. 

thing, the real, verj" human Zarathustra is too distinct. And it 
is a striking fact that, despite the difficulties connected with the 
proper names, an abridgment of the text which contains only 
the names and the words closely connected with them is much 
less obscure than a great part of the remaining matter — as if 
certain old prayers had formed the groundwork. 

As to the date of this possible rifa<nviento no opinion can be 
formed. Such knowledge as is implied in the partially correct 
use of inflections is precisely of the sort which miglit result 
from the study of the earlier pieces by men who no longer 
spoke the dialect in which they were written. Of course the 
particular passages are earlier than geimine quotations or trans- 
lations of them ; apart from this consideration, the poems might 
have been the work of yesterday. In no sense can the much 
abused word " primitive " be applied to them. 

I am not disposed to attribute to the above hypothesis more 
than that tentative value which belongs to all otlier translation 
or comments connected with the Gatlias. It might account 
satisfactorily for the peculiar ])roblem presented by the " con- 
trast between the Vedic language of the hymns and the com- 
plete severance from Vedic thought." In its application, it 
would lead to a very diflferent procedure in translating certun 
strophes, especially those in which vocatives or forms resem- 
bling vocatives occur, and would explain the use of the words 
a^ihd and volm mananJid^ now so often obscure in their relation 
to the context, and therefore so often rendered by equally 
meaningless adverbs. They would often be treated as having 
the value of mere interjections, and should then be ^* translated" 
by simply transferring the words, in the form as names, to 
the English text. Of course one of the first results would 
be to render valueless many of the case-detenninations recorded 
in the preceding pages. It would no longer be worth while to 
grope about for special rules, of doubtful value, to exiJain such 
collocations as mazdd a^hmcd 29. 8, and mazdd ashemcd 49. 6. 
The general tendency to introduce the direct address disturbs 
the syntax in these strophes, just as, in 43. 9 and 43. 15a, it has 
produced a meaningless preface to the strophe. 

Many of those difficult passages in which the subject of a 
verb in the third |)erson is obscure may, without hesitation, l>e 
referred to a near vocative niazdd (or its equivalent). The 
most impoi^tant case of this sort is the forty-fourth hymn, where 
fjohu mananhd,, if " parsed " at all, may be parsed as an instru- 
mental. In 31. 9, the fact that ahurd is vocative is not a suflS- 
cient reason for referring ye vidvdo to any other antecedent. 
Similar turns of thought, though less obscure in construction, 
occur in 31. 7 and 45. 4, where the third person and the address 
are found together. 



ARTICLE Vi. 



THE AUCANASADBHUTANI, 

Tbxt and Translation. 

By Pbop. JAMES TAFT HATFIELD, 

OF XOBTHWXBTXBX UinTSBBITT. BTAH8TOH, IU.INOIB. 



Presented to the Society May 15th, 1891. 



The text here presented is the result of a collation of the five 
known manuscripts of the seventy-first Atharvan Parijista. 
The manuscripts may be divided into two groups : 

1. A, the Oldest, belonging to the Bombay government, and 
described in the Proc. A. O. S., Oct., 1888 (Journal, vol. xiv., 
p. xii fE.) ; D, the Berlin MS. No. 1497 (New BerUn Cat., 1st 
Part, 1886, pp. 87-89); H, the Hang MS. in the Bavarian 
National Library at Munich (Sanskrit 25). 

2. B, the blue MS. of the Bombay government (see Proc. 
A. O. S. ibid.) ; C, Chambers MS. 365-366 (BerKn Cat. 1853, 
p. 89 fE.). 

Manuscripts A, D, and H are practically identical, and no 
one of them furnishes many valuable corrections for either of 
the others. An account of the origin of H, found among the 
papers of Dr. Haug, is as follows : " Among the manuscripts 
couected during my journey in Gujerat in the winter of 1863- 
64 is a complete copy of the Parigistas. It Avas prepared for 
me in Baroda, and is much better than Weber's [C] m Berlin. 
The original comes from Telingana, and was sent about 30 
years before by a learned Brahmin, and a copy from Telugu 
into DevanfigarT was made, of which this is a copy." It seems 
possible that A, coming from Bombay, may be the first copy 
into DevanagarT. B and C are quite independent, though 
poorly written and excessively corrupt. In some points they 
show similarities as contrasted with the other group. Among 
the hundreds of variant readings in these texts, only such are 
quoted as seem of value. In place of the universal anusvdrd- 
sign, euphony has been made. Grammatical points have 
already been noticed in the Proc. A, O. S. (as above) ; to these 

VOL. XV. 27 



208 J. T. Hatfidd, 

may be added the frequent use of the ablative expressive of 
subsequent time, either with or without a particle meaning 
' thereafter :' as, § 2. navaradsdt param ; 5. samvatsardd urdK- 
vam; 3. tryahdd urdhvam ; ^. paksaindsdt' ; 14. mdadstahdt. 
The form, 11., d^igamdsatah 'tor ten months' is also to be 
noted. 

As a work of the human mind the subject of the text seems 
beneath our notice, in spite of the fact that it is related to a 
large class of similar Sanskrit literature,* for it pictures the 
lowest depths of popular superstition and priestlv domination, 
and a degenerate demonology, pure and simple. lEven as hard- 
headed and practical a people as the Romans were subject to 
the universal belief in manifestations of divine power which 
foretold the future, and which were most often called " pro- 
digia." In Greece such men as Pythagoras, Democntus, 
Socrates, the Academicians, Peripatetics, and Stoics, held 
firmly to their importance.f Aristander of Macedon wrote on 
the subject, according to Pliny, N. H. xvii. 25. Macrobius 
(S. 3. 7. 1) mentions tne Ostentarium Tuscum, a book of prog- 
nostics ; tae Sibylline Books, in charge of the decemviri sacro- 
rum, were often consulted bv the Senate in case of portentous 
occurrences. Pliny treats oi them in his Natural History, and 
the sixth chapter of the first book of Valerius Maximus is de- 
voted to prodigies. Livy and Tacitus revel in them, and 
Cicero holds up his hands in horror at the temerity of P. Clau- 
dius, who disregarded such an indication during tlie Punic 
war.:|: The fullest work which has come down is that of the 
otherwise unknown Julius Obsequens (who probably lived in 
the 4th century a.d.), who in the fragmentary " De Pro- 
digiis" gives a catalogue of ominous occurrences from the 
times of Komulus to those of Augustus, taken for the most part 
from authenticated classical sources. A comparison of super- 
stitions so closely agreeing with those developed on Indian soil 
has been made in the notes to the translation, and will, it is 
hoped, be of some interest to students of philology, in the 
broadest sense of the term. 

I have to express thanks to the directors of the Newberry 
Library, Chicago, for facilities afforded, and especially to Dr. 
W. F. Poole, the Librarian of that institution. 



* Cf . the last group of these Parigi^tas ; also Weber, Zioei Vedische 
Texte uber Omina und Portenta, Berlin, 1838; the BrhataamhUd of 
Varaha Mihir^, Bibliotheca Indica, 1864-1865; the Pari^i^ta to the 
Paraskara Grhvasutra, in the Tijdschrift voor Ind, Taal- Land- en 
Volkenkunde, 1879, 39 ff., etc. 
Cic. de Div. i. 8. 
De Nat Deor. 2, 8. 



t 



The AuqanasddUbhutdnL 209 

Text. 

papraccho^ndsarh^ kdvyam^ ndradah paryavasthitah : 
divydn^ cdivdntariksdnp ca utpdtdn pdrthivdns tathd,^ 

kralundm ca viparydse tathdiva mrgapaksindm : 
amdnusdndm vydhdre sthdvardndm vyatikrame, 

yonivyatikare cdiva mdnsaponitavarsane : 
anagnijvalane cdiva tathd ydndnusarpane. 

^astraprajvalane cdiva cdityaguskavirohane : 
lingdyatanacitrdndm rodane garjane tathd, 

udapdnaXaddgdndm jvalane garjane ^pi vd: 
matsyasarpadvijdfindm rasdndrh ca pravarsane, 1. 

dyudhdndm prajvalane garjane ca vi^atah : 
. puspe phale ca vrksdndm akdle ca virohane. 

prdmdddrivimdndndm prdkdrdndm ca kampane : 
gUavdditrapabdd^ ca yatra syur animittatah, 

ye cdnye kecid utpdtd jdyante vikrtdtmakdh : 
tesdm phalam ca kdlam ca tattvendcaksva bhdrgava, 

sa tasmdi prcchcUe samyaii ndraddyo^andh kavih: 
trividhdn apy athotpdtdn vydkhydtum upacakrame, 

yadd fiUe bhavaty usnam usne fitam ativa ca : 
navamdsdt param vidydt^ tesu depesu vdi bhayam,^ 2, 

Translation. 

■ 

1. Narada came into the presence of U9anas Kavya and asked 
him concerning the portents which have to do with the sky, 
the atmosphere, and the earth, and said : " Whenever an ill- 
omened occurrence takes place in sacrifices, or in the case of 
beasts and birds ; when things not human speak out, or when sta- 
tionary things move ; so also when there are abortive births, or 
when flesh and blood fall in showers ; when flames break out 
without there being a fire, and when vehicles [suddenly] move ; 
when weapons gleam, and when a withered fig-tree grows ; when 
images, altars, or pictures cry out or give forth sounds ; when 
wells or pools flame or give forth sounds ; ox fishes, serpents, birds, 
or juices rain down ; 

2. When weapons shine, or especially when they give forth 
sounds ; when the fruits and flowers of trees appear at an undue 
season ; also when palaces, mountains, royal dwellings, and walls 
shake, and when without cause musical instruments sound and give 
forth tones ; and whatever other prodigies of strange nature come 
to pass, O son of Bhrgu, tell me truly in regard to the result of 
them and its time." 

The sage U5anas proceeded to set forth to Narada, having 
rightly made inquiries, the three sorts of portents : When heat 

•A. B.C. prapacchdu ; D. pappschdu, ^ D. halparh, 

^Cf. Mah&bharata, ii. 1685-6. «» MSS. indyd. •A.B.l>M, hhfgaih. 



210 J. T. Hatfield, 

yatrdnrtdu pravrddhena tryahdd urdhvam pravarsati : 
taaniin de^e pradhdnasya punisaftya vadho bhavet, 

kokUd^ ca mayurd^ ca akcUe maddbhdgin<ih : 
samsargarh vdpi gaccheyur vidydj jdnapadam^ bhayam, 

rurava^ cdiva rdudrdg ca prsatd harinds tathd : 
yesu de^esu dr^yante tdn aranydni^ nirdi^t, 

pradhdnd^ cdiva vadhyarUe pakse saptada^ tathd : 
tasmia janapade cdiva mahad utpadyate bhayam, 

gdvo ^gvdh kufijardh ^dnah kharostrd vdnaroragdh : 
nakuld paksino vydldM auiard mahisd mrgdh. 3. 

sattvdiiy etdni jalpanti yesu de^esu mdnusam: 
tesu de^su rdjd tu sasthe mdsi vinapyati, 

utpdtd vikrtdtmdno drpyante yatra tatra vdi : 

depe bhavati pighrarh hi sanmdsdd bhayam uttamam, 

dsanam payanam ydnam yadd yatra prasarpati : 
vipaksdt tatra tatsvdml bhayam prdpnoti ddrunam, 

dhdnyaJcosthdyudhdgdrdh pdsdndh kupaparvatdh : 
etdni yatra sarpanti vikrtdni vadanti ca. 

bahii vd jdyate tlvram tasm^in depe bhayam mahat : 
trm mdsdn parakdle 7iu pese sdumydni kam phaJ^am. 4- 

arises upon a cold body, or upon a hot body excessive cold, let 
it be known that in that realm there will be a calamity nine 
months later. 

3. When at the wrong season it rains excessively for more than 
three day8[?], in this country will occur the death of the chief 
man. when kokils and peacocks are in love or have intercourse 
out of season, let it be known that there is danger at hand for 
the people. When antelopes and wild creatures [deer ?], likewise 
gazelles and stags, are seen in any region, one should declare 
those places to be desert8[?]. The chief men likewise perish 
there in the seventeenth fortnight, and great fear arises among 
the people. When the following creatures : cows,* horses, ele- 
phants, dogs,' asses, camels, apes, serpents, ichneumons, birds, 
wild beasts, boars, buffalos, and deer — 

4. When these creatures speak in any region with a human 
voice, there the king goes to his destruction in six months. 
Wherever portents of an abnormal nature are seen, the greatest 
danger comes to pass quickly after six months. When a seat, a 
couch, or a vehicle moves itself, its owner will receive lamentable 
injury from an enemy. When granaries, depositories of weapons, 
stones, caves, and mountains move,* change their form, or speak 
out, very great fear arises in this realm for three months, but in 
the subsequent time the result is favorable[?]. 

"A. janapadam, ^ B. ruruva^ ; A.D.^. haravag. '^A.C.H. aranydya, 

^ MSS. vydld. 



^ 



The Auqa/tfiMsoMhutmA. 211 

de^ vd yadi vd grdme yonivyatikaro bhavet : 

tatra samvatsardd urdhvam mahad utpadyate bJiayam, 

gdur a^vam vadavdm vdpi yasmm depe prasuyate : 
abhyantarena tadvarsdd rdjfio maranam ddipet. 

mdfiusi janayed yatra trndddn^ vividhdn papufi : 
sanmdsottham^ bhayarh tlvram tatra t utpadyate ma/iat, 

paroAiakrdgamam cdiva nirdi^d iha ^dstravit : 
samgrCirndg cdtra vipuld jdyante vikrtdtmakdh. 

sarpam vd paksinam vdpi janayed yatra mdnusl : 
pracdlas^ tasya de^asya sanmdmt tu par am bhavet, 5, 

ustram vd yd pra^yeta vdnaram vdpi mdnusi : 
anyad vd jangamam kificit sthdvaram vdpi kiilcana, 

rogena pastrapdtena durbhiksena ca plditah : 
sa de^ vycUhate^ gighrath rdjd tatra vina^yati, 

amdnusl mdntisam vd mdnusi vdpy amdnusam : 
prasuyate tu jdnlydt paracakrdgamath dhruvam. 

caturaksaih dvi^lrsam vd gdtrdir nyunddhikdis^ tathd : 
vyailjandip cdiva sampannam. mdnusi yd prasuyate. 

dvisamvatsaraparyanto^ rdjd tatra vina^yati: 
ustro vrso vdpy a^vo vd gc0o vd yatra jay ate, 

pak^dn mdsdc ca^ bhavati rdjnas tatra bhayam mahat : 
paracakrasamuttharh vd sa de^o bhayam rcchati,^ 6, 

5. If in any realm or village an abortive birth occurs, great 
peril arises in a year thereafter. When in any realm a cow gives 
birth to a horse* or mare, it betokens the death of the king within 
that year. Where a woman brings forth various sorts of herbiv- 
orous cattle, six months thereafter arises great peril. There let 
the sage foretell the coming of a hostile army, and great wars of 
unusual nature. When a woman bears a serpent* or a bird, six 
months later the land will be disturbed. 

6. Where a woman brings forth a camel or an ape, or any 
other animal or vegetable whatsoever, that land, afflicted with 
sickness, war, and famine, quickly goes to ruin, and its king per- 
ishes. When an animal brings forth a human being, or a human 
being brings forth an animal, let one know assuredly that a hos- 
tile army is to come. Where a woman bears a four-eyed child,' 
a two-headed child,' or a child with defective or excessive limbs," 
or one having birth-marks, the king will perish inside of two 
years. When a camel, a boar, a horse, or an elephant" is born, 
there is great misfortune to a king within a month and a half ; 
that country expects the appearance of a hostile army as a 
calamity. 



•A.D. tf-nddin, ^ I), ^anm&sdtthaih, '^ D. pracdras ; B. pracalas. 
*^A,vyathata. *A,gdtrdinyunddhikas, ^ MSS. -paryantd. ^A.masag; 
B. pakndt mdsacca ; C. mdsddva ; D. pdk^amdsdc ca, ''A.D. icchati. 



212 J. T. Hatfidd, 

yonivyatikararh yatra kuryur evamvidham^ striyah : 
gaur vd suyet tathanydni tatra rajyam vina^yati, 

vasanti yesu deQesu tesu vidydn mahad hhayam : 
tasmdd etdni sattvdni rdjd ksipram pravdsayet. 

apvd kiporam janayec prnginath^ yatra tatra tu : 
ddipen maranarh rdjno varsdbhyantara eva hi, 

mdghe btidhe ca mahisl ^dvane vadavddi vd : 
sinhe gdvah prasuyante avdmino mrtyuddyakdh. 
iti pdatraaamuccaydt.^ 

7idri kharavrsostrdffvdfl punah pukaragardahhdn : 
rdksasdn vd pipdcdn vd yaddpy evam prasuyate, 

vydpadyafite Hra dhdnydni sasydni ca dhandni ca: 
caturvidham hhayam ghoram ksipram tatra pravartate. 7. 

vadhyante hi pradhdnds tu sdrdhe^ mdmstame tathd: 
vyddhlp ca tesu decern trlni varsdni nirdipet, 

anagnir jvalate yatra depe turnam anindhanah : 
yo rdjd tasya depasya sadepah^ sa vinapyati. 

mdmavarsma maghavdn yatra depe pravarsati : 
asthlni rudhiram majjdrh vasdrh vdi tesu vdi dhruvam, 

paracakrdgamah pighram vijiieyas tu mahad hhayam, : 
dhdvdp cdtra jdyante vipuld vikrtdtmakdh, 

7. Where women bring forth such abortions, or a cow bears 
other creatures, the realm goes to ruin. In whatever realms they 
abide, one should recognize a great calamity ; therefore let the 
king quickly expel these creatures. Wherever a mare brings 
forth a horned colt, one must verilv indicate the death of the 
king within a year. When a buffalo-cow brings forth during the 
month Mfigha, or under the planet Mercury, or if a mare (and so 
forth) brings forth during the month ^^^vana, or cows bring 
forth under the sign of the Lion, they cause the death of their 
masters. 

Thus from the canonical collection. Where a woman thus bears 
an ass, a boar, a camel, horses, dogs, wild-boars or asses, goblins 
or demons, there crops of grain and proj^erty go to destruction, 
and a terrible fourfold calamity arises quickly. 

8. The chief men, truly, are destroyed in eight and a half 
months thereafter, and one shall announce sickness in those coun- 
tries for three years. When in a region there burst out flames 
without there being a fire," suddenly, and without the presence of 
fuel, the king of that region goes to ruin with the region. Where 
in any district Indra rains down flesh," bones, blood," marrow, 
fat, one is to understand that a calamity is portended, the quick 

•A. eva vidhaHi ; B. evaih vidhirh. ^ MSS. grngino, <^ B.C. insert the 
three preceding lines after dhandni ca below. <'A.D. sardha ; C. sardve, 
"A, saihdeQafy, 



The Av^nasddhhutdni. 213 

angaravalukadhiinyaih yatra devah pravarsati : 

ksiprarh tcUra hhaya^h ghoram pravartate caturvidham, 8, 

sarpdn matsydn paksino vd yatra devah pravarsati : 
tatra sasyopaghdtah sydd hhayam cdtipravartate, 

surdsavarh tathd ksdudram sarpis tdilam payo dadhi : 
yatra varsati parjanyah kmdrogas tatra jdy ate, 

ulkdtdrd^ ca dhisnyesu yaddngdrd^ ca varsanti : 
tadd vyddhihhayam ghoram tesu depesn nirdi^t. 

p^imdn a^vo gajo vdpi yadd yatra pradlpyate : 
da^amdsdt pararh tatra jdnlydd rdstrasamplavam. 

ndrdcdh Qaktayah khadgdh^ pradlpyatite yadd muhtth : 
tadd ^strabhayarh ghoram tesu de^esu nirdi^. 9, 

cdityavrksdh prabhajyante visvararh vinadanti ca: 
prahasanti prasarpanti gdyanti ca rudanti ca, 

dgamah paracakrasya tesu cdpadyate tvaram, : 
sacakrd vdpi na^yanti pradhdna^ cdtra vadhyate. 

yatra sravec cdityavrksah saha^d vividhdn rasdn: 
prthak prthak samastdn vd tat pravaksydmi laksanam.. 

ghrte madhufii dugdhe ca ghrte dugdhe tathdmbhasi : 
ksdndre madhuni tdile vd vyddhayah syiih sxiddrundh. 

surdsave mitho bhedah ^onite pastrapdtanam : 

tdile pradhdnd vadhyante bhakse ksudbhayam ddipet. 10. 

arrival of a hostile army ; great battles arise there, of strange 
character. Where the divinity rains down coals, sand,*' or corn, 
a dreadful fourfold calamity quickly arises there. 

0. Where the divinity rains down serpents, fishes, or birds, 
there will be destruction of the growing corn, and terror arises. 
When the rain-god pours down alcoholic spirits, honey, melted 
butter, oil, milk,'* or curds, then famine arises. When meteors,'* 
stars, and coals rain down upon the fire-places, one shall announce 
a dreadful peril of disease to those realms. Wherever man,*' 
horse, or elephant breaks into flames, let one know that in ten 
months thereafter that place will go to ruin. When arrows, 
spears, and swords suddenly break into flames," let one point out 
a dreadful peril of the sword in those realms. 

lO. When sacred fig-trees are broken, or cry out in the midst 
of silence ; when they laugh, move about, sing, or weep, in these 
realms a hostile army comes on quickly ; or they go to destruction 
along with their armies, and the chief in that place is destroyed. 
Where suddenly a sacred fig-tree trickles with various juices, 
either severally or combined, I will explain this portent. Where 
there is a flow of ghee, honey, and milk, also of ghee, milk, and 
water, ksdudra-honey ^ or oil, there will be very lamentable sick- 
nesses. Where alcoholic spirits flow, there will be mutual dissen- 

*A.C.D. kJiangdfy; B. §angCLfy, 



214 ^ J, T. Hatfidd, 

anrtitu cet phalam yatra puspam vd sfiyate drtimah : 
vidyad vae* dagame masi rajflaa tcUra viparyayam. 

puspe puspatn bhaved yatra phale vd aydt tathd phaiam : 
partjie parnaih vijdnlydt tatra jdnapadam bhayam, 

^iklena vdsasd yatra cdityavrksah samdhitah : 
brdhmandndm bhayam ghoram «pw tlvrarh vinirdi^et. 

raktavastrdvrtdi^ cdnydih ksatriydndtn mahad bhayam : 
pltavastrdis tu vdi^ydndm f^udrdndm krsnavdsasdih, 

nlldih aaayopaghdtah sydc citrdis tu mrgapaksindm : 
vivarnCiir oyddhayaa tlvrdhpararh ayur dapamdscUah.^ 11. 

ddivatdni prasarpanti yatra rdstre hasarUi vd : 
udiksante Hha ghordnsi tatra vidydn mahad bhayam,. 

vihasanti nimllanti gdyanti vikrtdni ca : 
mdnsaponitagandhdni yatra tatra mahad bhayam. 

yatra citram tidlkseta gdyate cestate muhuh : 
etesv astasu mdsesu rdjno maranam ddi^t. 

citrdni yatra lingdni tathdivdyatandni ca : 

vikdram kuryur atyartham tatra vidydn tna/iad bhayam. 

udapdfiam taddgam vd sarah parvata eva vd : 
samudde^u dtpyante vidydd bhayam upasthitam. 12. 

sion ; where blood flows, there will be fighting. Where oil flows, 
the chiefs perish ; where drink flows, one should indicate peril of 
famine." 

11. If in any place a tree shall produce out of season fruit or 
flower, let them know that in ten months there will be misfortune 
to the king. Where a flower shall grow upon a flower, or a fruit 
upon a fruit, or a leaf upon a leaf, let one recognize there calamity 
to the people. Where a sacred tree is surrounded by a white 
covering, let one quickly point out great and terrible danger to 
the Brahmans ; by trees covered with red coverings great peril 
to the Ksatriyas is indicated ; with yellow coverings, peril to 
the Vrii9yas ; with black, to the ^udras." If surrounded with 
blue coverings, there will be destruction to the crops ; with parti- 
colored, to beasts and birds ; with colorless, there will be exces- 
sive sicknesses continued for ten months. 

12. Whenever in a region idols move about" or laugh, when 
they have a frightful ai>pearance, let one know that there is great 
peril. When tliey laugh out, wink, sing, and are changed, and 
whenever there is the odor of meat and blood, is great peril. In 
cases where a picture looks, sings, or moves suddenly, let one de- 
clare the death of the king in eight months. Where pictures, 
images, and altars undergo a great change, let one know that 
there is great peril.** In whatever places a well or a pond, a lake 
or a mountain, break into flames, one should know that peril is 
at hand. 



■ MSS. vd. '•A.D. dagamdyatah. 



The AuganmadhhutdnL 216 

prahaaeyu ataneyur vd pvd vd mdrjdravad vadet : 
tasya de^aaya rdjd tujckddm dpnoti ddrundm. 

^nkhavdinavatilrydndm dundubhlndm ca niavanah : 
de^ yatra bhr^m tatra rdjadando nipdtyate, 

yasya rdjfio janapade nityodvigndh prajdh ksayam ;* 
yacchanti na cirdt tatra vind^am api nirdipet. 

yasya rdjfio janapade nityani eva gavd^ri ksayah : 
hhayaih tatra vijdnlydd acirdf samupasthitam, 

yasya rdjno janapade nadl vahati kardamam: 

kdstham trnarh copalam vd mrtamatsydn grahdns tathd, IS, 

madyam ksdudram ca mdnsam ca sarpis tdilam payo dadhi : 
anyardjdgamabhayam tatra depe samddipet, 

yasya rdjfio janapade prati^oto nadl vahet : 
mdsdHtakdj jdnapadam^ hhayam sydc chatrapdnina/i,^ 

kupo vd garjate yatra yadd vdpy avadipyate :^ 
lohitam vdtha pUyaih vd hhayam tatra vinirdipet. 

dyudhdni pradhdvanti tlvram pratydharanti ca : 
tuntrdt sahasd hdnd udgiranti nadanti ca, 

svabhdvatap ca puryante dhanunsi prajvalanti ca : 
samgrdmo ddrunas tatra depe bhavati nipcitah. H, 

akdle puspavantap ca phalavantap ca pddapdh : 
drpyante yasya rdstresu tasya ndpo vibhdvyate. 

m 

13. Where [dogs] laugh or growl, or where a dog makes the 
cry of a cat, the king of that realm receives a lamentable afflic- 
tion. Where there is a vehement sounding-out of conch-shells," 
of bamboo musical-instruments, and of drums, there a penalty is 
made to fall upon the king. When in the realm of any king the 
people, continually horrified, experience destruction, one must 
declare that ruin is not far off. Whenever in the country of a 
king there is frequent death of cows, let one know that danger 
is pending, near at hand. Wherever in the country of a king a 
river bears along mud, logs, grass, stone, dead fishes,** crocodiles, 

14. The madya-drink, ksdudra-houey, flesh, ghee, oil, milk, 
curds, at such a time let one point out that there is peril to that 
region of the coming of another king. Wherever in the coun- 
try of a king a river shall flow backwards,** in eight months the 
people will be in peril from him who has the umbrella in his 
hand.** Where a well gives forth a roaring sound, flames, blood,** 
or a disagreeable odor, one is to point out danger. Where weap- 
ons come forth from their receptacles in an unnatural manner and 
return again ; where arrows suddenly come forth from the quiver, 
speak out or make sounds,*^ and where bows are bent of their own 
accord or gleam, lamentable war certainly occurs in that region. 



■ D.B. prcfjdk^', ^ MSS. jana-. «= Perhaps cakra- should be read. 

•• MSS. avadtryate. 

VOL. XV. 28 



216 J. T. HatjieU, 

vrkm v&lpd^ ca^ tarund yatra syuh phalapuspadah : 
akdle cdpi dr^yeyua tatra vidydn mahad bhayam. 

prdsdddni vimdndni prajvalanti tu yatra vdi : . 
drdhdni ca vifiryante aa yasya mriyate ^cirOt, 

vadanty aranye turydai ^ruyante vyomni nitya^h : 
nivaseta^ tadd rdjd aamdgamya dipo di^m, 

yasya ve^mani gruyante yUavdditranisvandh : 
akasmdn mriyate samyag dhanam vdsya vilupycUe, 

paTikhavdinavavtnd^ ca bhertmurajagomukhdh : 
vddyamdndh pradrpyante de^ yatrdpy aghattitdh, 

sanibhrtyeva tamo bhdram any am janapadarh vrajet : 
mrgavdns tu sa depo hi vdyup cdtropajdyate. 

andhatd dundubhayo vdditrdni vadanti ca : 
chidrdni ca grhe yasya aa fighram bhayam rcchati, 

devardjadhvajdndm ca patanam bhanga eva vd : 
kravydddndm prave^am ca rdjfiah plddkaram, bhavet 

vdjivdranamukhydndm akasmdn maranam bhavet : 
itaraksmdpates tatra vijfieyd satvard gatih. 15, 

apvatthe paispite ksatram brdhmanam cdpy udumbare : 
plakse vdipyds tu pvdyante nyagrodhe daayavas tathd. 

16. When trees are seen in blossom or fruit at an improper 
time, he is surely destroyed in whose realm this occurs. Where 
small and tender trees bear fruits and flowers, or where [fruits and 
flowers] are seen out of their season, one shall recognize great 
peril. Also where temples and palaces flame, and where Arm 
things fall to pieces, their owner dies in a short time. If musical 
instruments sound in a desert place, or are heard continually in 
the sky,*' let the king take up his abode there, having gone 
from place to place. Where in a dwelling singing is heard, or 
the sound of musical instruments, all [the possessions] of the 
owner perish unexpectedly, or his wealth is stolen. When conch- 
shells, bamboo tubes, lutes, drums, tambourines, and trumpets are 
heard giving forth a sound in any region, not having been 
touched, let him [the ruler] enter another people, bearing with 
him, as it were, darkness as a burden. That realm becomes the 
home of wild beasts and a wind arises there. When drums 
and musical instruments sound without having been struck, and 
when in the house of any person there are holes, he soon experi- 
ences a calamity. Also when there is a falling or breaking of the 
flags of a divinity or a king, or when a carnivorous animal comes 
in," these things shall cause distress to the king. If the best 
steeds and elephants die without a cause, this betokens the sudden 
coming of another ruler. 

16. When the peepul-tree is in bloom, the Ksatriya caste is 
afliicted ; when the orange-colored Jicua is in bloom, the Brah- 

* M»SS. vfkfdvalpa^ca. '•A.H. nivdtseta; D. nivdsetse. 




jt- --J 



The Av^ndsddbhutdni. 217 

^vetam indrayudhaih viprdn raktaih kscUriya^id^anam :^ 
vai^ydnam pUakam rdtrdu krsnam pudravind^afiam, 

nirghdte hhumikampe ca catty apuskavirohane : 
depapiddm vijdnlydt pradhdna^ cdtra vadhyate. 
indrayastir bhajyate^ vd vipasto vdpapur vrajet: 
yadd tadd vijdnlydd rdjnahpiddm upaMhitdm, 

pitdmahe vd sudeve some dhartnayamesv^ api : 

nimittam a^ubham yatra brdhmandndm bhaydvaharti. 16, 

brhdspatdu vd pukre vd pdvake pdka^dsane : 
ydni rdpdni dr^yante vidydt tdni purohite. 

mahddeve kubere ca tathd akandavi^dkhayoh : 
nimittaih tat pdrthivesu vijfieyam sampravartitam.^ 

devdndm pdrthivdndm ca ratho yatra nimajjati : 
bhayam tatra vijdnlydt pdrthivasyd^r^ adbhutam. 

some ca vdmcdeve ca varum pdkapd^ane : 

yad bhayam dr^yate tad dhijUeyam. bhdndddhike jane, 

vdte prajdpatdu cdiva vip)akarmani cdiva hi: 
pravartate yan nim,ittarh taj jdnapadikam, bhavet, 

ktimdrvni kum,drlndm kumdrdndrh kumdrajam : 
tathd presyesu^ sarvesu kalpaye pdstratah phalam, 

manic caste is afflicted ; when iheficus infectoria*^ the Vrii5ya8 ; 
when the banyan-tree, the barbarians" are afflicted. A white 
rainbow destroys the Brahmans ; a red one brings destruction to 
the Ksatriyas ; a yellow one at night [brings destruction] to the 
Vai9yas ; a black one is deadly to the ^tidras. Where there is a 
whirlwind, an earthquake," the growing of a withered tree, let 
one recognize an affliction to the country ; the chief man there is 
also destroyed. Or if the Indra-staff" is broken, or whenever a 
mutilated animal goes about, let one know that afflic^on is come 
unto the king. Where there is an unfavorable omen relating to 
Pitamaha, Sudeva, Soma, Dharma, and Yama, it causes fear to 
the Brahmans. 

17. Where manifestations are seen in the case of Brhaspati, 
^ukra, Pavaka, and Paka9asana, they are to be understood as 
referring to the chief priest. When an omen occurs [in connec- 
tion with] Mahadeva, Kubera, and also Skanda and Vi9akha, it is 
to be known as referring to the king. When the car of gods or 
princes goes down, let one know that there is danger to the king ; 
It is a quick prodigy. Whatever prodigy is seen [in connection 
with] Soma, Vasudeva, Varuna, or Paka9asana, that is to be 
known as referring to the people who are rich in goods. What- 
ever omen arises [in connection with] Vata, Prajapati, and Vi9va- 
karman has reference to the people. [In connection with] girls, 

• MSS. k^triya-. *• MSS. bhajyante, 'A. dharmdry-, '' B.C.D.H. 
add : akcumidd dfgyate yat tu nimittarh sarhpravartitath, " B. dsur, 
'A.B.C.D. pra^ejfu. 



218 J. r. Hatfidd, 

indrdni varunani ca bhadrakall mahabcUa : 
viramatii ca yad bruyus tad rCtjamahislbhayam. 

ekiiivasCnh tathd canyd ydQ cdnyd devatdstriyah : 
kuryur ^il-niittam tat strindm pradhdndm ca vinirdi^t, 

gandharvesu iiiniittarh yat tad anyesu pradrpyate : 
ae^idpafindm bhayakrt 8acivd7idm bhaydya ca, 

rdksa^anagayaksesu^ li/igasydyatanesu ca : 
yathdrHpam yathdkarma purusesu vyavasthitam. 17, 

daksinesu pariresu devatdndm ca vepmasu : 

sarvesv an gem ndrlndm tulyarh sydd ubhayor bhayam, 

svaparire yathotpdtd vihitd ddtvacintakdih : 
tathdiva parisamkhyeyam sanmtrdiva pubhdpubham, 

mdnibhadrddayo^ yaksd gandharvdp citrasenayah : 
tad bhayam tu pradhdndndm amdtydndm vibhdvayet, 

yesu depesu drpyeta ddivatesu^ pubhdpibham : 
te ca depd vinapyanti rdjd vdtha vinapyati, 

brdhmand yatra vadhyante grdme rdstre Hha vd pure : 
rdjadhdnmi vd yatra tad abhdvasya laksanam, 18, 

yatrdhalam vadhyamdnam rdjd ndivdbhirakmti : 
tatra devakrto dando nipataty dpu rdjani, 

and of girls ; in [the case of] boys and that arising from boys ; 
likewise [in the case of] all servants — I will arrange the outcome 
[of these portents] according to the canon. Whatever Indrani, 
Varunani, Bhadrakall, Mahabala, and Viraroata** shall utter is a 
cause of fear to the royal wife. And whatever any of these 
divinities shall do individually, or any other female divinities 
whatsoever, this should be pointed out as having reference to the 
chief women. And whatever prodigy is beheld belonging to the 
other Gandliarvas, this causes fear to generals and ministers. 
When there is a manifestation or a performance in the case of 
demons and mountain-sprites, or on the altars of an image, this is 
appointed [as referring] to men. 

1 8. When occurring in the case of the right side of bodies, and 
in the temples of divinities, and in all the limbs of women, there 
is a like peril to botb[?]. Just as portents are classified by the 
astrologers when they occur in one's own body, so the enumera- 
tion is particular in every case, whether favorable or unfav- 
orable. Where Mtlnibhadra and the rest of the Yaksas, the 

• .7 

Gandharvas, and the Citrasenis" [are concerned], let one recog- 
nize this as a peril to the chief counsellors. In whatever realms 
a favorable or unfavorable omen is beheld in the case of [these] 
divinities, those realms perish, or the king perishes. Where 
Brahmans perish in village, realm, or city, or among the royal 
residences, this is the sign of annihilation. 



•A.B. rakfayanna- ; C. -panna- ; H. rak^a^anna-, ^ C. vianibhad-, 

« MSS. devate§u. 




The Augcmasddhhutdni, 219 

chatradhvajapatakasu devasthdne grhem ca : 
dvdraddcXlakaharmyesu kdrayed dhomavdcanam, 

yatra prakrtihhutdni lingdni vikrtdni ca : 
devntdQ cdpi nadya^ ca ksarakmmd^ Tnahlridtdh. 

send cdiva na dr^yeta hastyapvdip ca paddtibhih :^ 
hlndngd vikrtdngd vd pralayaih tatra nirdi^t 

stainbhavrksd dhvajd yatra sraveyu^ rudhirdmhu ca : 
dhuniayeyur jvaleyur vd mantrlndrh tatra vdi vadhah, 

jagatsvdmini jdnlydd yadi ced divi jdyate : 
dntariksam tu^ dege sydd^ hhdumath aaaye patisyatU 

bhdrydydm vdhane putre ko^ sendpatdu pure : 
purohite narendre vd patate ddivam^ astadhd, 

mdhendrlm amrtdm rdudrhh vdipvadevlm athdpi vd : 
utpdtesu mahdpdntim kdrayed hahudaksindm, 

fdmyafiti yena ghordni yogaksemaih ca jdyate: 
rdjdno muditds tatra pdlayanti vasundhardm. 

pdlayafUi vasundhardm iti. 19. 

ity dupa,iamdbhutdni samdptdni.^ 

19. Where the king does not protect the powerless who is ready 
to perish, a divinely -appointed punishment falls quickly upon the 
king. In [the case of] umbrellas, banners, Hags, in the temple of 
a god, and in houses, in doors, pavilions, and castles, let one make 
the speech of offering. Where original things become secondary, 
when divinities, rivers, and trees perish and wither, where the 
array-[order] may not be seen because its divisions are destroyed 
or disturbed by elephants, horses, or footmen, then destruction 
may be indicated." When pillars, trees, and banners shall trickle 
blood and water, or shall smoke or flame," there indeed is destruc- 
tion of counsellors. If [an omen] comes to pass in the sky, let one 
know that it threatens the king ; if in the atmosphere, the coun- 
try ; if on the earth, it will fall upon the crops." An ill-fate falls 
upon these eight victims : a wife, a draught-animal, a son, a 
vessel, a general, a city, a chief-priest, or a king ; when these 
portents occur, let him have performed a great expiation, immor- 
tal, pertaining to great Indra, pertaining to Rudra, or pertaining 
to all the gods, accompanied by many fees, whereby these terrible 
manifestations are appeased, and safety arises ; and the kings, 
delighted, rule the earth. 

Thus endeth the Au9anasadbhutani. 

• MSB. k^arak^dma, **A.H. edited cdivana dfgyeta tm luistyaigcdi^ ca 
paddiibhil,i ; B. hastagcdiQva ' MSS. -yu. 'A. dtamriksajitu. • MSS. 
degcutydd. ^'MSB. sasyopati^thati. » AA).H, devam. ^ A. iti ugandsdd- 
bhutani 8-; B. iti ku^naaddbhutdni 8-; CD. iti uganasddbhutani 8-; 
H. iti UQOsddbhutdni a-. 



220 J. T. Hatfield. 

Notes upon the Translation. 

(These notes give for the most part a citation of similar portents and 
prodigies from classical sources.) 

1. The speaking of an ox is a frequent prodigy in Roman writers. 
Livy mentions its occurrence during the war with the Volscians (8. 10), 
and with Hannihal (27. 11). The same portent took place in the time of 
Otho, Tac. Hist. 1. 86. — 2. In regard to dogs speaking, v. Obseq. 103, 
122, etc. — 3. Earthquakes are among the commonest signs of misfortune 
with the Romans: **Si caelum stetit, si terra movit; ^Christianos ad 
leones !'" Tert. Apol. 40. Cf. Tac. Ann. 12. 48 ; Livy 30. 88.-4. In the 
year 215 B.C. a cow bore a colt at Sinuessa. Obsea. 33.-5. The bearing 
of a serpent [= tape-worm?] is mentioned by Pliny N. H. 7. 3: Tac. 
Ann. 14. 12. Obsequens tells us that when such a birth had been cast 
into a stream it swam off through the water (c. 118). — 6. Such a prodigy 
cited in time of Claudius, Tac. Ann. 12. 64. — 7. Cf. Tac. Ann. 15. 14. — 
8. A child bom without hands or feet, and one without eyes or nose 
after the second Punic War. Obseq. 51.— 9. Livy vouches for the birth 
of a boy with an elephant's head (27. 11).— 10. The shores blaze with 
fires, Livy 22. 1 : cf. Verg. Georg. 1. 466 ff. — 11. For showers of flesh, cf. 
Val. Max. 1. 6. 5 ; Obseq. 16. — 12. Blood rains down in Rome, Livy 24. 
10 (and other writers, frequently). — 13. Showers of earth, n^entioned by 
Obsea. 28, 51, etc. — 14. Showers of stones, blood, mud, and milk men- 
tionea by Cicero, de Div. 1. 43 : cf. Livy 27. 11. Among other miracu- 
lous showers, the BfhatsamhitS. speaks of stones, dust, gold, cattle (!), 
fruits, flowers, clouds, abortive animals, butter, hot water. Chalk, 
mud, oil, and potsherds can be added to this list from Roman au- 
thors. (Livy 24. 10 etc.). — 15. For the frequent mention of the failing 
of red-hot stones from heaven cf . Livy 21. 62 ; 22. 1 ; 22. 86 : 30. 88.— 16. 
The head of Servius Tullius was seen to blaze with fire, Cic. de Div. 1. 
53 ; cf. Verg. Aen. 2. 680ff.— 17. Darts take fire, Livy 22. 1 ; Obseq. 19. 
69. Fire on spear-points taken as a good sign, Cic. d. NaJ. Eieor. 2. 8. 9 ; 
Dion. Hal. 5. 46. In reign of Claudius, the ensigns and tents of the 
soldiers are scorched with fire from heaven, Tac. Ann. 12. 64. — 18. On 
these ijianifestations cf. Brhatsaih. 46. 26-27.— 19. In regard to the fre- 
quent association of these colors with the four castes, cf. Bfhatsaiu. 
8. 25 ; 33. 14.-20. The statue of Juno nods its head, Obseq. 19. The 
goddess of Victory lets fall the reins of her chariot. Tac. Hist. 1. 86. 
The spear of Mars moves of its own accord, Livy 24. 10. The statue of 
Caesar turns from west to east, Lac. Hist. 1. 86. — 21. In the 72d Pari- 
5i9ta(the Mahadbhutani) idols laugh, sing, weep, shriek, perspire, shine, 
smoke, tremble, wink, grow, trickle, and move about. Apollo's statue 
at Cumae wept for three days, Obseq. 69. As to perspiring idols, cf. 
Aen. 2. 171 ; Cic. de Div. 1. 34. Livy 22. 1, 86 ; Milton, Ode on the Na- 
tivity, 1. 195. — 22. A trumpet sounds in the sky, Obseq. 73.-23. In 
Roman times the casting up of dead fish by the sea is considered omin- 
ous, also an inundation of the Po which left a large number of ser- 
gents : Obseq. 89. 128.-24. As to inundations as prodigies cf. Suet. 
>tho 8 ; Plutarch, Otho 4 ; Cic. de Div. 1. 44 ; Livy 5. 15, etc.— 25. Per- 
haps the adjective should read cakrapdninah. an epithet of Vi§i;iu or 
K{*$i^a. — 26. Pools and fountains are tinged with blood, Livy 22. 1 ; 24. 
10; 27. 11.— 27. Arras rattle in the temple of Hercules, Cic. de Div. 1. 
24. Armor falls to ground in temple, id. 1. 34.-28. Cf. Verg. Georg. 1. 
466-488. — 29. In the second Punic war, a wolf enters the city at night 
and wounds the watchman, Obseq. 40. Cf. id. 49. 50, and Livy 21. 62.— 
30. This plant bears white blossoms. — 31. Notice that the Cudras here 
have the appellation dasyavas. — 32. A very common portent among the 
Romans. — 33. In the Mahadbhutani, the* Indra-stalt is mentioned as 
blazing. — 34. The prominence of secondary and female divinities shows 
the late date of this text. — 35. Citrasena is a seri)ent-demon ; the form 
citraaeni is new. — 36. Cf. Livy's account of armed legions being seen 
upon the Janiculum (24. 10).— 37. A green palm-tree takes fire, Livy 24. 10. 



ARTICLE VII. 

WHERE WAS ZOROASTER'S NATIVE 

PLACE ? 

By Professor A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, 

OF COLUMBIA OOLLSQS, NKW YORK OITT. 



Presented to the Society May 15th, 1891. 



With regard to the native place of the founders of three of 
the great Oriental religions — Buddhism, Confucianism, Mo- 
hammedanism — the authorities are mostly in aerreement ; with 
reference to Zoroastrianism, however, the case is far different. 
Among the ancient Greeks and Romans we are told that seven 
cities claimed to be the birth-place of the poet Homer ; if we 
take into account the various opinions on the question of the 
native country of the prophet zloroaster, the same may also be 
said of him. The question in regard to Zoroaster's home is one 
of interest, for with it is connected the question where we are 
to place the cradle of the Mazdeaii religion. The subject has 
given rise to the liveliest dispute. 

Arguments have been brouglit forward by some to show that 
we must place the home of Zoroaster in the east of Iran, in 
Bactria; he is accordingly often styled "the Bactrian sage." 
By others it is claimed that he came from the west of Iran, or 
rather from Media, some say from Pema. In spite of these 
contradictory views, the difficulty may be overcome, it is be- 
lieved, and the problem may be solved, if the subject be looked 
at in its right light. Both sides are in part wrong, both sides 
in part riglit. The fallacy, it may at the outset be stated, lies 
in assuming that the scene of the prophet's real activity and 
of his mission must likewise have been his native place. It is 
with this word of caution in mind that all the statements and 
theories on the subject will here be examined, and the endeavor 
will be made. to clear away the difficulty. 

The authorities of antiquity to whom we may look for in- 
formation on the subject and whose statements form the source 
from which our views are deduced, are — 



222 A. V. W. Jacksouy 

a. Classical 

J. Oriental. 

The principal passages have already been collected by Win- 
dischmann, ^oi^oastrischs Studien^ p. 270 ff. ; but some points in 
the later tradition have been overlooked. As important deduc- 
tions may be drawn from these latter, it is useful to add them, 
and to arrange anew all the material that bears as evidence on 
the subject. The allusions to the country of Zoroaster we may 
therefore take up in detail, presenting, first, statements refer- 
ring to Bactria, or the east oi Iran ; second, allusions to Zoro- 
aster as belonging in the west, in Media or Persia. 

A. Classical and Non-Iraihan. 
1. Bactria — Eastern Iran. 

The following allusions in the classic writers of Greece and 
Rome show that Zoroaster was thought of as a Bactnan, or at 
least as exercising his activity in the east of Iran. 

The authority of the historian Ktesias (B. C. 400) is quoted 
by Diodorus Siculus (Ist century A.D.), ii. 6, for the statement 
that Ninus, with a large army, invaded Bactria, and with the aid 
of Semiramis gained a victory over King Oxyartes. See Pragm. 
of the Persika of Ktesias, ed. Gilmore, p. 29. Instead of the 
name 'Ofuapr?;?, the manuscript variants show also 'E^^aJpriT?, 
'X.aopTfj^^ ZaJprrj^, Attempts have been made to identify the 
name, or rather its variants, with Zoroaster, inasmuch as later 
writers — Kephalion, Justin, Eusebius, Arnobius — drawing on 
Ktesias, make Zoroaster the opponent of Ninus. Their state- 
ments are next cited. 

Fragments of Kephalion (A.D. 120), preserved in Eusebius, 
Chron. i. 48, ed. Aucher, describe the rebellion of Zoroaster the 
Magian, the king of the Bactrians, against Semiramis: de Zoroas- 
tri Magi JBactrianoruni regis debell^itione a tSemira?nide. See 
Spiegel, Era7iische Alterthumskunde, i. 076. In agreement with 
this is also cited Eusebius (A.D. 300), Chron. iv. 35, ed. Aucher, 
Zoroastres Magus rex JBactrianorum. Add to this, Eusebius, 
Proeparatio Evang, x. 9, according to which statement also Zoro- 
aster the Magian ruled over the Bactrians, Z<DpodaTprj<; 6 M 01709 
T^aicrpicov ifiaaiXevae, 

Similarly Theon (A.D. 130?), Progymnasmata 9 [Peri Syjigri- 
seos^ ed. Spengel, Jthcet, Groec, p. 115), in connection with Semi- 
ramis, speaks of "Zoroaster the Bactrian," ZcopocuTTpou tov 
Ba/cT/}tou. See also Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studiedly p. 

290. 

Justin (A.D. 120), moreover, in his Hist, Philijypic, i. 1, dis- 
tinctly makes Zoroaster the opponent of Ninus, and says that he 
was king of Bactria : Postrernuni illi hello cum Zoroastre rege 
Pat'trianomm fnit, qfii primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse 



Where was Zoroaster* 8 Native Place? 223 

et mundi principia siderumque niotus diligentissime spectasse. 
See Gilmore, Ktesiaa* Persika, p. 29. 

In like manner Arnobius (A.D. 297), Adversus Gentes i. 5, men- 
tions a battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians, under the 
leadership respectively of Niiius and Zoroaster, mter Assyrios et 
Pactrianos, Nino quondam Zoroastreqite ductoribiis. See Gil- 
more, Ktesias^ p. 36. A parallel statement, Zoroastres . . . Pac- 
triantts, in Adv. Gent. i. 52, confirms the view that Arnobius 
regarded Zoroaster as a Bactrian. 

Two later but independent classical authors rightly place Zoro- 
aster under a King Hystaspes (i. e. Vishtaspa, Gushtasp), and one 
of these distinctly calls him a Bactrian. These are Ammianus 
Marcellinus (5th century A.D.), and Agathias (6th century A.D.). 
Ammianus, xxiii. 6. 32, p. 294, ed. Ernest, says : cui scientiatn secu- 
lis priscis rnulta ex (Jhaldceorum arcanis Pactrianus addidit 
Zoroastres ; deinde Hystaspes rex 2>rud€ntis,nmtcs Darii pater. 
Agathias, ii. 24, ^vrites : Ttoapodarpov rov ^Opfidaheco^ , . . ovto^ 
Sk 6 Za>/)oaSo?, tJtoi ZapaSr;? {BtTTrj yap iir* avr(p r) eircovvfiia)^ 
ojrrjvi/ca fUv rjfCfJLaae rr)V ap^7)V, Kal Tois vofioi/i eOero^ oif/c 
eveari aaifyS^ Stayp(ovat» Tt^paat Se avTov oi vvv iirl 'Tcrra- 
(TTreco, ouTO) irj tl aTrXcS? <^acrl yeyovevat^ cJ? Xiav aficfyiyvoeiaOai, 
Kal ov/c elvai fiaOelv^ irorepov Aapeiov Trarrjp etre fcai aWo<; 
0VT09 irrrrjpx^v 'To-tt/o-ttt;? /c.t.X. See Gilmore, Ktesias^ p. 29. 
Both these writers therefore recognize Zoroaster, riot as a king, 
but as the founder of a religion under a king Hystaspes. Am- 
mianus does indeed identify Hystaspes (Vishtaspa, Gushtasp) 
with the father of Darius ; but Agathias properly observes that 
the Persians do not make it clear whether by the name Hystaspes 
we are to understand the father of Darius, or another Hystaspes. 

This concludes the list of classical authors that refer to Zoroaster 
as a Bactrian, or to that region as the scene of his prophetic activity. 
Let it be observed that the majority of the statements speak of 
him as a king ; this doubtless is due to confusion with King 
Vishtaspa (Hystaspes), under whom he flourished. Doubts may 
be expressed as to whether all the allusions really refer to the 
founder of the Mazdean faith ; there can be little question, how- 
ever, that the allusions are intended for him, whatever may be 
the time at which they may suppose him to have lived. 

Having thus considered the views pointing to Bactria, we may 
turn lo those suggesting the west of Iran, Media or Persia, as 
the home of the prophet. 



2. Media or Persia — Western Iran. 

The following allusions in the classics unanimously mention 
Zoroaster in connection with the west of Iran. 

Clemens Alexandrinus (A.D. 200) sometimes speaks of Zoroas- 
ter as a Mede, but sometimes as a Persian. The latter allusion 
we find in his JStromata, L 357, where he makes Pythagoras one 

VOL. XV. 29 



224: A. V. W. Jackson, 

of his followers : Zcopodarprjv Be rov M.dyov tov Tl^p<rffv 6 
Ilv0ay6pa<; i^i]\(oa€v. The accuracy of the statement in re- 
gard to Pythagoras is of course extremely questionable. See 
Windischmann, Zoroastriche Studien^, 263. On another occasion 
Clemens identifies Zoroaster with Er, the son of Armenius, a 
Pamphylian. This would place Zoroaster in Asia Minor. See 
Windischmann, Zor, Stud., p. 273 note, referring to Stromata, 
V. 711, o S' avro^ {TLXdrcov) iv t^ heKcirtp Tri^ irokLreia^ 'Hpo9 
ToO ^Apfieviov, TO 7eVo9 Ilafi(l>v\ov fidfivrjraiy 8? ioTi Zopo- 
darpf)^ (sic)* auT09 701)1/ ZtOpocurrpi)^ ypdifyer TdSe avveypa^^v 
ZopodoTpTf^ 6 ^Apfieviov to 7^09 Ildfi(f)v\o^ #c.t.X. 

Pliny the Elder (A.D. 23-79), in his MisL Nat, xxx. 1, 2, makes 
Zoroaster's native land even further west, in Proconessus, the 
island in the Propontus. See Windischmann, Zor, JStud,yip. 299. 

Hermodoras, the disciple of Plato, quoted by Diogenes Laertes, 
Proem. 2 ad init., speaks of Zoroaster as a Persian : ZcopodoTprjp 
TOV n^parjp. 

Suidas in his Lexicon (s. v. Zcopoda-Tprj^) terms Zoroaster a 
** Perso-Median " (Jlepa-JfirfBo^ (xocfyo^). This point also is worth 
noticing. 

The Armenian Moses of Chorene (A.D. 431), i. 16, makes Zo- 
roaster a contemporary of Semiramis, and calls him *'a Magian, 
the sovereign of the Medes." See Gilmore, Ktesias^ Persika, p. 30 
note, and Spiegel, Eranische Alterthumskunde i. 682. 

Arguments have furthermore been brought forward to show 
that in the fragments that have been preserved of Berosus of 
Babylon (B.C. 250) mention is made of the name Zoroaster as a 
Median ; but whether the founder of the religion is to be under- 
stood by this remains uncertain. 

The classical references above, if viewed alone, appear on the 
surface extremely contradictory ; and from them it would se^m 
as if little could with certainty be deduced. Laying aside these 
authorities, however, recourse may now be had to the more direct 
Iranian tradition. To this may be added one or two quite ex- 
plicit statements from other Oriental, though non- Iranian sources. 
If these be carefully examined, we shall be surprised to find that 
there really is an agreement in references on the one hand to the 
field of Zoroaster's preaching, and on the other to his probable 
home. This will give us a new light in which to criticise the 
classical statements. 

B. Iranian — The Tradition. 
1. Bactria — Scene of Prophetic Career. 

A study of the Avesta shows that most of the scenes described 
in that book are to be located in eastern Iran ; in the later Persian 
epic, the Shah-Namah, also, it is in the east that Zoroaster's mis- 
sion is carried on. Tradition also has it that the prophet ended 
his life in Balkh. These points all become significant when 



Where was Zoromter^s NcMme Place? 225 

viewed in their right light. Before proceeding to draw conclu- 
sions, however, we must examine in detail what is said in the 
Avesta and other Zoroastrian works with regard to the first 
appearance of the prophet. This point is of importance. 

2. Media, Atropatene — Scene of the Prophet's Appearance. 

Turning to the Zoroastrian books themselves, we find state- 
ments which plainly lead us to infer that the prophet really first 
appeared in the west of Iran, either in Atropatene or in Media 
proper. 

The Bundahish places the home of Zoroaster in Iran Vej {Air- 
yanu Vaefah), by the rivef Darja, and adds the fact that his 
father's house stood on a mountain by that river. For instance : 

Bd. XX. 32 : Daraja rud pavan Atrdn Yejy muna^ 
mdn-l PdrQJ^a^ abtdar-l karat test pavan bar yehevund 

' The Daraja river is in Airan Vej, on a hill {bar) by which was 
the house of Porushasp, the father of Zaratusht.' See also West, 
Pahlavi Texts transl., S.B,E, v. 82. Again, 

Bd. xxiv. 15 : Daraja rud rudbdrdn rad^ mamana^ 
mdn-l abldar-l ZaratuSt pavan bdld / ZaratuSt tamman 
zdd 

* The Daraja river is the chief of exalted rivers, for the dwelling 
of Zaratusht was upon its banks ; and Zoroaster was bom there.' 
There can be little doubt that these unequivocal statements of 
the Bundahish rest upon good old tradition. The statements 
carry out in detail the lines found in the Avesta itself. In Vd. 
xix. 4, 11, we also learn that the temptation of Zoroaster by Ahri- 
man on the one hand, and the prophet's communings with Or- 
mazd on the other, took place on a mountain by the river Darja, 
where was the house of his father Pourushaspa. 

Vd. xix. 4 : darejya paiti zbarahi nmanahe PouruSas- 
pake 

*by the Darja, upon a mountain, at the home (loc. gen.) of 
Pourushaspa.' 

Vd. xix. 1 1 : peresdt ZarathuStro Ahurem Mazddm . . . 
[darejya paiti zbarahi Ahurdi vanhave vohumaidhe 
danhdno, ASdi VahiStdi, KhSathrdi Vairydi, Spentaydi 
Armatee] 

. 'Zoroaster questioned Ahura Mazda . . . upon the hill by the 
Darja, praying to Ahura Mazda, the good, who is endowed 
with good, to Asha Vahishta, Khshathra Vairya, and Spenta 
Armaiti.' 

The reference to the * hill,' Av. eftaraA (Skt. hvdras, Phi. bdr 
Bd. XX. 32), is quite in accord with the tradition that Zoroaster 
retired to a mountain for meditation : cf. Vd. xxii. 19 : gairlm avi 
spefltd-frasndOy vareSem avi spento-frasndo *• toward the mountain 



226 A. F. W. Jackson, 

of the holy communion, toward the forest of the holy communion.' 
Similarly elsewhere (see below) reference is made to Zoroaster's 
communings upon a mountain. Such prophetic meditations are 
thoroughly Oriental. 

This river Darja we may perhaps localize ; it may be identical 
with the river Darya, which flows from Mount Savellan (Sebilan) 
in Adarbijfin (Atropatene) into the Aras or Araxes. So also Dar- 
mesteter, Zend-Avesta transl., S,B,E. iv., Introd. p. xlix. For 
the Aras (Araxes) see de Harlez, Avesta traduit, p. viii, map, and 
Phillip and Son's (London) map of Persia. If this identification 
be correct, the ancient Darja was in Media Atropatene. 

Another explicit, although late and non-Iranian, tradition con- 
necting Zoroaster with the region of Atropatene is found in Kaz- 
wini. In this Arabic writer, Zoroaster is associated with Shiz, 
the capital of Atropatene. Consult Darmesteter, 2k?id'Avesta 
transl., S,B,J^, iv., Introd. p. xlix, where Rawlinson's identifica- 
tion of Shiz with Takht-i Suleiman is noted. The passage from 
Kazwini (quoted from Rawlinson) reads : " In Shiz is the fire- 
temple of Azerekhsh, the most celebrated of the Pyraea of the Magi ; 
in the days of the tire-worship, the kings always came on foot, 
upon pilgrimage. The temple of Azerekhsh is ascribed to Zera- 
tusht, the founder of the Magian religion, who went, it is said, 
from Shiz to the mountain of Sebilan, and, after remaining there 
some time in retirement, returned with the Zend-Avesta, which, 
although written in the old Persian language, could not be under- 
stood without a commentary. After this he declared himself to 
be a prophet." Thus far Kazwini. 

The account here given, we observe, tallies accurately with the 
statements and suggestions made immediately above. In the 
Avesta, as above quoted, it was on a hill by the river Darja that 
Zoroaster communed with God. The hill (zharah) or mountain 
(gairi) thus referred to by the Avesta would answer to Kazwini's 
Mount Sebilan ; the proposed identification of the Avestan Darja 
with the modern river Darya w^ould be confirmed, as this latter 
river flows from Mt. Sebilan into the Aras. 

For the regron of Atropatene speaks also the authority of 
Yaqtit (see Spiegel, Kranische Alterthuinskunde^ i. 684), who, like 
Abulfeda, j)oints to the town of Ururaia as the native place of 
Zoroaster. See also foot-note below% p. 231. 

At this point we must furthermore take up the tradition which 
directly connects the opening of Zoroaster's prophetic career 
with Airyana Vaejali or Iran Vej. This land is often regarded 
as mythical ; it may originally have been so, but there is good 
reason for believing that the fact of the later localization of this 
region in the west of Iran points to the common belief that Zoro- 
aster originally came from that direction. The Bundahish xxix, 
12 connects Iran Vej directly with Atropatene : A'tran Vej pavan 
Jcdst-l Atard-pdtakdn. The river Darja, near which stood the 
house of Zoroaster's father, is especially stated in Bd. xx. 32 to 
have been in Iran Vej. In the Avesta, moreover, Zoroaster is 



Where was Zoroaster^ s Native Place? 227 

familiarly called "the renowned in Airyana Vaejah": Ys. ix. 14, 
STiUd airyene vaejahe. The prophet is there also represented as 
offering sacrifice in Airyana Vaejah by the river Diiitya : Yt. v. 
1 04 ; ix. 25 ; xvii. 45, airyene vaejahi vafihuydo ddityaydo. In 
the later Persian Zartusht-Namah — see Wilson, Parsi Religion, 
p. 491 — it is the waters of the Daiti that Zoroaster crosses in a 
miraculous manner after he has had the vision of the conflict with 
the demons and of the final conversion of Medyo-mfih. After 
passing Daiti, he receives the visions of God (with which com- 
pare 18. xliii. 3-15), and thence he proceeds to King Vishtaspa. 
The Daitya was perhaps a border stream ; it is to be remembered 
that it was on the other side of it (cf. pasne, Yt. xvii. 49) that 
Vishtaspa sacrificed. The Bundahish likewise alludes to Zoroas- 
ter's first offering worship in Iran Vej, and receiving Medyo-mah 
as his first disciple : 

Bd. xxxii. 3 : ZaratvHty amatas din dmtlvand, fratutn 
den Airdn Vej frdj yast parswid ; Medydk-mdh din 
minaS niekadlund 

'Zoroaster, when he brought the religion, first celebrated worship 
in Airan Vej, and Medyok-mfih received the religion from him.' 
Cf. Justi, Bundahish, p. 79, and West, Pahlavi Texts transl., 
S.B.E, v. 141. This Medyok-mah is the Maidhyo-mah of the 
Avesta, Yt. xiii. 95 ; Ys. li. 19, the cousin of Zoroaster ; and he 
seems to have been a man of influence. That he was the prophet's 
first disciple is distinctly recognized also by the Avesta, Yt. xiii. 
95 : yd paoiryo Zarathustrdi mdthrenica ghSta sdsndosca. 

All these traditional Oriental allusions are unanimous in placing 
Zoroaster in Adarbijan or Media Atropatene. There is yet another 
passage drawn from the Avesta that connects his name with 
Ragha (Rai) in the same region, or more particularly in Media, 
properly so called. This allusion is in the Pahlavi version of Vd. 
1. 16. The Avesta text reads : . 

dvadasem a^sanhamca soithrandmca vahiStem frdth- 
weresem azem yd ahuro mazddo, Pag ham thrizantdm 
[yaedhanho no it uzois {dahdkdi)\ 

*A8 the twelfth, I created Ragha of the three races.' The Pahlavi 
commentary adds 'triple-raced Rak, of Ataro-patakan (Atropa- 
tene) ; some say it is Rai ; ... some say Zarattist belonged there.' 
This connection of the name of Zoroaster with Ragha is also 
given elsewhere in the Avesta. In Ys. xix. 18, mention is made 
of the five lords, " the lord of the house, the village, the province, 
and the country, and the Zarathushtra as the fifth." By Zara- 
thuStro pukhdhOy a high-priest or Iranian pope is apparently in- 
tended. This order of lords holds good for all countries ** except 
the Zarathushtrian Ragha." "The Zarathushtrian Ragha has 
four masters, the master of the house, the village, the province, 
and the Zarathushtra as the fourth " : 



228 A. V. W. Jackson, 

ddnhdfn dahyundm ydo any do Rajoit 2jarathushtrdit. 
Cathru-ratus Ragha Zarathushtris, Kaya ainhdo rair 
avof Nmdnyasca, vlsyasca^ zantumasca, ZarathuStro 
tuiryo. 

This reference, in addition to the Pahlavi just above quoted, at 
least shows plainly that Ragha (Raji) must have been the chief 
seat of the religious government, the papal see. In like manner, 
Yaqtlt, cited by Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta transL, S,B.JS,y iv. p. 
xlviii, describes a celebrated fortress in the province of Rai, which 
was the stronghold of the Zoroastrian high -priest. If Ragha was 
indeed the "Zoroastrian Ragha," and enjoyed such religious 
prominence, it must have been because of Zoroaster's connection 
with it in some way or other. What was this connection ? 

The direct Iranian tradition, we have seen, connects Zoroaster's 
birth and the opening of his career with the west of Iran ; but 
how shall we account for his name being associated first with 
Atropatene and then with the Median Rai ? The solution of the 
difficulty may be found. An interesting allusion cited from 
Shahristani by Hyde, HisL Relig. vet Pers.^ p. 298, seems to have 
been overlooked ; it apparently contains the key to the problem. 
Hyde, in referring to the Magi, quotes a passage from Shahristani, 
rendering it thus : hi (inquit Shahristani) fuerunt Asseclae rov 

Zerdusht Sapientis filii Purshasp^ qui apjyaruit tempore s»ftM>UL&o 
Hysiasp, Ex regione Aderbayagjan fuit Pater efus, et ex urbe 
^s Rey orta eat Mater, cujus nomen fuit m(\^i> Doghdu, Here 

we have a new clew, and apparently the answer to the question 
why Zoroaster's name should be connected with both places. 
Zoroaster's mother, as the tradition has preserved, was from Rai ; 
his father was a native of Atropatene (Adarbijan). In the lattei 
region Zoroaster probably was born, and he seems to have spent 
there the first part of his life, probably by the river Darja. It 
was there his religious meditations began. That accounts for his 
name being associated with all this territory, Urumiah, Shiz, 
Mount Sebilan. His connection with Ragha may furthermore 
be plausibly explained. 

There is great reason to believe that if, as seems most likely, 
Zoroaster was born in Atropatene, he was drawn toward the im- 
portant city of Ragha, somewhat perhaps as Christ went to Jeru- 
salem. This would be natural if we remember Shahristani's 
statement, just above, connecting his mother's family with Ragha. 
Let us again consult the tradition, and bring its allusioris, wherever 
possible, to honor. In the Zartusht-Nfimah, while much is purely 
legendary, there is also much tliat is based on good foundation. 
The book itself claims to be founded on old Pahlavi works. In 
the narrative there given we are told that Zoroaster was thirty 
years of age when he began his ministry. He apparently leaves 
his native land, presumably Atropatene if the above views be 
correct, for " his heart was directed to Iran," See Wilson, Parai 



Where w(i8 Zoroaster^ s Native Place f 229 

Heligiony p. 490. He sets out, as described in the narrative, with 
a company of followers, crosses a sea, journeys during the month 
of Spenddrmat (February), and on the last day of the month he 
finds himself upon the confines of Iran. It is there that he has 
the vision that Medyo-mah will receive his religion, and he dreams 
of the army of demons from the east. It is with this point we 
may connect Zoroaster's first attempt at preaching in Ragha. 

If the view here adopted be correct, the vision of the army of 
demons may have been a forecast of Zoroaster's ill success at first 
in Ragha and elsewhere — misfortune, however, that was destined 
ultimately to turn out successfully and in victory. There is good 
reason for believing that Zoroaster's teaching did not at first meet 
with success. The statement of Zad-sparam (see West, Pahlavi 
TextSy transl., 8.B.E, v. 187) would carry out this view. It is there 
noted that during the first ten years Zoroaster obtained one dis- 
ciple, Medyok-mah. This might apply well to Ragha. 

A polemical allusion to Ragha, as shrewdly suggested by Geld- 
ner, K.Z. xxviii. 202-203, is perhaps to be found in the Gathas, 
Ys. liii. 9. Unfortunately the passage is not quite clear, and the 
reading of the text is somewhat uncertain. Manuscript authority, 
however, gives the following text (Ys. liii. 9) : 

duzvarendU vaeSo rdsti toi nareplS rajlS 

aeSasd dej'tt-aretd peSo-tanvo 

ku aSavd ahurd, yd %§ jydtevJ^ hemithydt vaae-itdiScd 

ku mazdd tavd khSathrem yd erezejyoi ddhl drigaove vahyo f 

This may provisionally be rendered (cf . Geldner, loc. cit.) : * To 
the evil-believers hell (lit. poison, i. e. of hell) belongs. Those 
man-banishing(?) Raghians, . . . the unrighteous {dejtf-aretd), are 
accursed (peSo-tayivo) ! Where is the righteous one, O Ahura, 
who will deprive them of their life and freedom ? Where is that 
kingdom of thine, O Ahura, by which thou wilt give to the 
right-living man, though poor, the best reward ?' The text and 
the passage, as stated, are obscure ; but there certainly seems to 
be contained in it the reminiscence of an imprecation against 
the Raghians, the generation of vipers that shall not escape dam- 
nation. This Capernaum, though now exalted, shall be thrust 
down to hell. Cf. St. Luke x. 15, St. Matthew xi. 30 ff. 

Zoroaster, cast out from Ragha in Media, may have turned to 
Bactria, where at last he was received by King Vishtaspa. Ac- 
cording to the Zartusht-Numah, Zoroaster seems to have jour- 
neyed for a month or so, after his first vision of the army of 
fiendB, and then to have crossed the Daiti, which, according to 
the suggestion above (p. 227), appears to have been a border river. 
There he receives the visions of God and the archangels, before 
proceeding to Balkh. The, book of Zad-sparam (cf. West, Pah- 
lavi TextSy transl., v. 187) allows two years to have elapsed from 
the time of Medyo-miih's conversion to the time that Zoroaster 
won Vishtaspa over to the faith. The latter event, it assumes, 



230 A. V. W. Jackson, 

took place twelve years after Zoroaster had entered upon his 
ministry. AH this is consistent with the idea of wandering and 
meditation, when we take into account also the thousand or more 
miles that separated Balkh from Atropatene and Ragha. 

Assuming the supposition to be true that Zoroaster originated 
in Atropatene and was then drawn toward Ragha, but thence 
rejected, how are we to reconcile with this curse against the 
Raghians (Ys. liii. 9) the fact that the same city became the 
acknowledged head of the Zoroastrian faith ? A solution may be 
offered. It is not at all impossible that, after success was won in 
in the east, in Bactria, a religious crusade was begun toward 
the west, especially against Ragha. Hystaspes himself may 
have joined in the movement ; his name is sometimes mentioned 
in connection with Media ;* and, according to the Shah-Namah, 
his son Isfendiyar promulgated the faith of Zoroaster in several 
countries. Ragha, we can imagine, may have been among these ; 
and we may suppose that this Jerusalem — if we may with all 
reverence adopt the phrase of our own Scriptures — the city which 
had stoned the prophet, at last received and blessed him that 
came in the name of Ormazd. Ragha was at last glad to claim 
Zoroaster (Ys. xix. 1 8) as its head. 

The assumption of the reminiscence of a severe struggle against 
unbelief, and of a change of heart in the people, would make clear 
why heresy aghemca upard-vimandhlm as the counter-creation of 
Ahriman, should be so markedly associated with Ragha, Vd, i. 
16 ; and it would explain why the scholiast in the Pahlavi ver- 
sion of the passage should add the saving clause, vaedhanho noit 
uzolSj Ragha belongs no longer to heresy, but to the faith. It 
has become the " Zarathushtrian Ragha." 

Ri'surat*. — If the above views be correct, Zoroaster indeed arose 
in the west, most probably somewhere in Atropatene. He then 
presumably went to Ragha, but, finding this an unfruitful field, 
turned at last to Bactria, where the prophet was destined no 
longer to be without honor. He met with a powerful patron in 
the king ; church and state became one. From Bactria, the now 
organized state-religion spread back towards Media ; thence down 
to Persia. 

It can hardly be said that thus to reconcile the conflicting 
statements is begging the question ; authority can be given for 

* In the Yatkiir-i Zariran, ed. W. Geiger, Sitz. haver, Akad., 1890, p. 50, 
there also lurks, j)erhaps, in the words HutOs-i Jtajur^ an allusion to 
Ragha ; and from them it might possibly be suggested that Vishtaspa's 
interest in Media was i)artly through liis marriage, as well as on politi- 
cal grounds. If there is such an allusion to Hutaosa^s having come 
from Ragha, we might i)erhap8 conjecture that the new prophet Zoro- 
aster was originally attracted from Ragha to Balkh through tne queen'« 
alliance. Let us then rec^iU Augustine in connection with Emma and 
iEthelbert. But the passage requires further study before mere fanciful 
conjectures are made, es|>ecially in the light of some apparently con- 
tradictory passages in the Avesta and the Zartusht-NSmah. 



Wh^re was Zoroaster^ s Native Plaice ? 231 

every point that has been made. All the difficulties disappear. 
The references, to Bactria in the Avesta and in the classics are 
quite correct ; there was the scene of the great teacher's activity. 
The references to Media in the classics and in the tradition are 
equally correct ; Media in its broadest sense was the original 
home of the prophet ; thence came the priests, for there, as Mar- 
cellinus xxiiL 6 later tells us, were " the fertile fields of the Ma^i." 
The hint, moreover, that Zoroaster after the conversion of Vish- 
taspa visited his own native land again, but was at last murdered at 
Balkh in Bactria, is furthermore given according to tradition also 
by Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta^ i. 2, p. 52 ; ii. p. 807-808, 
Index. The latter fact about Zoroaster's death may not have 
been untrue. 

The conclusion arrived at is that, though Zoroaster originally 
came from the west, he taught and elaborated his religion in 
Bactria ; its blossoms later bore fruit in the west. The uphold- 
ers of each side of the much-mooted question are in part right, 
and yet in part wrong ; the horns of the dilemma are at last 
united, the question is at last solved. Honor to the tradition 
where honor is due.* 



APPENDIX. 

Av. vaedhanho noit uzoiS Vd. i. 16. 

In the Avestan account of the creation and counter-creation by 
Ormazd and Ahriman, the text at Vd. i. 16 reads : 

dvadasemc^anhdm Sdithrandmca vahiUem frdthwere- 
sem azem yd aJiuro mazdao ragham thrizafltum [vaed- 
hanho ndit uzdiS'\; aat ahe paitydrem frdkerefitat anro 
niainyuS pouru-mahrko aghemca upard-vlmandhlm, 

'As the twelfth, the best of regions and of places, I Ahura 
Mazda, created triple-raced Ragha [of ....]. Then as a coun- 
ter-creation the baneful Angra Mainyu created also the evil of 
excessive skepticism.' 

The words vaedhanho noit uzoU are apparently a gloss ; the 
Pahlavi version does not render them. They have excellent man- 
uscript authority, however, and there must have been some good 
reason for adding them. As yet they seem not to have been sat- 
isfactorily explained. A suggestion may perhaps tentatively be 
put forward. 

* Mr. A. Yobannan writes me that at a place about a mile from his 
home in Oroomiah there is a pile of ashes from the fire-worshipers, and 
that the place is generally admitted by the people to have oeen the 
abode of iieradusht. 

VOL. XV. 80 



232 A. V. W. Jackson. 

In codex K, the word dahcikdi is added after uzoiS, This ad- 
dition is of no value, however, as dahdkdi is evidently due only 
to a mistake occasioned hy the resemblance in sound between 
uzois and azois. The manuscript in fact itself has the word 
afterwards stricken out. See notes on the variants in SpiegePs 
edition of the texts, ad loo. We may therefore dismiss aahdkdi 
without consideration. There remain vaedhanho and uzoiS still 
to be interpreted. 

The genitive vaedhanho comes evidently from a stem vaedhah. 
An identification with Skt. vedhds adj. subst., from Skt. ^vidh 
' worship, serve, piously honor,' at once suggests itself. On the 
usage of the root, see the Petersburg Lexicon, s. v. The word 
Av. vaedhah is probably best taken as a neuter substantive. Its 
meaning would be * worship, service, piety.' To the same radical, 
Skt. vidhy belongs also the familiar form Av. nivaedhayemi in 
the invocation of the Yasna sacrifice. Perhaps also here the 
form Av. vaethdhu. The root requires further investigation, 
however. 

For the unexplained uzoiS I would also suggest a connection 
with the secondary root in Skt. ujh * forsake, abandon,' cf. Whit- 
ney, Skt. Grant, Verb Supplement s. v. The signification of iizi 
would be * apostasy, heresy, backsliding.' For the religious sense 
compare also Skt. brahrndjjfiatd. 

The gloss vaedhanho nolt uzoi^y as an added attribute of ra- 
ghdm thrizantfwiy becomes full of meaning. Viewed in the light 
of the above (p. 230), we may well believe that Ragha, which 
had cast out Zoroaster, may have been a hot-bed of heresy, 
uparO'Vlmanohlm^ the creation of Ahriman, in opposition to its 
being the chosen spot (vahUtem) of God. In the ultimate tri- 
umph of the faith, it became the chief seat of the Zoroastrian 
religion. The scholiast, therefore, in adding vaedhanho noit 
vzois^ is anxious to assure us of the triumph ; the city is not alone 
' triple-raced Ragha,' but also Ragha * of the faith, not of heresy.' 
The attribute, moreover, emphasizes the distinction from Ahri- 
man's upard-vlmandhmi. It carries out more perfectly the dual- 
istic system. The passage thus is interesting from the historical 
point of view as well as from that of text-criticism. 



ARTICLE VIII. 



EXTRACTS FROM THE 

JAIMINTYA-BRAHMANA AND UPANISHAD 

BRAHMANA, 

PARALLEL TO PASSAGES OF THE 

gATAPATHA-BRAHMANA AND CHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD. 

By Dr. HANNS OERTEL, 



INBTHUOTOB IN TALK UNITE R8ITV. 



Presented to the Society April 23d, 1892. 



The manuscripts from which the transHterated copy was 
made on which the text of the following extracts is based have 
been briefly described by Professor Whitney in the Proceedings 
for May, 1883 (Journal, vol. xi., p. cxliv ff.). The first two ex 
tracts are found in the Brahmana proper, while the rest belongs 
to the Upanishad-BrShmaQa, of which only the Kena-lTpanishad 
( = iv. 10. 1-4) has thus far been published. The text and a 
translation of the first piece were privately printed by Buniell 
in 1878.* As Burnell at that time was unable to make use of 
the readings of the complete MS. A (see his note, /. c, p. tJ), 
and as his translation was in many points unsuccessful, it is 
thought not superfluous to print here an emended text and 
translation of this interesting version of tlie Bhrgu-legend, 
together with the var. lect., wnich may, at the same time, give 
an idea of the condition of the text the MSS. offer. 

The remaining extracts furnish valuable parallels to pas- 
sages of the 9fttapatha-Brahmai:ia and Chandogya-Upanishad : 
viz. — 



* A Leqend from the Talavakdra or Jaiminlya Brahmana of the Sd- 
maveda, by A. C. BurDell. Mangalore. Printed at the Basel Mission 
Press. 1878. pp. 40, 24mo. (Of this only 50 copies were struck off.) 
Reprinted in Atti del Congreaao IntemazioncUe aegli Orientalisti, Fi^ 
renze. 1881. Vol. ii. pp. 97-111. 



234 n. Oertel,, 

II. is closely similar to ^B. xi. 6. 3 (cf. also xiv. 6. 1, 9 ; Byh, Ar. 
Up. iii. 9) ; 

in. 1-3 are different versions of the same legend : cf. Chfmd. 
Up. i. 2 and ()B, xiv. 4. 1 (Brh. Ar. Up. i. 3) ; 

IV. corresponds to Chand. Up. iii. 16 ; 

V. is parallel to Chand. Up. iv. 16 ; 

VI. gives the same story as Chand. Up. iv. 3. 

Finally, I wish to express my thanks to Professor Whitney 
for his kind assistance throughout this work. 

I. ToK Story op Bhrgu (JB. i. 42-44). 

Bhrgur ha tmrunir^ anucdna dsa,^ sa hd Hy eva piiaram 
niens Hi devdn aty anydn^ brdhmandn anUcdndn.* sa ha varwia 
tksdih cakre^ na* vat me putrah klmcana prajdndti, hantdi ^nam 
prajndpaydm* Hi. tasya ha prdndn abhijagrdha, sa ha tatdma,^ 
sa ha tdntahparam lokamjagdma, sa hd ^mmmin loka djagdma, 
pwnisa eva purusarh^ sarhvr^yd* Hhdi ''nam jaghdsa. sa ho 
^vdcd *bhud bate^* ^dam kim svid idam iti. tarn ho '*'*cuh pitaram 
varuriam prcchdsi.^^ sa^* ta idam pravakte Hi. dvitiyam hd 
^Ifagdma. purusa eva pnrusam dkrandayantarn jaghdsa.^* sa 
ho ^vdcd^* ^bhud bate ^dam kiih svid idam iti. tarn ho ^^cuh 

m 

pitara^h varunam prcchdsi. sa ta idam pravakte Hi. trtlyam 
hd ^]fagdma. purusa eva purusaiW* tusnlm avydharantam" 

Translation. 

Bhrgu, Varuna's son, was a student. He thought himself 
above his father, above the gods, above the other Brahman- 
students. Varuna considered : " Not indeed doth my son under- 
stand anything whatever. Come now, I will make him under- 
stand." He seized on his breaths. He (B.) fainted. Having 
fainted, he went to the other world. He arrived in yonder 
world. A man, having cut a man into pieces, then devoured him. 
He said : " Ah ! hath this been ! What is this ?" They said to 
him : " Ask thy father Varuna, he will explain this to thee." 

He came to a second. A man devoured a man [who was] 
crying out. He said: "Ah! hath this been? What is this?" 
They said to him : "Ask thy father Varuna, he will explain this 
to thee." 

He came to a third. A man devoured a man who in silence 
did not speak. He said : " Ah ! hath this been ? What is this ?" 
They said to him : " Ask thy father Varuna, he will explain this 
to thee." 



^ A. vd vCtrunir. * So B. ; A. anucdna dhasa ; G. anucdndsi. *A. 

anydt, * B.C. ananu-, * B. cake, * So all MSS. • A. praJHap-, ^ 0. 

tatarii, » A. purusa, » B.C. safhvf^d. '• Cjavydsa. " C. bane. " A. 

Pfchd. '3 C. cm. '^ C.javdsa. " A. cm. *hhud .... pravakte ti. '• A. 
cm. *" B. tu^iiim t^ijah-. 



JdiminvycL-BrdhmaTia and Upwnishad^Brdhmana, 235 

jaghasa,^* sa ho ^vdcd ^bhiid bate ^darh Mm avid idam iti, taih 
ho ^^ctih pitaram varunam prcchdsi, sa ta idam pratmkte HL 
catartharh hd ^'^jagdm.a. dve striydti mahad viUath jugupatuh, 
sa ho hulcu ''bhud bate ^dam kim svid idam iti, tarn ho ^''cuh 

• 

pitaraiW* varunam prcchdsi. sa ta idam pravakte Hi, panca- 
mam'* hd ^Ifagdma. lohitakulydrh^^ ca ghrtakulydm^^ ca prabd- 
huk*^ st/andamdne, sd** yd lohitakulyd** sa tdrh krsno nagnah 
puruso** mtisall jugopd Hha yd ghrtakulyd** tasydi hiranmaydh 
purnsd^'' hiranmaydip''* camasdis^* sarvdn kdmdn udacire,*^ sa 
ho ^vdcd** ^bhUd bate ^dam kim svid idam iti. tarn ho ^'*cuh 
pitaram varunam prcchdM, sa ta idam pravakte Hi. sastham*'* 
hd '^''jagdma. paflca nadih puskariruh pundarlkimr madhuda' 
kds** syandamdnd/i.** tdsu nrttagltam vlndghoso ^psarasdrh gauds 
surabhir^* gandho mahdn ghoso babhUva. sa ho ^vdcd ^bhad 
bate ''dam kim svid idam iti. tarn ho '*''cuh pitaram varunam 
prcchdsi.** sa ta idam pravakte*^ Hi. \\4^\\ ' 

sa ha tata evd ^^vavrte. sa ha vanmam evd ^^jagdma. tarn 
ho ^vdcd ^''gds** tdtaS** ity dgdm tate Hi. *^adar^as tdtHS ity 
adar^arh tate*^ Hi.*^ **ki7h tdtdS** iti. purusa eva punisaih sam- 
vrpcyd** Hhdi ^nam aghud^* ity om iti ho ^vdca. ye*'' vd asmin** 



He came to a fourth. Two women watched a large property. 
He said : " Ah ! hath this been ? What is this ?" They said to 
bim : " Ask thy father Varuna, he will explain this to thee." 

He came to a fifth. A river of blood and a river of ghee 
[were] flowing side by side. As for the river of blood, a black 
naked man with a club watched it ; and as for the river of ghee, 
from it golden men with golden cups drew up all desires. He 
said: ''Ah! hath this been? What is this?" They said to 
him : " Ask thy father Varuna, he will explain this to thee." 

He came to a sixth. Five rivers [were] flowing, with blue 
lotus and white lotus, with honey as water. In them there was 
dancing and singing, the sound of lutes, crowds of Apsarases, 
fragrance, a great noise. He said : " Ah ! hath this been ? 
"What is this?" They said to him : "Ask thy father Varuna, he 
will explain this to thee." 

He returned from there. He came to Varuna. He (V.) said 
to him (B.) : " Hast thou come, my son ?" "I have come, father." 

" C. javydsa ; A. om. sa ho *vdcd pravakte Hi. ^* A. pitaraih 

ca, om. vaninaih pravakte Hi. ^ A. pancama. ** So 0. ; A.B. 

rohit' ; all B4SS. -kulydrh. « C. pravdha ; A.B. prabahu. " r. ga. •* So 
A. ; B.C. 'kaiy-. ** A. puru^o puni^o. ** All MSS. -kiily-. *' C. om. hi- 
ranmaydJi piiru^d ; B. hirar^maydma pu-. '*• B.C. hiranyaydig. *• A. 
camasdi. ^ An anomalous form ; B.C. udatnre. " A. om. ^hhud .... 
pravakte Hi. *" A i}ai}taih. " A. vadhii1},kd; B.C. madhudakd, ** A. sya- 
dathnidndfi. " So all MSS. ** A. pracchasi; B.C. pracchdsi. " A. pra- 
vakta. 3* A.C. ga ; B. haihs. ^^ B.C. tatdS ; A. om. here the 3, as do all 
MSS. below. *• A. om. adargaa .... ity. •»» All MSS. tahte. *- C. ta. 
** A. om. kith .... iti. ** B.C. tate Hi. ** B.C. sathvrgd; A. saiiivrinf^* 
*« A. vad: B. aghasad; C. vyad. ^^ All MSS. evd. ♦'^ A. 'smin. 



236 H. Oertd, 



;%«t 



loke ^gnihotram ajuhvato ndi ^vamvido vanaspatln 8amvr^cy& 
''bhyadadhati^^ tdn*^ vd amusmin loke vanaspaiayah pttrtisarHpam 
krtvd pratyadanti, tasya kd niskrtir^^ iti. yaddi** 'vat** Uat 
samidham abhyddadhdti «a'* taaya niskrtis** tayd tad atimu- 
cyata^'' iti, kim dvitlyam iti, purusa eva purusam dkrandayan- 
tarn aghad*^ ity oia iti ho ^vdca. ye** vd **asmin loke agnihotram 
ajuhvato ndi ^vamvidah** pagun dkrandayatah^^ pacante** tan 
vd** amusmin** loke papavah purusaruparh krtvd pratyadanti, 
tasya kd Jiiskrtir** iti. yaddi*^ ^vdi Had vdw purvdm^* dhutim 
juhoti 8d tasya niskrtis tayd** tad atimucyata iti, kim trtlyam 
iti. purusa eva purusani'* tusnlm avydharantairC^ aghacT* ity 
om iti ho ^vdca. ye''* vd ''^asmin loke agnihotram ajuhvato ndi 
^vamvido vrlhiyavdns'* tilsnlm''* avydharata/C* pacante tdn vd^* 
amusmin''* loke vrlhiyavd//* purusarupam krtvd pratyadanti. 
tasya kd 7iiskrtir iti. yaddi** huH Han manaso Htardm** dhutim 
juhoti sd tasya niskrtis*^ tayd tad cUimucyata iti. kim cattirtham 
iti. dve striydu mahad^* vittam ajugupatam** ity om iti ho 
'*vdca. praddhd ca vdi** te ap'addhd** cd ^bhutdm.*'' ys vd asmin** 
loke Agnihotram ajuhvato ndi ^vamvido ^^addadhdnd** yc^ante** 

"Hast thou seen, my son ?" "I have seen, father." " What, my 
son ?" " A man, having cut a man into pieces, then devoured 
him." " Yes," he (V.) said ; " those who in this world, not 
offering the agnihotra^ not knowing thus, put forest-trees into 
the sacrificial fire, having cut them down, those the trees, having 
taken human form, eat in their turn in yonder world." " What 
expiation is there of this ?" " When one thus puts fuel into the 
sacrificial fire, that is its expiation ; thereby that is avoided." 

" What second ?" ** A man devoured a man [who was] crying 
out." " Yes," he (V.) said ; " those who in this world, not offer- 
ing the agnihotra^ not knowing thus, cook for themselves animals 
which cry out, those the animals, having taken human form, eat 
in their turn in yonder worhl." " What expiation is there of 
this ?" " When one offers the first oblation with the voice, that 
is its expiation ; thereby it is avoided." 

"What third?" "A man devoured a man who in silence did 
not speak." " Yes," he (V.) said ; " those who in this world, not 
offering the agnihotra, not knowing thus, cook for themselves 



^»B.C. samvr^cd. »" A. 'bhyafidadhati; B.C. -dhdti. "A. tan. ** A. 
nikrtir. *» B.C. yade. " A. \a. '•' A. om. ^« B.C. nikrtis, " A. avi- 
mu-. ^'' A. nvad ; B. aghad: agha^ad sec. man. ; C. oghn ty. "A. e. 

^ A. om. asniin 'I'^ariim. **' A. -da. ** B.C. nkj^'ida-. *• B. pa- 

vate; (^;. piJbaiite. ** A. vo. «^ B.C. 'mnsmin. ** A. nikftir. *' B.C. yade. 
•** A. purvam. *• A. tada. ■<> A.B. purusa, *" B.C. vydhar-. '* A. agham; 
B. aahasaniy aghasad sec. man. : C. ajaghandad. " B.C. e. "** A. om. 

a^mtn "vaTiivi. " B.C. vrhiy-. "• B.C'. ku^niih. " B.C. vyCih-. 

'» B.C. c<5. "^^ B.C. 'iHu^min. »« B.C. yade. «' B.C. manaso aram, " A. 
niifkrtih. *** A. maha. ^* A. jngnpatdm ; B.C. jiigupetdm or Jugttpto. 
^ B. tdi va; C. xxii va. ®* A. ajrrdr. ^" A. 'bhiitdy. ^^ A. ^stnin. " A. 
^^radadadh-. •" So A.B. ; C. yajate. 



JdiminlyorBrdhrnana and Vpanishud-Brdhmana. 237 

tad apraddhdfh*^ gacehati yac^^ chraddadhiin(W^ tac^^ chraddham, 
t€»ya kit fiiskrtir iti, yadai*'^ ^vdi Had^* dvir angulyd prfipidti 
8<i tasya nhkrtis tayd tad atimucyata iti. || 4^ || 

kim paficamam iti, lohitahulydm^* ca ghrtakulydih ccC^ pra- 
bdhnh^'' syandamdne. sd yd loliitakulyd^^ ^bhdf* tdm krsno 
nagtiah purmo musali jugopd^^'* ^tha yd ghrtaktdyd^^^ tasydi 
hiranmaydh pur am hiranniaydi^ cama^dis sartuln kdmdn uda- 
canta ity om iti ho ^vdca. y6*°^ ra asmin^^* lake ^gnihotram ajuh- 
vato^** ndi ^vathoido hrdhmanasya lohitani^^^ utpllayantV^* «a*'' 
/?«*•' lohitaktflyd.^* atha ya endiW^^ krsno nagnah purmo musaly 
ajugnjyat krodhas 5a."° ta^'^ya tad evd ^nnam iti. tasya kd niskrtir 
i7/."* yaddi^^ \jdi Hat srucd prdpndti sd tasya niskrtis tayd tad^^^ 
atimucyata iti. atha yd etdrh^^* srucam nirnijyo^^* ^dlcir apa 
utsiUcati sd sd ghrtakulyd^^ tasydi hiranmaydh pnrusd hi- 
ranmaydi^ camasdis sarvd?i kdmdn iidacanta iti. kiih mstham, 
iti. patica nad'ih puskarinW^* pundar'ikinlr madhudakds^" sya- 

rice and barley, which in silence do not speak, those rice and 
barley, having taken human form, eat in their turn in yonder 
world." " What expiation is there of this ?" " When one offers 
the after-oblation with the mind, that is its expiation ; thereby it 
is avoided." 

"What fourth?" "Two women watched a great property." 
" Yes," he (V.) said ; " they were Faith and Non-Faith. Those 
who in this world, not offering the agnihotra, not knowing thus, 
sacrifice without faith — that [sacritice] goeth unto Non-Faith ; 
what [they sacrifice] with faith, that [goeth] unto Faith." 
"What expiation is there of this?" "When one thus tastes 
twice with a finger, that is its expiation, thereby it is avoided." 

" What fifth ?" " A river of blood and a river of ghee [were] 
flowing side by side. As for the river of blood, a black naked 
man with a club watched it ; and as for the river of ghee, from 
that golden men with golden cups draw up all desires." " Yes," 
be said. "Those who in this world, not offering the agnihotra, 
not knowing thus, press out the blood of a Brahman — that is the 
river of blood ; and the black naked man who watched it with 
a club, he is Wrath. That indeed is his food." " What expia- 
tion is there of this ?" " When one thus tastes with a sacrificial 
spoon, tliat is its expiation ; thereby it is avoided. Moreover, 
what waters one pours out toward the north, having washed that 
spoon, that is the river of ghee. From that golden men with 
golden cups draw up all desires." 



•» B.C. af^ad'. "» B.C. ya ^adda-. »« All MSS. tach. »^ A. ta dvir ; 
B.C. te dvtr. '^ A.B. rohit-; all MSS. 'kuly-. "^ A. om. ghj'takulydih ca ; 
B.C. -kuly-. »' C. prabahuka. »^ B.C. -kfUy-. »* B.C. pr. '*^ The j^erfect 
in quotation is verjr irregular. '*' B.C. -kuly-. ^^ C. yo. '^^ A. ^smin. 
'^ A. vjuhv- ; C. jujuhv-. ^°* C. lohit. ^^ C. upriyayanti. '"' A. su. 
'** B. yd. '*• C. e^dih. "® MSS. sa taayo ^tad emnnam (C. -nam) i (B. iti). 
"' A. i. »" B.C. tamad. »»=» A. eta. ^^* B.C. nirnJjyo. '"» All MSS. pu^- 
karanVj. "' All MSS.- kd. 



238 n. Oertd, 

ndamdnds tcisu nrttagltam mnaghoao ^'psarctaCim ganas sura- 
bhir^^* gafidho mahdn ghoso ^bhiid^^* ity om iti ho ^vdca. mama^^ 
vdi te lokd ahhuvan^i iti. te ketid ^bhijayyd^'*^ ity^^^ etefiai 't?a 
paficagrhliena paficonnltene Hi, sa ho ^vdca na vdi kild ^nyatrd 
^gnihotrdV** lokajityd avctkdQO ^sty^** adydi 'va me ^gnyddheya- 
syo^^^ ^pavasatha iti, tasya ha^" tathd cakruh,"\ sa ya evam 
vidvdn agnihotram juhotP** ndi ';uim amusmin loke vana^fxi' 
tayah purmarupam krtvd pratyadanti na pa^vo na vrthiyava'* 
nd ^sye \Udpurte p*addhdm cd ^^addhdm^^' ca*" gacchato ^pahate 
lohitakulydm** avarundhe ghrtakulydm,** Q 44 D 

" What sixth ?" " Five rivers with blue lotus and white lotus, 
having honey as water, [were] flowing ; in them there was 
dancing and singing, sound of lutes, crowds of Apsarases, fra- 
grance, a great noise." " Yes," he (V.) said ; " these were just 
my worlds." " By what are they to be won ?" " By this same 
that is live times dipped out, five times drawn up." He said : 
" Not indeed is there an opportunity for the conquest of worlds 
otherwise than by the agnihotra. To-day is my fast-day pre- 
ceding the building of the sacrificial fire." Thus they did for 
him. He who knowing thus offers the agnihotra, neither do the 
trees in yonder world, having taken human form, eat him in their 
turn, nor the animals, nor rice and barley ; nor do his sacrifices 
and good works go to Faith and Non-Faith. He smites away the 
river of blood ; he obtains the river of ghee. 

II. YajS^AVALKYA and the B RAHMANS OF THE KuRUPAI^CA- 

LA8 (JB. ii. 76-77). 

Janako ha vdideho bahudaksinena yajfiene 'y^. tarn tad u ha 
kurupaUcdldndm brdhmand abhisamdjagmiih, sa ha sahasram 
gavdm avarundhann^ uvdca brdhmand etd vo yo brahmisthcM sa 
udajatdni^ iti. 'sa ho \u'ica vdjasaneyo* ^rrdclr etds somye* Hi. 
tarn ho ^"^cus tvani* nu no brahmistho *«* '*ti, sa ho ^vdca namo vo 
brahmisthdyd* ^stu, gokdmd eva vayam sma iti, te ho ^^cuh ko na 

Translation. 

Janaka the Videhan offered a sacrifice provided with many 
sacrificial gifts. To him then the Brahmans of the Kurupanca- 
laa came together. He, setting apart a thousand cows, said : 
" Ye Brahmans ! Who of you is the greatest Brahman, let him 
drive these out." He, Vajasaneya, said : "[Drive] them hilher- 

"8 A. sunahhir. "» B.C. 'bhrd, »«> B.C. mamai, "> C. abhijiryya, 
'" A. jety. '" A. agnihotra. '" A. syaddi ; B. saty adydi; C. syadydi. 
'2* C. 'finadh-. '«« C. om. '"' A. ca, "^ B. juhoty anendi. »-• A. traddh-. 
'^ C. cd. 

' A. -ruhdhaihna; B.C. -rufidhdna. * A.C. ndavatdm; B. udacatdm, 
' MSS. vajaseneyo'. * So also Ch. Up. iv. 4. 4 al. — Whitney, AJPh. xi. 
412 ; B.C. sdnmye. * B.C. tan. • MSS. -thdya ^stu. 




JdirrvinlyarBrdhmaTui and Vpamishad-BrdhmaTia. 239 

imarn prcJcsyat^ Hi. 8a ho ^vdca vidagdha^* pdkalyo ^ham iti. 
tarn ha puraskrtye* ^^f/us, tarn ha pratikhydyd^* ^'*yantam ^'vdca 
tvdm avic^^ chdkalya hrdhmand tdmukdvaksayanam}^ ah^dS^* 
UL^* sa ho ^vdca yadi teno Hmukdvaksayanam^^ amah prak- 
sydmo^* nvdi tvdm" iti, tarn hapapracha kali devd ydjflavalkye 
Hi. sa ho ^vdca traya^ ca trin^ac ca traya^ ca trV* ca ^atd traya^ 
ca trV* ca sahasrd ydvanto nividd ^bhydhutd^^ iti. om iti ho 
^vdca. [katy eva devd iti. trayas trin^ad iti. om iti ho ^vdca.^^ 

11. katy eva devd iti. tray a iti. om, iti ho ^vdca, katy eva 
devd iti. dvdv iti. om iti ho ^vdca. katy eva devd iti.*^ eka iti, 
om iti ho ^vdca. 

^^katame traya^ ca trinpac ca trayap ca trl ca patd trayap ca 
trl ca sahasre '<»" mahimdna evdi ^sdm ta iti ho ^vdca. trayas 
tringad vdve Hi. kcUams trayas trinpad iti. astdu vasava ekd* 
dapa rudrd dvddapd ^''dityd indrap cdi ^va prajdpatip ca trayas- 
trinpdv iti. katatne vasava** iti. agnip ca prthivl ca vdyup cd 
^ntariksam cd ^^dityap ca dydup ca candramdp ca naksatrdni cdi 

ward, my dear !" They said to him : " Art thou now the great- 
est Brahman of us ?" He said : " Obeisance to the greatest 
Brahman of you ; we simply have a desire for the cows." They 
said : " Who of us shall question him ?" He, Vidagdha ^akalya, 
said : " I." Placing him at the head, Jihey went. Having no- 
ticed him as he came, he (Y.) said : " Have the Brahmans made 
thee an extinguisher of the torch ?"* He said : " If we therefore 
are an extinguisher of the torch, we will ask thee." He asked 
him : " How many gods are there, O Yajiiavalkya ?" He said : 
" Thirty-three and three hundred and three and three thousand 
and three ; as many as are called unto by the nivid.^^ " Yes," 
he said ; " how many gods ?" " Thirty-three." " Yes," he said ; 
" how many gods ?" " Three." " Yes," he said ; " how many 
gods ?" " Two." " Yes," he said ; " how many gods ?" " One.^' 
•' Yes," he said. 

" Who are the thirty-three and three hundred and three and 
three thousand and three?" "These are just their majesties," 
he said; "there are just thirty-three." "Who are the thirty- 
three?" "Eight Vasus, eleven Rudras, twelve Adityas, and 
Indra and Prajapati as thirty-second and thirty-third." " Who 
are the Vasus ?" "* Fire and earth and wind and atmosphere and 
sun and sky and moon and the constellations ; these are the Vasus, 

' B.C. pravak^'. * A. vidagdha. • A. purastutye. *° MSS. prativydyd 
pant-, *' A. syuch ; B.C. syuc. ** MSS. unmvk-; A. -vak^anam, " MSS. 
OAi. the S. ^* MSS. repeat after iti : tarn ha puraskftye ^^yus. tarn ha 

uvdca, '* MSS. ^hmuk-; B.C. -yanafy. " A. prak^dme ; B.C. -mo. 

" MSS. tvd ma iti. »« A. tH. " A. tra. «<> MSS. nu vido hhyahutd. 
*^ katy eva . . . ho 'vaca om. MSS. '* A. om. iti. '' katame , ... sa- 
hasre 'ti om. MSS. ** MSS. vasa. 

* tUmukdv- here and CB. xi. 6. 3. 3 = afigdrdvak^ayaiyim CB. xiv. 6. 9« 
19 (Brh. Ir. iii. 9. 18). 

VOL. XV. 81 



240 H. Oertd, 

He' vasavah, etesu hi ^darh sarvarn vam'* hitani'* itV tasmad 
vasava" iti. 

kafkme rudrd iti, da^a puruse prdnd iti ho 'vaca" ^HmCii ^kd- 
da^ah, te yado Hkrdmanto yanty atha rodayanti, tasmad rudrd 
iti. 

katama ddityd iti. dvdda^a mdsd^ samvatsarasye** Hi ho ^vd- 
cdi Ha dditydh. ete hi ^darh*^ sarvarn ddaddnd yanti.** ta&nidd 
ddityd iti. 

kcUayne traya iti ^ma eva** lokd iti. katamdu dvdv iti. ahord- 
trdv iti. katatna indrah katamah prajdpatir iti. tnig eve ^ndro 
manah prajdpatir iti. katamdi ^kd devate Hi. prdna** iti. sa ho 
^vdcd ^natiprapnydrh** vdi md devatdm atyaprdksW^ puras" tdva- 
tithyd^* martd ^si. na te parlrdni carta grhdn prdpsyanfi Hi. 
tad dha tathdi '«a" "«a. sa ha tathdi ^va fnamdra. tasya hd ^pa- 
hdrino ^nantarena** ^arirdny apajahrur*^ any an** manyamd- 
ndh. tasmad u ha no ^pavaded. api hy evarhvit paro bhavatl Hi. 

for in these all that is good {vasu) is placed ; therefore they are 
[called] Vasus." " Who are the Rudras ?" " The ten breaths in 
man," he said ; " the Self is the eleventh. When these depart, 
going out [of the body], then they cause wailing {rud) ; there- 
fore they are [called] Rudras." " Who are the Adityas ?" " The 
twelve months of the year," he said ; " for they go taking {d-da\ 
this whole [universe] ; therefore they are [called] Adityas. 
" Who are the three ?" " Just these worlds." " Who are the 
two?" "Day and night." "Who is Indra, who Prajapati?" 
"Speech is Indra, mind Prajapati." "Who is the one deity?" 
" Breath." 

He said : *'Thou hast asked me too much concerning the deity 
about whom one must not ask too much. Before such and such 
a date thou wilt die. Thy body will not at all reach home." 
And it happened thus. He died just thus. His body robbers 
carried away at once (?), thinking it to be something else. There- 
fore one should not insult [a Brahman] ; for one who has the 
true knowledge becomes his superior. 

ill. The Contest of the Gods and Asuras : 1 (JUB. i. 18.5). 

devdsurd aspardhanta. te devd mana^o ^dagdyan.^ tad esdm 
asurd abhidrutya* pdjym^and satnasrjaii,* tasmdd bahu ki?h ca 

Translation. 
The gods and Asuras contended. The gods sang the udgUha 



" A. su. 5* MSS. liltam. '' B.C. cm. iti. ^^ A. tasmac casava. *• A. 
vdvd. '^^ MSS. samxxitsara, which might be apposition. '" B.C. ida. 
^' MSS. yayanti. ^' A. eca. ^ A, prdnd. ** MSS. -praqnam. ** A. -k^. 
5" A.p uro; B.C. pure. »» B.C. 'tikthyd ; see Whit.. Gr. § 1242e. »» MSS. 
'va. ^« MSS. 'ntar-. -" A. jahHr. *« MSS. -yarii. 

' MSS. manaso 'gdyan. * MSS. abhidrakftya or -dratya. ^ MSS. 
'Srajan. 



Jdiminiya^BrdhrnaTia and Upanishad-Brdhmana. 241 

kim ca manaad dhydyati, punyam cdi ^nena dhydyati* papain ca, 
te vdco ^dagdyan. tarn tathdi ^vd ^kurvan,^ tasmdd hahu kirn ca 
kith ca vdcd vadati, satyarh* cdV ^nayd vadaty anrtam ca. te 
caksuso ^daydyan, tat tathdi ^od "^kurian. tasmdd hahu kij'n ca 
kiih ca caksmd pagyati. dar^anlyam cdi ^nena pa^yaty adar- 
^amyam ca, te ^rotreno ^dagdyan. tat tathdi 'ya ^kurvan, ta^s- 
mdd hahu kim ca kim ca ^rolrena Qriioti, i^ravanlyam cdi* ^nena 
^rnoty agravanlyam ca. te ^pdneno ^dagdyan. tarn tathai ^vd 
^kurvan. tasmdd hahu kim ca kirk cd ^pdnena jighrati. surahki 
cdi ^nena jighrati durgandhi ca, te prdneno ''dagdyan^ athd 
''surd ddravans tathd karisydma iti manyam,dnds, sa yathd 
^gmdnam rtvd lostho vidhvansetdi ^vam evd ^surd vyadhvan- 
santa.^'^ sa eso ^^md ^"^khanam^^ yat prdnah. sa yathd ^pmdfiani 

dkhanam^* rtvd lostho vidhvansata^* evam eva sa vidhvansate 

• • • • 

ya evam vidfHinsam upavadati. 

with the mind. The Asuras, running against this [mind] of 
them, combined it with evil. Therefore with the mind one 
thinks many a thing of this kind and of that ;" both [what is] 
good one thinks with it, and [what is] evil. They sang the 
udgltha with speech. That [speech] they treated in just the 
same way. Therefore with speech one speaks many a thing of 
this kind and of that ; both [what is] true one speaks with it, 
and [what is] untrue. They sang the udgltha with sight. That 
[sight] they treated in just the same manner. Therefore with 
sight one sees many a thing of this kind and of that ; both [what 
is] seemly one sees with it, and [what is] unseemly. They sang 
the udgltha with hearing. That [hearing] they treated in just 
the same manner. Therefore witn hearing one hears many a 
thing of this kind and of that ; both [what is] worth hearing one 
hears with it, and [what is] not worth hearing. They sang the 
udglth^z with exhalation. That [exhalation] they treated in just 
the same manner. Therefore with exhalation one smells many a 
thing of this kind and of that ; both fragrance one smells with 
it, and bad odor. They sang the udgltha with breath (inhala- 
tion). Then the Asuras ran against it, thinking : " We will treat 
it the same manner." As a clod of earth colliding with a stone 
would break to pieces, even so the Asuras broke to pieces.* The 
stone as a target is breath (inhalation). As a clod of earth, col- 
liding with a stone as target, breaks to pieces, even so he breaks 
to pieces who speaks ill of one who knows thus. 



* MSS. ddhydyanti, n struck out. * MSS. ^va kUrvan, * MSS. satya, 
' MSS. vdi. ® A. cm. kiiii ca. * B. udagdt. '"A. vyadhvarhsate ; B, 
vyadhvarhsaiitd. ^' MSS. ^khanorii. *- B. drj^em. '^ MSS. -te. 

* The same comparison (yathd 'cmdnani dkhanam ftvd losfho vi' 
dhvanseta) occurs again at i. 1. 7 and ii. 2. 1. . 



242 H. Oettd, 

III. 2 (JUB. ii. 1. 1). 

devandfh vai sad udgatara asan, vdk ca manap ca x^ksu^ 
ca ^otrarh cd ^pdnap ca prdnap ca, te ^dhrivanta. teno ^dgd- 
trd diksdfnahdi yend '*pahatya mrtt/um apanatya pdpmdnam 
svargam lokam iydme Hi, te ^bruvan vdco ^dgdtrd dlksdmahd iti, 
te vdco ^dgdtrd ^diksanta, aa yad eva vdcd vadati tad dtmana 
dgdyad atha ya itare kdmds tan devebhyah. tdm^ pdpmd ^nvasr- 
jyata, sa yacT eva vdcd pdpam vadati sa eva sa pdpmd. te 
*'bruvan na vdi no ^yam mrtyurh* na pdpmdnam atyavdkstt, 
manaso ^dgdtrd dVcsdm^ahd iti, te mana^o ^dgdtrd ^dlksanta, sa 
yad eva manaad dhydyati tad dtmana dgdyad cUha ya itare 
kdmds tdn devebhyah. tat pdpmd ^nvasrjyata. sa yad eva ma- 
nasd pdpam dhydyati sa eva aa pdpmd, te ^bruvan* no nvdva 
no ^yam* mrtyum* na pdpmdnam atyavdksU.* caksuso ^dgdtrd 
dlksdmahd iti. te caksuso ^dqdtrd ^diksanta. sa yad eva caksusd 

• • • fly • 9^ • • 

pa^yati tad dtmana^ dgdyad atha ya itare kdmda tdn devebhyah. 
tat pdpmd ^nvasrjyata. aa yad eva caksusd pdpam pa^yati [ Vi 
eva aapdpmd\^ te ^bruvan no nvdva no ^yam* mrtyum na pdp- 
mdnam atyavdksU. ^rotreno ^dgdtrd dlksdmahd iti, te grotreno 

Translation, 

Of the gods there were six Udgatars : viz., speech and mind 
and sight ^d hearing and exhalation and inhalation They re- 
solved : *' Let us consecrate ourselves with that Udgatar by whom, 
having smitten away death, having smitten away evil, we may 
go to the heavenly world." They said : " Let us consecrate our- 
selves with speecn as Udgatar." They consecrated themselves 
with speech as Udgatar. What one speaks with speech, that it 
sang to itself, and what the other desires are, those [it sang] to 
the gods. Evil was created after it. What evil thing one 
speaks with speech, that is that evil. They said : "This one 
hath not carried us beyond death, nor beyond evil. Let us con- 
secrate ourselves with the mind as Udgatar." They consecrated 
themselves with the mind as Udgatar. What one thinks with the 
mind, that it sang to itself, and what the other desires are, those 
[it sang] to the gods. Evil was created after it. What evil 
thing one thinks with the mind, that is that evil. They said : 
" This one hath not carried us beyond death, nor beyond evil. 
Let us consecrate ourselves with sight as Udgatar." They con- 
secrated themselves with sight as Udgatar. W hat one sees with 
sight, that it sang to itself, and what the other desires are, those 
it sang to the gods. Evil was created after it. What evil thing 
one sees with sight [that is that evil]. They said : "This one 
hath not carried us beyond death, nor oeyond evil. Let us con- 
secrate ourselves with hearing as Udgatar." They consecrated 



* MSS. tdma. « MSS. ya yad, » MSS. tyu. * A. bravin. * M8S. non- 
vanoyam. * A. avatyapdk^; B. avatyavdk^. ^ B. dtmdna, ^ sa . , . . 
pdpmd cm. MSS. 



JdirmniyOnBrdhmaTia mid [Jpanishad-BrdhmaTia. 243 

dgdtrd ^diksanta. sa yad eva ^otrena prnoti tad dtmana dgdyad 
cUha ya itare knmm tan devebhyah. tat pdpmd ^nvasryyata, sa 
yad eva ^otrena pdpam prnoti sa eva sa pdpmd, te ^bruvan 710 
nvdva no ^yam mrtyum fia pdpmdnani atyavdkslt.* apdneno 
^dgdtrd diksdmahd itL ts apdneno ''dgdtrd ''d'Jcmnta, sa yad evd 
^pdnend ^pdniti tad dtmana dgdyad atha ya itare kdmds tdn 
{ievebhyah, tarn pdpmd hivasrjyata, sa yad evd ^pdnena pdpam 
gandham apdniti sa eva sa pdpmd. te ^bruvan no nvdva no 
^yam mrtyum na pdpmdnam atyavdkslt prdrieno ^dgdtrd diksd- 
mahd iti, te prdneno ^dgdtrd ^diksanta. sa yad eva prdnena 
prdniti tad dtmana dgdyad atha ya itare kdmds tdn devebhyah. 
tarn pdpmd nd '^nvasrjyata, na hy etena prdnena pdpam vadati 
na pdpam dhydyati na pdpam pa^yati na pdpam ^rnoti na 
pdpam gandham apdniti,^^ tend ^pahatya mrtyiim^^ apahatya 
pdpmdnam svargam lokam dyan. apahatya hdi 'wa mrtyum 
apahatya pdpmdnam svargam lokam eti ya evam veda, 

themselves with hearing as Udgatar. What one hears with hear- 
ing, that it sang to itself, and what the other desires are, those 
[it sang] to the gods. Evil was created after it. What evil 
thing one hears with hearing, that is that evil. They said : " This 
one hath not carried us beyond death, nor beyond evil. Let us 
consecrate ourselves with exhalation as Udgatar." They conse- 
crated themselves with exhalation as Udgatar. What one ex- 
hales with exhalation, that it sang to itself, and what the other 
desires are, those [it sang] to the gods. Evil was created after 
it. What evil odor one exhales with exhalation, that is that evil. 
They said : " This one hath not carried us beyond death, nor 
beyond evil. Let us consecrate ourselves with breath (inhala- 
tion) as Udgiitar." They consecrated themselves with breath 
(inhalation) as Udgfitar. What one breathes with breath (inh.), 
that it sang to itself, and what the other desires are, those it sang 
to the gods. No evil was created after that. For with this 
breath (inh.) one speaks no evil thing, thinks no evil thing, sees 
no evil thing, hears no evil thing, exhales no evil odor. By it 
having smitten away death, having smitten away evil, they went 
to the heavenly world. Having smitten away death, naving 
smitten away evil, he who knows thus goes to the heavenly world 

IIL3 (JUB. ii.4.1). 

de'fdsurd samayatante Hy dhuK na ha vdi tad devdsurds sam- 
yetire. prajdpatip ca ha vdi tan mrtyu^ ea samyetdte. tasya ha 

Translation. 

They say the gods and Asuras strove together. Truly, the 
gods and Asuras did not thus strive together. Both Prajapati 

» MSS. atyapd'. '^ MSS. apariti, " MSS. mrtyunm. 



244 //. Oertd., 

prajdpater devdh priydh^ pittrd anta dsuh. te ^dhrif/anta, teno 
^dgdtrd diksdmahdi yend ^pahatya mrtyum apahatya pdpmdnam 
svargaih lokani iydme Hi, te ^hruvan vdco ^dgdtrd diksdmahd 
iti, te vdco ^dgdtrd ^diksanta. tebhya* idam vdg dgdyad yad 
idarh vdcd vadati yad idam vdcd bhufijate, tdm pdpmd ^nvasr- 
jya^a, sa yad eva vdcd pdpam vadati sa eva sa pdpmd, te 
^bruvan na vdi no ^yam mrtyum na pdpmdnam cUyavdksU* 
mana^o ^dgdtrd dlksdm.ahd iti, te manaso ^dgdtrd ^diksarUa. 
tebhya idam mana dgdyad yad idam manasd dhydyati yad 
idam manasd bhufijate, tat pdpmd ^nvaarjyata, sa yad eva ma- 
nasd pdpam dhydyati sa eva sa pdpmd, te ^bruvan no nvdva no 
^yam m.rtyum na pdpm,dnam atyavdksU, caksuso ^dgdtrd diksd- 
mahd iti, te cakstiso ^dgdtrd ^dlksanta, tebhya idarh caksur 
dgdyad yad idam caksmd papyati yad idam caksusd bhufijate. 
tat pdpmd ^nvasrjyata. sa yad eva caksusd pdpam papyati sa 
eva sa papmd, te ^bruvan no nvdva no ^yam mrtyum na pdpmd- 
7iam atyavdksU, ^otreno ^dgdtrd diksdmahd iti, te protreno 
^dgdtrd ^dlksanta, tebhya idarh protram dgayad yad idam pro- 
trena prnoti yad idarh ^otrena bhufijate, tat pdpmd ^nvasrjyata, 

and Death thus strove together. Now the gods were in the pres- 
ence (?) of this Prajfipati, [being his] dear sons. They resolved : 
"Let us consecrate ourselves with that Udgatar by whom, having 
smitten away death, having smitten away evil, we may go to 
the heavenly world," They said : " Let us consecrate ourselves 
with speech as Udgatar." They consecrated themselves with 
speech as Udgatar. Speech sang to them that which one speaks 
here with speech, whicn one enjoys here with speech. Evil was 
created after it. Just what evil thing one speaks with speech, that 
is that evil. They said : " Indeed, this [Udgatar] hath not carried 
us beyond death, nor beyond evil. Let us consecrate ourselves 
with mind as Udgatar." They consecrated themselves with 
mind as Udgatar. Mind sang to them that which one thinks 
here with the mind, which one enjoys here with the mind. Evil 
was created after it. Just what evil thing one thinks with the 
mind, that is that evil. They said : " Indeed, this [Udgfitar], too, 
hath not carried us beyond death, nor beyond evil. Let us con- 
secrate ourselves with sight as Udgatar." They consecrated 
themselves with sight as Udgatar. Sight sang to them that 
which one sees here with sight, which one enjoys here with sight. 
Evil was created after it. Just what evil thing one sees with 
sight, that is that evil. They said: ** Indeed, this [Udgatar], 
too, hath not carried us beyond death, nor beyond evil. Let 
us consecrate ourselves with hearing as Udgatar." They conse- 
crated themselves with hearing as Udgatar. Hearing sang to 
them that which one hears here with hearing, which one enjoys 
here with hearing. Evil was created after it* Just what evil 



' B. priyaya^. - A. has between te and hhya, no ^dgdtrd dlkfdmahd 
iti, which is struck out in red. ' MSS. avaty-. 



Jdi/minvyorBrdhrnana and ITpwrmhad-Brdhmana. 245 

sa yad eva p'otrena papam ^rnoti sa eva aa pdpmd. te ^bruvan 
no nvdva no ^yam mrtyum* na pdpmdnam atyavdkslt, ^prdneno 
^dgdtrd dlksdmahd iti, te prdneno ^dgdtrd ^dlksanta, tebhya idam 
prdna dgayad yad idam prdnena prdniti yad idatn prdnena 
bhufijate.1 tam pdpmd '^nvasrjyata. sa yad eva prdnena prdniti 
sa eva sa pdpmd. te ^bruvan no nvdva no* ^yam mrtyum na 
pupm,dnam atyavdksU. anena mukhyena prdneno ^dgdtrd dlksd- 
mahd iti, so ^bravln mrtyuh, esa esdrh sa udgdtd yena mrtyumi* 
atyesyanti Hi. na hy etena prdnena pdpam vadati na pdpani 
dhydyati na pdpam papyati na pdpam prnoti na pdpam gan- 
dham apdniti. tend '*pahatya mrtyum, apahatya pdpm^dnam 
svargam lokam dyan.^ apahatya hdi '?;a mrtyum apahatya 
pdpmdnam svargdm lokam eti ya evam veda. 

thing one hears with hearing, that is that evil. They said : " In- 
deed, this [Udgatar], too, hath not carried us beyond death, nor 
beyond evil. Let us consecrate ourselves with breath (inhala- 
tion) as Udgatar." They consecrated themselves with breath as 
Udgatar. Breath sang to them that which one breathes here with 
breath, which one enjoys here with breath. They said : " Indeed, 
this [Udgatar], too, hath not carried us beyond death, nor be- 
yond evil. Let us consecrate ourselves with this breath 6f the 
mouth as Udgatar." They consecrated themselves with this 
breath of the mouth as tfdgatar. Death said : " This is this 
Udgatar by whom they will go beyond death." For with this 
breath one speaks no evil thing, sees no evil thing, hears no evil 
thing, exhales no evil odor. By it having smitten away death, 
having smitten away evil, they went to the heavenly world. 
Having smitten away death, having smitten away evil, he, 
indeed, goes to the heavenly world who knows thus. 

IV. Man and the Sacrifice (JUB. iv. 2. 1). 

puruso vdi yc0nah. ta^sya ydni caturvinpatir^ varsdni tat 
prdtassavanam. caturvinpatyaksard gdyatri. gdyatram prdtas- 
savanam. tad vasundm. prdnd* vdi vasavah. prdnd hi ^dam 
sarvarh vasv ddadate. sa yddy enam etasmin kdla upatapad 

Translation. 

Man is the sacrifice. His (first) twenty-four years are the 
morning-libation. The gdyatri has twenty-four syllables. The 
morning-libation is connected with the gdyatri. It belongs to 
the Vasus. The breaths are the Vasus ; for the breaths take to 

* MSS. mftyu. * B. inserts sa before prdneno. • MSS. ne. ' MSS. 
matyam. ^ MSS. gamayan. 
^mS.-ti. «Mg&.-wa. 



246 a. Oertd, 

upadravet sa brUydt. prdnd* vasava idam me prdtcusavancan 
mddhyafidinena savariend ^nusarhtanute Hi. agado fidi ^va bha- 
vati, atha ydni catUQcatvdrln^cUam varsdni^ tan rnddhyandi- 
nam savanam, catu^catvdrin^adaksard tristup, trdistubham md- 
dhyandinam savanam, tad rudrdndm, prdnd vdi rudrdh. prdnd 
hi ^dam sarvam rodayantL sa yady enam eta^min kola upcUa- 
pad upadravet sa bruydt. prdnd riidrd idam, me m.ddhyandinam 
savanam trtlyasavanend ^nusamtanute Hi, agado hdi 'wa bhavcUi. 
atha ydny astdcatvdrin^atam varsdni tat trtlyasavanam. as- 
tdcatvdrin^adaicsard jagatl. jdgatarh trtlyasavanam, tad ddityd- 
ndm, prdnd vd dditydh, prdnd hi ^darh sarvam, ddadate. sa yady 
enam, etasmin kdla upatapad upadravet sa bruydt. prdnd ddityd 
idam, m€ trtlyasavanam dyusd ^nusamtanute Hi. agado hdi *va 
bhavati. etad dha tad vidvdn brdhmana uvdca mahiddsa dita- 

* 

reya upatapati. Mm idam upatapa^i yo ^ham aneno ^pcUapatd 
na presydml Hi. sa ha sodaQagatam varsdni jijlva, pra ha 
sodapapatam varsdni jivati ndi ^natn prdnas sdmy* dyusojahdti 
ya evam veda. 

themselves all this that is good (vasti). If in that time an illness 
should attack him, he should say : " Ye breaths, ye Vasus, 
continue this morning-libation of mine by the noon-libation." 
Verily, he becomes well. 

His [next] forty-four years are the noon-libation. The tristubh 
has forty-four syllables. The noon-libation is coimected with the 
tristubh. It belongs to the Rudras. The breaths are the Rudras ; 
for the breaths cause this whole [universe] to wail {rud). If in 
that time an illness should attack him, he should say : '* Ye 
breaths, ye Rudras, continue this noon-libation of mine by the 
evening- libation." Verily, he becomes well. 

Moreover his [next] forty-eight years are the evening-libation. 
The jagat'i has forty-eight syllables. The evening- libation is 
connected with t2ie jagat'i. It belongs to the Adityas. The 
breaths are the Adityas ; for the breaths take to themselves 
[a-{fa] this all. If in that time an illness should attack him, he 
should say : *' Ye breaths, ye Adityas, continue this my evening- 
libation by my life-time." Verily, he becomes well. 

Now the Brahman Mahidasa Aitareya, knowing this, said in 
(his) illness : " Why dost thou attack me, who am not to die of 
this illness ?" He lived a hundred and sixteen years. He lives 
on to a hundred and sixteen years, [his] breath does not leave 
him in the midst of his life-time, who knows thus. 



* MSS. insert vdi. * MSS. var^mdni. * MSS. samy. 



JmrninvyorBrdhniana and Upanishad-Brakinana, 247 

V. The Silbncb of the Bbahman-pbiest dubing the Sac- 

BIFICB (JUB. iii.4. 2-3). 

ayath vdva yajno yo ^yam pavate, tasya vdk ca uiana^ ca 
varianyau, vacd ca hy esa etafi rtianasd ca vartate, ta^tya hotd 
^dhvaryur udgdte Hy anyatardm vdcd vartaniih saviskurvantL 
tasmdt te vdcd kurvanti, hrahmdi '«a manasd ''nyaiardni^ tas- 
mdt sa tilsnim dste. sa yad dha so *pi stuyamdne vd ^asyarrume 
vd vdvadyamdna delta, anyatardm evd ^syd ^pi tarhi sa in'tcd 
vartanim saihskurydt, sa yathd purusa ekapdd yan hhremnn^ 
eti ratho vdi ^kacakro vartamdna* evam eva tarhi yajflo hhresann 
eti. etad dha tad vidvdn* hrdhmana uvdca brahtndnam prdtar- 
anuvdka updkrte* vdvadyamdnam d^inam* ardhani' vd ime tarhi 
yajfiaayd ^rUaragur* iti, ardham hi te tarhi yajnasyd \itarlyuh,* 
Uufnda brahmd prdtaranuvdka updkrte vdcamyama dsltd ^^pari- 
dhdnlydyd a vasatkdrdd itaresdm stuta^astrdndm evd^* ^'^sam- 
sthdydi pavamdndndm, sa yathd purusa uhJiaydpad yan hhresam 
na nyeti" ratho vo ^bhaydcakro vartamdna evam etarhi yajno 
hhresam na nyeti,^* 

sa yadi yajna rkto hhresann iydd** hrahmane prahrute '^ty 
dhtih, atha yadi yajusto^* hrahmane jyrabrute Hy dhuh, atha 

Tbanslation. 

This sacrifice verily is he that cleanses here. Speech and mind 
are the two tracks of it. For thns it rolls along by speech and 
mind. Of it * Hotar,' * Adhvaryu,' * Udgatar ' arrange the one 
ftrack] by speech. Therefore they officiate by speech. The 
Brahman-priest Farranges] the other by the mind. Therefore he 
sits in silence, if he should sit talking aloud, while the stotra or 
the ^astra are being uttered, then he would arrange with voice 
the one track of it. As a one-legged man, going, keeps on 
tumbling, or a one- wheeled chariot, rolling, even so the sacrifice 
then keeps on tumbling. A Brahman said this to a Brahman- 
priest who, when the prdtaranuvdka was begun, sat talking 
aloud : " These here then have excluded half of the sacrifice." 
For half of the sacrifice they then did exclude. Therefore the 
Brahman-priest should sit in silence, when the prdtaranuvdka is 
begun, till the final verse, till the utterance of vasat of the other 
stotra and ^astra, even till the completion of the libations. As a 
two-legged man, going, does not go down a-tumbling, or a two- 
wheeled chariot, rolling, even so the sacrifice then does not go 
down a-tumbling. If that sacrifice should go tumbling from the 
side of the re, they say : " Tell it to the Brahman-priest ;" and if 
from the y€0uSy they say : *' Tell it to the Brahman -priest ;" and 
if from the sdman^ they say : " Tell it to the Brahman-priest ;" 



» BfSS. -rdn. « B. gre^-, « MSS. -dnaih. ^ So B, ; A, ta vid-. "> MSS. 
'to. • B, repeats dsinafh. ' MSS. ardhan. ^ MSS. -gurur, » MSS. 
'ntarwiufy. ^* MSS. eva, " MSS. bhre^ahnanyeti, ** MSS. bhre^an- 
nanyek. ^U^.lyat. '* 1088. -jt^o, 

VOL. ZV. 82 



248 • H. Oerid, 

yadi sdtnato brahmane prabrute Hy dhuk, atha^* ycf^y onupa- 
smrtdt kuta idam c^anl Hi brahmane prabrute Hy dhuh. sa brahmd 
prd/i f^detya^* sruvend ^^gnldhra djyam juhuydt. bhur bhuvah 
8var ity etdbhir vydhrtibhih. eta vdi vydhrtayaa sarvaprdya^- 
cittayah. tadyatha lavanena suvarnam sarndadhydt" suvarnena 
rajatam rajatena trapu^* trapund lohdyasarh lohdyasena kdrs- 
ndyasam^* kdrsndyasena ddru ddru ca carma ca flesmand** evam 
evdi ^vam vidvdns tat sarvam bhisajyati. 

tad dhur yad ahdusln me grahdn me ^grahld ity adhvaryave 
daksind nayanti. d^dnsin me vasad'^ akaf^ m,d^^ iti hotre. uda- 
gdaln m<i ity udgdtre. atha kirk cakruse brahmane tmnlm dsindya 
samdvatir eoe Hardir** rtvigbhir daksind nayanil Hi, sa bruydd 
ardhabhdg gha vdi** '«a yajflasyd \dham hy esa yqffiaaya vaha£% 
Hi, ardhd ha sma vdi purd brahmane daksind nayanfi Hi, ardhd 
itarebhya rtvigbhyah, tasydi '«a ploko — 

mayi ^dam manye bhuvanddi sarvam 

mayi lokd mayi digap catasro 

mxiyl^* dam manye nimisad yad ejati 

mayy dpa osadhayap ca sarvd iti. 

and if from [a cause] not understood — [when they ask :] " Whence 
hath this ansen ?" — they say : " Tell it to the Brahman-priest." 
That Brahman-priest going up toward the east should offer the 
sacrificial butter with a ladle m the dgnldhra^ with these excla- 
mations : " Bhas, Bhuvas, Svar." For these exclamations expi- 
piate everything. As one would mend gold with salt, silver with 
gold, tin with silver, copper with tin, iron with cop[>er, wood with 
iron, wood and leather with glue, even so one knowing thus oures 
everything. 

This they say : " If with the words : * He hath offered for me, 
he hath dipped the dippings for me,' they lead the sacrificial gifts 
to the Adhvaryu ; if with the words : * He hath sung the nostra 
for me, he hath uttered the vasat for me,' to the Hotar ; if with 
the words : ' He hath sung the udgUha for me,' to the XJdgatar ; 
now then to the Brahman having done what, while he sat in 
silence, do they lead just as large sacrificial gifts as to the other 
priests ?" Let him say : " He, indeed, shareth in half of the sac- 
rifice, for he carrieth half of the sacrifice." Indeed they formerly 
used to lead half of the sacrificial gifts to the Brahman-priest, 
half to the other priests. Of this there is the following ^ka : 

'' In me, I think, is this whole creation etc*., 
In me the worlds, in me the four quarters, 
In me, I think, is that twinkling thing which stirs, 
In me the waters and all the herbs.*' 



'* MSS. ratha, '« A. prandu- ; B. pra-, " B. vidadhy-. " MSS. tra- 
piuh. •^ A. kar-, *° A. gye^-; A. inserts samdadhydt between ^yeifma 
and wa, which is struck out in red. ^^ So B. ; A. -pa#, ** MSS. cUbrn. 
«« MSS. may, ^* MSS. Harer. «* MSS. ardhabhdghydi '^, »• So B. ; A 
mati. 



JaimvavyarBTahmana and Upanisha^Brdhmana. 249 

mayi *dam manye bhuvanddi aarvam iti. evamvidam ha vdve 
'*dam aarvam bhuvanam anvdyattam. mayi lokd mayi dipap 
cata^ra iti. evamvidi ha vdva lokd evamvidi dipap catasrah, 
mayi ^dam manye nimisad yad ejati mayy dpa osadhayap ca 
sarvd iti. evamvidC ha vdve ^dam sarvam bhuvanam pratisthi- 
tam. tasmdd u hdi ^varhvidam eva brahmdnam kurvUa. sa lia 
vdva*^ brahmd ya evarh veda. 

** In me, I think, is the whole creation etc.," for on one know- 
ing thus this whole creation is dependent. ^^ In me the worlds, 
in me the four quarters," for in one knowing thus are the worlds, 
in one knowing thus the four quarters. ^' In me that twinkling 
thing which stirs, in me the waters and all the herbs," for in one 
knowing thus this whole creation has its support. And therefore 
one should make one knowing thus a Brahman-priest. He indeed 
is a Brahman-priest who knows thus. 

VL SuPERiORrnr of wind and bbbath (JUB. iiL 1. 1,2). 

ekd ha vdva krtsnd devatd. ardhadevatd evd ^nydh. ayam, eva 
yo ^yampavate. esa eva sarvesdm devdndm grahdh. sa hdi'* so 
^starh ndma. (zstam iti he ^ha papcdd* grahdn dcaksate. sa yad 
ddityo ^stam agdd iti grahdn agdd iti hdi Hat. tena so ^sarvah. 
sa etam evd ^pyeti, astarh candramd eti, tena so ^sarvah. sa 
etam evd ^pyeti, astarh naksatrdni yariti. tena tdny asarvdni. 
tdny etam evd ^piyanti, anv agnir g<zcchati. tena so ^sarvah. sa 
etam evd ^pyeti. ety ahah. eti rdtrih.* tena te asarve. te etam 
evd ^pUah.* muhyanti dipo na vdi td* rdtrim prajfidyante. tena 
, id asarvdh. td etam evd ^piyanti.* varsati ca parjanya uc ca 
grhndti. tena so ^sarvah.* sa etam evd ^pyeti, kslyanta apah, 
evam osadhayah.'' evarh vanaspatayah. tena tdny asarvdni. 

Translation. 

One whole deity there is ; the others are half-deities. This 
one namely who cleanses here (the wind), he [represents] the 
seizers of all the gods. He, indeed, is ' setting ' by name. ' Set- 
ting ' they call here the seizers in the west. In that the sun has 
gone to setting, it has gone to the seizers. Therefore it is not 
whole. It goes unto that [god]. The asterisms set. Therefore 
they are not whole. They go unto that [godl The fire goes 
out. Therefore it is not whole. It goes unto tuat [god]. Day 
goes ; night goes. Therefore they are not whole. The quarters 
are confounded ; they are not known by night. Therefore they 
are not whole. They go unto that [godj. Parjanya rains and 
holds up. Therefore he is not whole. He goes unto that [god]. 
The waters disappear, even so the herbs, even so the forest-trees. 

" MSS. -vidaih. »» B. eva. 

» B. paHcd gr-. « A. Vd^ra-Ji. » MSS. 'pitd^. * MSS. tdrh. » After 
^piyantij tad yad etad is struck out in A. * B. inserts after ^sarmfy : sa 
Mdma veda. "* B. e^adhayafy* 



250 H. Oertd. 

tany etam evd ^piyanti. tad yad etat sarvam vayum evd *pyeti, 
tasmdd vdyur eva sdma, sa ha vdi sdmavit $a [krUnam] sdma 
veda ya evam veda. athd '^dhydtmam. na vdi svc^pan vded va- 
dati, 8€ ^yam^ eva prdnam apyeti, na manasd ahydycUu tad 
idam eva prdnam apyetV na caksusd pa^yati. tad idatn eva 
prdnam apyeti, na grotrena prnoti. tad idam eva prdruun apy- 
eti, tad yad etat sarvam prdnam evd ^bhiaameti tasmdt prdna 
eva sdma. sa ha vdi sdmavit sa krtsnam sdma veda ya evam 
veda. tad yad idam dhur na batd "^dya vdJR ^ti, [«a] hat ^tad 
puruse ^ntar niramate^^ sapurnas^^ svedamdna date. 

tad dha ^dunakarh^* ca kdpeyam abhipratdrinarh ca [kaksase- 
nim] brdhmanah parivevisyamdnd^* updvavrdja,^* tdu ha bi- 
bhikse.^^ tarn ha nd ^^dadrdte^^ ko vd ko ve ^ti manyamanau. 
tdu ho ^pajagdu 

m>ahdtmanap caturo deva ekah 

koA sa^"* ja^dra bhuvanasya gopah: ' 

tarn kdpeya^* na vijdnanty eke 

abhipratdrin bahudhd nivistam.^^ 
iti. sa ho ^vdcd ^bhipr atari ^marh vdva** prapadya pratibruhl Hi. 
tvayd vd ayam prai,yucya iti.** tain ha pratyuvdca** 

dtm,d devdndm uta martydndm** 

hiranyadanto rabhaso** na** sunur: 

Therefore they are not whole. They go unto that [god]. So, as 
this all goes unto wind, therefore wind is the saman. He b 
isaman-knowing, he knows the [whole] sTimain, who knows thus. 

Now with regard to the self. One who sleeps speaks not with 
the voice. That same [voice] goes unto breath. He thinks not 
with the mind. That same [mind] goes unto breath. He sees 
not with the eye. That same [eye] goes unto breath. He hears 
not with the ear. That same [ear | goes unto breath. So, as this 
all goes together unto breath, therefore is breath the saman. He 
is saman-knowing, he knows the whole saman, who knows thus. 
When they say now " Verily it doth not blow to-day,'* he is then 
resting within man ; he sits full, sweating (?). 

Now unto (^fiunaka Kapeya and Abhipratarin [Kaksaseni], 
while they were being waited upon, a Brahman came. He begged 
food of them. They paid no attention to him, thinking " Who 
or who is he ?" He sang unto them : " One fgod] — who is he ? — 
swallowed up four magnanimous ones, being a keeper of crea- 
tion ; him, O Kfipeya, some do not know — him, O Abhipratarin, 
settled down in many places." Said Abhipratarin : '^Stepping 
forward, answer this man ; by thee must this man be answered. 

>* MSS. se 'mam. • MSS. apj/ati. '» MSS. -ramite. «* MSS. pun^. 
'^ A. -kdg^ia. *^ MSS. parivevi^d'. '* MSS. -vaprajd; after this: IB 
prathamdnuxxike pratfianuiti khan4€L?f. (66). '* A. dvibh-. *• MSS. nd- 
drate. " MSS. so. '^ B. kdlapeya. '» So B. ; A. nimndam. «• A. 'bhi- 
pratdrlm{a)mavayyd ; B.C. -mayayyd. ^' A. tvayd vd ayaih pratyucee 

\i ; B.C. ay a vdiHi -'^ MSS. -uydca. ^» MSS. maty-. «* A. rapaao; 

B. paraso. " MSS. nu. 



Jdimiam/OrBrahmamb cmd TTpcmiskad-BrdhmaTia, 251 

mcLhdrUam cuya mahimdnam** dhur 

aruid^amdno yad adantam*^ attl 
Hi. 

mahdtmana^ caturo [devd] eka iti. vdg vd" agnis sa mahdtmd 
devfjih. sa yatra svapitf* tad vdcam prdno girati, manap can- 
dramds sa mahdtmd devah. sa yatra svapiti tan manah*'^ prdno** 
girati. caksur^* ddityas sa mahdtmd devah. sa yatra svapiti tac 
caksuh prdno girati. protram dipas td** mahdtmdno devdh. sa 
yatra svapiti tac** chrotram prdno girati. tad yan mahdtmanap 
caturo deva eka iti, etad dha tat, 

kcu** sa** jagdre" Hi. prajdpatir vdi kah. sa hdi Uaj jagdra. 
hhuvarutsya gopd iti, sa u vdva** bhuvanasya gopdh. tarn kd- 
peya** na vijdnanty eka iti. na hy etam eke vijdnanti. abhipra- 
tdrin bahndhd nivistam iti. bahudhd hy evdi ^sa nivisto vat prd- 
nah. dtmd devdndm uta** martydndm iti, Citrnd hy em devdndm 
iita martydndm. hiranyadanto r(xbhaso** na** sfmur iti. na hy esa 
sunuh. sunurfipo hy esa san na** sunu7i. mahdntam asya mahi- 
mdnam dhur iti. mahdntam hy etasya** mahimdnam dhuh.*^ 
anadyamdno yad^* ctdantam attl Hi. anadyamdno hy eso ^dan- 
tam atti. 

Him he answered : " The self of the gods and of mortals, with 
golden teeth, violent, not a son. Great they call his greatness, 
in that he, not being eaten, eats him who eats.'' 

" One [god] four magnanimous ones." Voice verily is fire ; 
that is a magnanimous god. When one sleeps, then breath 
swallows up voice. MindTis] the moon ; that is a magnanimous 
god. When one sleeps, then breath swallows up mind. Sight 
[is] the sun ; that is a magnanimous god. When one sleeps, 
then breath swallows up sight. Hearing [is] the quarters ; those 
are magnanimous gods. When one sleeps, tnen breath swallows 
up hearing. So, when [it is said] '* One god four magnanimous 
ones," this is what that means. 

** Who (ka) is he who swallowed up." Prajfipati is Ka. He 
swallowed this up. "A keeper of creation." He, indeed, is a 
keeper of creation. " Him, O Kapeya, some do not know." For 
some do not know him. "Him, O Abhipratfirin, settled down 
in many places." For this breath has settled down in many 
places. "The self of the gods and of mortals." For he is the 
self of the gods and of mortals. " With golden teeth, violent, 
not a son." For he is not a son ; for he, having the form of a 
son, is not a son. "Great they call his greatness." For they 
call his greatness great. "In that he, not being eaten, eats him 
who eats." For he, not being eaten, eats him who eats. 



'* MSS. .mabhim-. ^^ A. yad datam ahti; B. yadi daritam attl. ^^ A. 
P&cvSl ; B. vdyd. ^* A., svatvpiti. ^ A. mana ; B, -nah. ^^ A.prd^prano. 
«MSS. cahfar. "MSS. insert mahdtmd. "MSS. tachr-. ^^ A. Ua. 
» MSS. so, " MSS. jagare. 8^ Mgg. ^ « p(i^^ so msS. kdpedha. 
*• MSS. uto. <» A. rapase; B. -so. <« MSS. nu. « B4SS. nas. ** A. se 
iasya. *^ B. dhur iti mahdnta hy etasya mdhim dhufy. ** MSS. yadantam. 



ARTICLE IX. . 

PROBLEMATIC PASSAGES IN THE 

RIG-VEDA. 

By Pbopessor EDWARD WASHBURN HOPKINS, 

OF BBYK MAWB COLLSOS, BBTV MAWB, PA. 

Presented to the Society April 22d, 1892. 



I. RV. viii. 1. 1-2, mdram U atotd vr'sanam . , avakraksmam 
vrsabhdrh yathd ^juraih gdm nil carsanlsdham, Pischel, Vedische 
Stttdi€7i, i. 103, translates ** den nicht alternden, der wie eine Kuh 
(erfreulich ist), den die Menschen bezwingenden," and separates 
qfHram from the noun, because yathd shows by its lack of accent 
that the comparison ends there. Apart from this reason, Pischel 
then adduces another, viz. that gdm nd may not be construed 
with carsanlsdham because "a *cow that subdues the folk' is 
just as silly as * a bull that does not grow old.' " The silliness of 
speaking of a god represented as a bull that does not grow old is 
not altogether apparent ; but my objection to this objection rests 
on usage rather than on abstract appropriateness of expression. 
In iii. 7. 7 'bulls that do not grow old' are referred to {ttksdno 
ajurydh)^ whether applied to gods or to priests (Sayana). The 
silliness of the second expression depends on whether gdm must 
be taken as * cow.' The proximity of vrsahhdm would seem to 
make it quite possible to take gd'{ih as vrsahhS gd'dhy as Agni in 
X. 6. 7 is called a vrsahhd dheniAh : with which compare iii. 38. 7, 
vrsahhdsya dhendh . . . gdh. An ellipse such as Pischel assumes 
for our passage seems to me with these parallels in mind rather 
improbable. The final words, admitting that yathd closes the 
comparison, may be rendered * crashing down like a steer, the 
ageless one who like a bull subdues the earth.'* • 

* It is perhaps not impossible that g^m may be the object associated 
after that understood in carsani-sdham, * who subdues the earth as if it 
were a cow/ preserving the image of the bull by implication. In v. 87. 8 
Indra has to do with a ' woman seeking a husband/ who unites the 
conception of cow and earth. As Indra is mahi^d, she is mdhi»i ; she is 
also isirA, ' strong/ an epithet given to earth in iii. 80. 9. Yet, apart 
from the syntactical question raised by this construction, this cow-earth 
image is, so far as I have observed, as rare in the Veda as it is common 
in tlie Epic. In iv. 41.5; x. 138. 7. maht gdufi must, I think, be the 
priest's productive song. 



Problematic Passages in the Rig- Veda, 253 

II. viii. 2. 12, hrtsili pUdso yitdhyaiite durmdddso nd surdyam: 
vidhar nd iiagnd jarante. Grassmann : " die hineingetruiiknen 
kampfen . . nahn der Brust wie nackte Kinder." Ludwig : " im 
gciste kampfen die getninkenen . . wie das euter rauschen sie 
nackt." Translate : * Swelling in their hearts (the personified 
somas) fight like drunkards over liquor ; being (as yet) unclothed 
(i. e. not mixed with milk), they make a noise (in streaming down 
from the vats to the vessel) resembling (the noise made by streams 
of milk coming from an) udder.' This rather cumbersome trans- 
lation gives, I think, the true sense, and is justified by the follow- 
ing considerations :* nagndh^ compare viii. 1. 17, 'then press the 
soma with the stones, wash it in water ; clothing it as it were in 
garments of milk, so the men shall milk it out of the vaksdnd? 

* Naked ' applied to soma means, then, unclothed with milk. — 
vJdhar: compare viii. 9. 19, yrfc? dpttaso anpdvo gdvo nd duhrd 
u'dhahhih : ydd vd vdnlr dnusatay * when the swelling stalks like 
cows with udders are milked, and when the choric music sounds.' 
This verse also explains pitdadh in our passage. It is the music 
of pressed soma dropping from the vat where are the swollen 
stalks to which reference is made. Even if verse 12 were not 
interpolated (which, as Ludwig shows, is probable), the order to 
mix with milk has only just been given (vs. 11). ' Like an udder ' 
is for the prose ' as when cows are milked.' Compare also viii. 
12.32, yda . , . dsvaran dohdnd{h). I fancy — a supposition not 
material to the meaning of our verse — that vs. 1 2 belongs after 
vs. 8 : ' three vats drip (with soma), three well-filled holders ;' 
then 12 = 'the streams of soma are dripping noisily so that it 
sounds like milking a cow ;' then 9 : * O soma, thou art clear ; 
(when) mixed with milk (thou art) pleasant to Indra ;' then 10 : 

* O Indra, thy pressed soma-drops are clear ; they are asking for 
the mixing of the milk ;' then 11:' mix the mixing of milk.' 
But in either position the soma-drops are not yet mixed, still less 
drunk« It is then impossible to suppose that they are fighting 
with their clothes off in Indra's belly, apart from the fact that 
hrtsu cannot bear this interpretation. In no further instance in 
the Rig- Veda cited by PW. and Grassmann for such meaning 
can hfd (or hr'daya) mean * breast and stomach especially ;' but 
it always means ' heart ' or ' spirit.' Where P W. sees ' body ' in 
viiL 17.6, hfd stands in direct antithesis to body {svddus te astu 
saj'nsiide mddhumdn tanvh tdva: sdmah ^dm astu te hrd^) : 

* sweet to thy body and weal to thy heart be the soma.' How 
can one see * stomach ' here ? Compare the same expression x. 



* I waive a refutation of Grassmann's guess. As for Ludwig's trans- 
lation, he first explains it thus : The soma having been drunk is freed 
from the milk ana becomes a divine drink ; as drunken people tear oft 
each other's clothes, so do the soma-drops when Indra has drunk them 
— ^and then adds that the passage is as good as unintelligible. In his 
second attempt at an explanation (which is still worse as regards the 
first part of the passage) Ludwig has, however, found (but failed to use) 
the key. 



254 E. TT. Hopkins, 

86. 16 ; 186. 1, xuita d vatu bhesajdm ^mhhii mayobMi no hrdi. 
The * medicine which brings weal and joy ' when blown by the 
wind is not one that affects the stomach. Of the same sort is i. 
91. 13, soma rdrandhi no hrdi * rejoice thyself in our hearty' fol- 
lowed by * in thy friendship,' which indicates well enough that 
hr'd is heart, not stomach. So iii. 42. 8 ; iv. 63. 6, antdr hrdA md- 
nasCi puydmdndh. In ix. 73. 8 and in x. 32.9 hrd% has nothing to 
do with body, and in x. 26. 2 hrdispf^ means ^ tickling the heart,' 
pleasing the spirit. Other cases are comprised in the formula 
hrtsu pUdh. This formula in i. 179. 6 is out of connection with 
what precedes, but probably gives the same thought as in viii. 
48.12: 'the soma-drop that, swelling in heart (i. e. fermented), 
immortal, has entered mortals.' The plural is formal, and gives 
the same abstract notion with that conveyed by the Greek plural 
{(pp€V€^ etc.). In L 179.6 (Hhis soma inside (me) swelling in 
heart I address') it is of course possible to interpret pltd as * drunk,' 
but see the following. The finest example to compare with our. 
passage is i. 168. 3, where the storm-winds are described as 4ike 
soma-drops, which with swelling stems when pressed, in heart 
expanding, restless, sit not still ' {sdmdso nd ye sutds trptAnpavo 
hrtsHi p'Udso duvdso nd "«ato), the same comparison. The drops 
are personified. It is evident, if we add to this the words of 
viii. 9. 19, dpltdso aii^dvahy of the stems swelling, that the soma 
is in the vat. According to the usage described in the Rig- Veda, 
the soma is allowed to stand for a day or two before drinking 
{tirdahnyahy iii. 58. 7). When it ferments it works, "gehtauf," 
swells, or, as the poet cited above says, *is restless, sits not still, 
expands in heart.' 

The place where the soma goes when drunk by Indra is given 
in the exhortation at the beginning of our hymn: * drink thy 
belly full' (i/ihd siqrurnatn uddram: compare ii, 11. II y kuksi; 
so jilthdray i. 104. 9 etc.). 

For another image of a similar noise, ghrtafciU svardhy com- 
pare ii. 1 1. 7 ; and, for the udder as soma-holder, iii. 48. 3. In il 
14.10 we have a parallel simile, since the udder is here Indra's 
belly, which might tempt us to render the close of our verse " as 
to an udder they come ;" but the parallels above cited and nagndh 
forbid this interpretation.* 

As for pltdy the verb in the active middle participle is peculiarly 
soma's. The fact that it once occurs in the form d -{-pUa cannot 
give a necessary norm. Converaely, hrtsti pUdh in i. 168.3 and 
viii. 2. 12 means the soma in heart in the vat (or nothing), and 
must be identical with dpltdso an^v ah in viii. 9. 19. The only 
doubt that can hang about pitd is whether in i. 179.6 we are au- 
thorized to give it the possible meaning of * drunk,' requiring 
'stomach' for hrtsu in addition to its necessary meaning of 



* Compare v. 44, 13 ; and, for another instance of the 'naked' meta- 
phor, here streams, see dvasdnd dno^d^, iii, 1, 6. Compare viii. 1. 17 
(above), gavyd vd8treva. 



ProhlemMic Passages in the Rig- Veda. 255 

* swollen ' above. I doubt this. The phrase is used convention- 
ally. The passages that explain definitely what is meant show 
the signification to be * swollen.' • 

III. viii. 2. 14 and 19-20 : 14, ukthdm cafid ^ast/dmdnam dgor arir 
dHketa: nd gayatrdmglydmanam, CTrassmjinn omits an / Lud- 
wig alters the text. As art is applied to the Maruts, v. 54. 12, 
may it not here be said of Indra ? * Neither the hymn that praises 
nor the song that is sung of him that is impecunious does he, the 
active one, notice.' It has just been said that the worshiper like 
the god shall be wealthy. Perhaps ' friend,' as in x. 28. 1 ? 

19-20 (the idea of wealth is still prominent), 'Come hither to 
us with wealth ; do not despise us ; (come) like a rich bride- 
groom ; may (the god) not make stop (?) away from us to-day, 
disagreeable as a poor son-in-law.'* Ihe h't of the next verse 
shows that it is the wealth which the poet is after, ' for we know 
his generous kindness.' The inahttn yui^ajnnih is the bridegroom, 
antithetical to the * poor son-in-law ' following. Compare of 
Indra- Agni the expression in i. 109, 2 (d^ravajti /n hhuridavattard 
vdm vtjfmidtur utd vu ghd sydWt)^ * I hear you arc more gener- 
ous than a son-in-law or a brother-in-law (wife's brother).' The 
*>a is not included in the negative, and mti knuthdh is to be 
taken parenthetically ; in the second clause the negative (prohi- 
bition) is separated from the verb, and iva refers more especially 
to the adjective. Qrl is * wealth.' Compare viii. 8. 17 (krtdih nah 
mipr'tyah), ' make us very rich ' (not * beautiful '). The rich {ma- 
Mn) son-in-law (bridegroom) gives his bride's family something ; 
the poor one is disagreeable, ungracious.f The opposite point of 
view is given in x. 28. 1 : * all other friends are arrived ; only my 
father-in-law (Indra) is not come. May he eat com and drink 
soma, and go back home satiated.' For here the poet is the giver, 
and the god the receiver. In x. 95. 4 food is apparently carried 
to the father-in-law ; but the j)assage is doubtful.J 

I add doubtfully a suggestion. Comj)aring the frequent ap- 
peals to Indra not to *stay away' (compare viii. 2. 26, Ore asmdt ; 
vii. 32. 1, m6 su tva vOghdta^ cand We asmdn nt rvraman ; vii. 
22. 6, nii^ ''re asfudn . . jy6k kah), it seems as if adyd say dm ^ in 
spite of the ca?sura, might mean * to-day till evening.' The ordi- 
nary meaning of sdydni would be kept, Jis antithetical to prdtdr 
{na sdydnif v. 77. 2). The phrase adyd siiydm bears then the 
same relation to the verb Xhoiljydk does above. Compare i. 38. 15, 
jy6k tasthhufnso akran * they made it long, standing.' Compare 



• mdhj^nWul abhy dsmAn, mahdit iva yuviijdnih . . , aqrird iini idfndtd, 
t Of course in vi. 28. 6 the adjective must be taken as * ugly. Com- 
pare this Journal xiii. 345, on i. 109. 2. 

t The cases are sociologically interesting. I have already pointed out 
in this Journal (Ruling Caste) that the received English notions in re- 
gard to patriarchal life in early India require revision. The present 
passages show that the sons-in-law had separate * establishments.' [See 
now on this passage Pischel and Geldner's Vedische Studien ii. 78, with 
note at the end of this paper.] 

VOL. XV. 83 



250 E, TT. Hopkins, 

sdyahna =• * eve of the day ' in Mbha, We should thus translate 
literalij, m6 sv ddyd durhdndvdnt sdydrh karad are asmdt, not 
with PW., * make stop' (which assumes a unique meaning for 
sdydm, and interprets the passage as if it meant * do not go off 
somewhere else '), but, understanding that the sacrifice takes place 
in the morning, * may he not ungraciously to-day make it even- 
ing (that he stays) away from us, as if he were a poor (ungener- 
ous) son-in-law :' i. e. continue all day ungenerous. 

IV. viii. 3. 16, kdnvd iva hhr'gavah sii'ryd iva m^vam id dhh 
tdm d7iapuh: mdram atdmehhir mahdyanta dydvdii priydme- 
dhdso aavaran, Grassmann : " den Bhrigus gleich erreichten 
jeden Herzenswunsch die Kanvas." Ludwig : " wie die Kanvas 
sind die Bh^gus, wie sonnen ; all ihr gewtlnschtes haben sie er- 
reicht." Both wrong, and Grassmann absurd. The meaning is 
* the Kanvas, (clever) as the Bhygus, (brilliant) as suns, have com- 
pleted their hymn ; magnifying Indra with praises, the active 
Friyamedhas have sung.' Origmal finis. For the position of iva 
compare i. 127. 2 (iva dydm^ cited Ved, St, p. 105) ; iva sU'ryaniy 
7id suryam^ i. 130. 2 ; nd mitrdm, ii. 4. 3 ; add iva in vii. 55.2. 
But if no parallel existed sense must still prevail over usage. For 
the comparison see iv. 16. 20, and x. 39. 14 (hrdhmd "^kartna and Btd- 
mam . . dtaksam,a hhr'gavo nd rdtham), * we have made a hymn 
as the Bhygus did the chariot,' often referred to as artists (artisans). 
And,jigain, viii. 102. 4 {durvahhrguvdt . . d huve), * I call (the god) 
like Aurva, like Bhygu.' So bhrguvdt, viii. 43. 13. For the com- 
parison of the mental brilliancy of the poet to the physical bril- 
liancy of the sun, see below, on viii. 6. 7-8. The word dhttd 
means not ' wish ' but ' what the poet has thought out,' and so his 
hymn. The same use of the verb occurs in connection with other 
words for hymns. In viii. 4. 6, yd^ ta dual upastutim. means * who 
has got to praise thee,' i. e. has sung a hymn to thee. Compare 
the exactly parallel expression in vii. 90. 2, prdhutim yds ta anat, 
which can mean only * offers thee libation.' In vi. 15. 11, <am 
pdsi . . yds ta dnal . . . dhltim, means * thou guardest him that has 
got to commemorate thee' (made thee a hymn). The (conclud- 
ing) verse v. 81. 5 has te stomam d7iape *got to praise thee.' Lud- 
wig gives to upastuti a forced signification which is unnecessary. 
It means only * laud,' as in vii. 83. 7, satyd . . iipastutir, devd 
esdrn abhavan^ their praise was so effective that they won over 
the gods to their side (for the phrase cf. viii. 16. 5). In viii. 8. 10, 
vl^Hini . . 2>^<i dhltdny aga^hatain * ye twain arrived at all your 
intent,' the phrase differs only in so far as that dhUd means here 
what was thought about, and so approaches the idea of wish. 
But sdm dh'ttdrn apiutam, in viii. 40. 3 means * get the hymn,* ap- 
plied to the gods (compare glh in the following verse). Such is 
Sayana's explanation of ii. 31. 7, which, in diverse metre, concludes 
a racing song (perhaps placed here on account of sdptir 7id rd- 
thyah)^ a passage which contains at once the phrase dtaksann 
dydvah and dhithn (igydh. The modern translators vainly strug- 
gle to make the subject of both verbs identical. Sayana trans- 



PrdbleinatiG Passages in the Ely- Veda. 257 

lates : ' these words {Hidyatd) they actively fashioned, desiring 
fame and wishing wealth ; may (the host of gods) like a race- 
horse (i. e. speedily) get the hymn.' The last part is right, the 
first forced, but the best that can be done with the present text. 
As in iv. 5. 7, we might read d/uttr, rendering * may the hymn 
reach you ;' but it is more likely that, just as in ii. 19. 8 (penulti- 
mate verse) we find mdnma . . takmh . . sumndni a^yxdi^ so here 
we should read a plural for a^ydh. Grassmann's " they hasten 
to the goal like a race-horse " is incorrect, nor is Ludwig's " as a 
race-horse might reach (the goal, may they meet your) intention " 
to be called very felicitous. Reading d^uh would give the usual 
sense indicated above : Hhey have actively fashioned and (swift) 
as a race-horse completed this hymn.' The general sense of viii. 
3. 16 is, then, *they have made a hymn, being as dextrous at their 
work as the Bhygus.' This is a common point of view of the 
j)oets themselves, as opposed to the * seeing of song,' or inspira- 
tion, ascribed to them by their descendants. 

V. viii. 4. 6, sahdsreneva sacate yavlyiidhd yds ta dnal upastu- 
tini : putrdm prdvargdrh krnute siivtrye dd^ndti ndrnaUktibhih. 
The relative in the second clause corresponding to that in the 
same position of the first is understood : * as if with a thousand 
good battle-men he is accompanied — who makes thee laudation ; 
his son he makes distinguished in warrior's strength — (who) adores 
thee with praises.' Sacate as in vs. 9, vdyasd scutate. Grassmann 
and Ludwig translate the last part with evasive participles. I 
have no exact parallel for the omission of the relative, but it must 
be omitted.* Compare a somewhat similar case in the mistrans- 
lated verse vii. 84. 4 {indrdvariind . . ray\m dhattam . . prd yd 
ddityd dnrtd rnindty dfnitd ^u'ro day ate vdsdnl), 'Indra and 
Varuna, bestow ye wealth . . who (as) the son of Aditi destroys(t) 
untnith, (who as) a warrior gives(t) unmeasured goods.'f The 
* warrior ' can be only Indra, but the connection is so close that 
perhaps only one relative is felt here. 

VI. viii. 4. 7-8, mahdt te vr'sno ahhicdksyam krtdm pd^yeina 
turvdpaih yddutn (etc.). Before reading further, it is necessary to 
examine these words more particularly. The construction reminds 
us of viii. 45. 27, satydih tat turvd^ ydddu viddno ahnavdyydvi : 
vydnat turvdne ^dml (where the pun turvd^a txirvdn must be no- 
ticed) ; and of iv. 26. 1-2, ahdm kaiuh . . pdpyatd md : ahdni 
bhd'mhn adaddra drydya^ where ' I am the priest (the god) ; look 
at me ; I have given the earth to the Aryans ' will shtiw that the 
completion of the thought in one passage is to be expected in 
what immediately follows: 'great of thee, the bull, is the re- 
markable act accomplished — let us look upon Turva9a Yadu.' 
But Turva9a must first be investigated, before the following is 
introduced. 



♦ Unless ddgtwti 7id7nauktibhHi could stand for yd \n6ti namah (like 
yd}), . . &na^ ! 

t Compare vii. 83. 6, * Indra for wealth {vdsvali) and Varupa for vic- 
tory they call.* Anj^d, abstract. 



258 E. IF. Hopkins, 

According to received opinion, the first and last books of the 
Rig- Veda are in general later than the body of the work which 
they enclose. In this earlier portion, however, certain verses 
have been after appended to old hymns, which express some sing- 
er's gratitude for favors received of a king. These verses, tech- 
nically called 'gift-lauds,' are usually of later origin than the 
hymn, and not of great historical importance for the earlier period 
when containing data opposed, though of interest when showing 
that any old use of phraseology or custom still obtains. Thus 
Ztmmer (Alt, Leb. p. 129) says of the Cedi that they are men- 
tioned * only in a gift-laud ' and in literature still more modern, 
and so does not claim any great antiquity for them. 

Turva9a, whom some have striven to turn into a whole tribe, 
occurs in the earlier part of the Rig- Veda only as the name of a 
man. It is in the * gift-lauds ' and in the first and tenth books 
that he appears as a plural (the Turva9a family). It is an inter- 
esting study to see not only how modern scholars can manufac- 
ture history to order, but also how the Hindus, who are supposed 
to have no history, preserve suflicient historical data in their 
stratified literature to enable us to trace the change from fact to 
fiction. There is an important tribe called Yadavas, mentioned 
in the Rig- Veda as yddvo jdnah, and found also in later times 
and literature. That there is no jdnah of Turva9a in the earlier 
part of the Rig- Veda, and no tribe of that name known later,* is 
due to the fact that in the earlier time Turva9a is a contemporary 
hero (the king of the Yadavas) ; only in the * gift-laud' period and 
that of the first book do we find the plural Turva9ah, i. e. Tur- 
va9a's family, still called Yadavas. Thus, in the opening verse of 
our hymn (viii. 4. 1) it is said : * O Indra, thou art most praised at 
the Anava's (king of Anavas) and at Turva9a's ' — i. e. at the homes 
of these two friendly heroes ; whereas the later 'gift-laud' ap- 
pended to the end of the hymn speaks of gifts received not ' at 
Turva9a's' but 'at the Turva9ris" (turvd^esu), the plural occur- 
ring only here and in i. 108. 8 : ' if ye are, O Indra-Agni, at the 
Yadavas', Turva9ris', if at the Druhyavas', Anavas', or Puravas" — 
in each case the plural is not without significance. As we compare 
the different passages speaking of this ' Turvaya the Yadu,' it be- 
comes more plain that we have to do with only one person. If 
the great deed referred to in our text (which is, as often stated, 
to save him from battle by getting him over the river) had 
been performed for the so-called 'Turvaya people' (in contra- 
distinction to a Yadu-people), some token or mention of such a 
' people ' would have survived, as was the case with the ' Dru- 
hyu-people,' 'the Yadu-people,' etc. Nothing of the sort. 'In- 
dra helped Turvaya (the) Yadu over the river' is all the text 
offers us (i. 174. 9 ; vi. 20. 12 ; v. 31. 8). The only passage that 
has a sej)aration into two of Turvaya and Yadu is one that com- 

* The later ** Turvaca horses " may be named from the family as well 
as from a tribe. See lad. Stadicn, i. 220. 



Problematic Passages in the Pig- Veda, 269 

memorates the same fact so often with the words ' helped over 
Turva9a-Yadu,' which show that the poet understood Turva9a + 
Yadu : ' These two who could not swim Indra helped across ' 

iiv. 30. 17, utd tyd turvdgdyddu asndtdra . . mdrah . . aparayat): 
f, however, we compare with this verse ii. 16. 5 {sd asndtr'n apd- 
rayat)^ and consider not only that it mentions another wonder not 
known to the earlier version of the story as told in the account of 
the Ten-kings' battle {utd tyd . . dryd . . drnacitrdrathd ^vadhlhy 
ib.), but that the content of the whole hymn shows its late origin, 
we shall not lay much stress on this as authority for the period 
when ' Iiidra helped Turva9a the Yadu ' (vi. 45. 1 ff.) ; for the dual 
belongs to the same epoch with that in which for the first time 
is found yddtis turvd^ ca (nidmahe^ x. 62. 10), a copulation un- 
known to the earlier period, as is also the shorter form of the 
name. Yet even in this later time, when outside of gift-laud 
the legend is recalled, the old form Turva9a Yadu (the Yadu) 
obtains (as in i. 36. 18; 54.6; and x. 49. 8) ; and no ca is used. 
The formula Turva9a Yadu or Yadu Turva9a (v. 31. 8) is unvary- 
ing, except where once for emphasis a preposition separated from 
its verb is repeated, with the proper name and then with the tribal 
name, when on account of the separation the tribal name is turned 
into the adjective * him of the Yadus', where * king ' is to be sup- 
plied. We find this in vii. 19. 8 : nt turvd^am ni yddvadi ^i^'thi 
atilJuffvdya gdnsyam karisydn * down (smite) Turva9a, down the 
Yadu-man ' {atithujvdya etc. = vi. 26. 3). This occurs in the hymn 
following the account of the battle of the Ten Kings, in which 
appears only Turva9a as representative of the Yadavas. The 
former tale, Turva9a's relations with Atithigva (Divodasa, ix. 
61.2), is barely alluded to in the liig-Veda. Our interest in Tur- 
va9a centres in the Ten-kings' battle, to which I now turn, adding 
only that, whereas Turva9a without Yadu may occur as proper 
name in the singular (i. 47. 7 ; vi. 27. 7, where Turva9a is distin- 
tinguished * f rom the plural peoples conquered, Vycivant as : see 
Zimmer, loc. cit., p. 124, who regards them as the Turva9a i)eople), 
Yadu never occurs so, but only the Yadavas (plural) or * Yadu- 
people ' (viii. 6. 46, 48, gift-laud : cf. viii. 1.31), yddoa being appar- 
ently adjective to the same family with which Turva9a is identi- 
tie<l, since the latter is especially dear to the poets of the eighth 
book (cf. viii. 4. 1, 19 ; 7. 18 ; 9. 14 ; 10. 5). 

The distinction between singular and plural is important, be- 
cause through ignoring it the facts in regard to one of the few 
historical occurrences mentioned in detail in the Rig- Veda have 
been distorted by modern commentators. But another element 
of error has been at work in disguising the true account of the 
Battle of the Ten Kings. As well known, certain scholars of the 
day have established a theory that the * five peoples ' mentioned 
in the Rig- Veda are enlisted as such in the great battle described 
in vii. 18. How far a too great zeal will carry the seeker after truth 
may be seen by comparing Zimmer, loc. cit., pp. 122, 124, who 
sets up, after Kuhn, the Yadavas, Anavas, Druhyavas, Turva9a8, 



260 E, W, Ilophim, 

and Puravas as the names of these five peoples. Now the fact is 
that the grouping of the plural names mentioned above occurs only 
in one passage in a late book, i. 108. 8, for the other passage cited 
by Zimmer contains only four names, and these are not peoples, 
but persons in the singular (viii. 10.5), whereas the designation 
*five peoples' occurs frequently in the older books, with nothing 
to indicate who they were. But when Zimmer says that these five 
were opposed to Sudas, and goes on to describe those that fought 
under Sudas against the five, he is only sharing in the common 
misinterpretation of the hymn recounting the battle. Without 
any authority for such a division except what is contained in the 
hymn itself, current criticism divides the battle-forces into two 
great groups : one of the five peoples with a hero or two besides, 
aud one of the Pakthas, Bhalanas, Alinas, Visfmins, ^ivas, and 
others. How forced and awkward is the translation based on 
this assumption may be seen in Ludwig. There is not a shadow 
of reason for it in the text. On the contrary, a simple ingenuous 
translation gives the perfectly plain result that all the other peo- 
ples mentioned in the hymn are opposed to Sudfis and his Trtsus. 
But we must recall the situation. The priest Vasistha is triumph- 
ing in this hymn, not only over his master Sudfis' foes, but also 
over the priest of those foes, his rival, Vi9vilmitra. The tone of 
the hymn is exultation mingled with scoff at Vi9vamitra, whose 
name * all-friend ' is played upon, as was that of Turva9a (above) ; 
while other less palpable plays on words are strewn through the 
song, making havoc of the witless translations of those that can- 
not see the point of Vasistha's jokes. 

Another remark before proceeding to interpret this hymn. 
The battle is called always * that of tlie ten kings.' Where are 
the ten ? By confusing plural and singular we shall not find 
them. It is strange that, with the distinction so pointedly made 
in the text, our translators keep on rendering * the Druhyus ' for 
either Druhyu or Druhyavas. The first is * the Druhyu,' i. e. the 
king of the Druhyavas, and so throughout. Now if we regard 
this we shall find that we have just ten kings mentioned, either 
by title or by name. These all are the ten kings of the Battle of 
the Ten Kings. They collected, besides their own, a number of 
unimportant tribes, as is expressly stated of our hero : he led and 
others followed and formed a confederation. Some of these peo- 
ples are spoken of in the plural without kings worthy of mention, 
probably because they were underlings of the Ten — save that, 
antithetic to Druhyu, we find his people the Druhyavas, and to 
Anava the Anavas, especially mentioned. The tribes of the other 
kings are not mentioned, but their part is designated by their 
leader. Of course I do not mean that the Druhyu is a name, but 
it is a title, * the Druhyu ' par excellence standing for the king of 
the Druhyavas, and to be kept apart from the plural Druhyavas 
= druhyur jdnah. 

A detailed criticism of preceding translations of the hymn I 
must waive, except in so far as the following version in support 
of what I have said above is itself a criticism. 



Problet^atiG PcLSH(iges in the RUj- Veda, 261 

The Battle of the Ten^Kings, ^i^iyu, Turva9a, the Druhyu, 
Kavasa, the Puru, the Anava, Bheda, ^^mbara, Vaikarna I., 
Vaikarna IL, who led against Sudas, the king of the Trtsavas, 
supported only by his own tribe, and by Indra with his priest 
Vasistha, their own and the following tribes (who were either not 
believers in Indra or trusted to the prayers of the priest Vi9vri- 
mitra), viz. the Matsyas, Pakthas, Bhalanas, Alinas, Visanins, 
^ivas, Ajas, ^igravas, and Yaksavas (vii. 18. 5 ff.). 

(Translation :) 5. The floods that had extended themselves he 
that is worthy to be praised in song made shallow, easy to cross 
for Sudfis ; but ^imyu the vaunter, and them that hated him, 
Indra made to be the flotsam* of rivers. 

6. First to go as leader (as sacrifice) was Turva9a the Yaksu ;f 
the Matsya people, too, as if dead set on riches, followed, the 
Bhygu-people [or priests] and the Dnihyu-people. The Friend 
crossed (his) friend from one side to the other.J 

7. The Paktha-people (and) the Bhalfma-people chimed in, the 
Alina-people, the Visfinin- people, (and) the ^iva-people ;§ and he 
who (as) * Friend of the Aryans ' (mis)led (them) — herds of cattle 
(for bootyj to the Trtsu- people — (he also) came in battle against 
(us) heroes. II 

♦ A pun on Qdpa * drift ' and gdpa * the oath ' of the confederated kings? 
Compare qapdtha, x. 87. 15, and see Mbha. vii. 17. 18. 

t Turvaga was the piiro^&s, * cake of sacrifice/ a pun on purogds * the 
leader.' Below the scornful imagery is continued with pagu * the beast 
of sacrifice,' and here intensified by substituting ydk^ for yddu, the 
ordinary tribe-title of Turvaga, which not only makes him ridiculous, 
as if he belonged to the unimportant Yaksu tribe, but also, by the in- 
voluntary connection of this word with yaj, suggests the sacrificial idea 
prominent in puro4d8, as if ydknyah = yastavyafj, not as Sayana takes 
it in viii. 60. 3, but (as yastavyn itself may mean) = * the one to be sacri- 
ficed.' Those that would read ydduh here lose both points of the double 
sarcasm ; and that the hymn is full of punning and disdainful innuendo 
he that runs may notice. 

X The Matsya people are viad for wealth ; iiicitdfy (compare in vs. 11 
niQigdti) can be given only by rather vulgar English, meaning both 
eager and destroyed, hence the iva. In sdkhd we have the first of five 
or six allusions to the name of Vigva-mitra (see below). The word 
atarat has two senses, * overcame' and * got over.' It is possible that in 
viifucofy, which means * in two ways,' as well as its obvious application 
would indicate * on both sides ' (of the river, of course), we also have an 
indication of the pun in the verb. Compare iii. 31. 8. 

^ There is no indication here that a shift from Turvaga's side (that of 
the Ten Confederates) to that of the Tftsu is intended. & bhananta 
means * shouted toward' ("zujauchzen," PW.) with the sense of my 
translation. 

I The obvious force of d is to repeat d bhananta (as e. g. in 19. 11, upa) 
which would make two sentences. As it is possible, however, that a 
goes with djagariy this cannot be insisted upon. In dnayat used with 
accusative of offering and dative of person to whom the offering is 
brought we have the same construction as in i. 121. 5 and iii. 7. 6 ; the 
irony is again plain. The priest Vigvamitra has in fact sacrificed his 
friends to the Tftsus by advising battle. He is present : cf . vii. 83. 6. 
Vigvamitra, * friend of all,' is here ridiculed as sadnamd dryasya * friend 
of the Aryan people ' (cf . 5. 6) ; for Vasi^fh^ regards himself (in the fana- 



262 E. W. Uopkms, 

8. Evil-minded, misdirecting the unquenchable (river), fools, 
they have torn apart (the river) Parusni. In greatness he en- 
compassed, lording it over the earth — (till like) a beast (of sacri- 
fice) the (sapient) priest lay frightened.* 

With this exultant mockery of his rival's discomfiture the poet 
turns to the account of the panic and retreat to the river. 

9. They went, as if to a goal, to destruction, to (the river) Pa- 
rusni. Not even the swift one came home. To Sudfis Indra over- 
gave in flight the enemy (those that had no Friend), (bestowing) 
upon the manly one those of unmanly voice.f 

10. They went, crowding as they could around the 'Friend,' 
like cattle from the meadow without a herdsman — pretty cattle, 
prettily cast to earth — horse and foot they followed one another.^ 

11. indra (was) the hero who as king for glory's sake strewed 
down the one and twenty tribes of the two sons of Vikarna, (and) 

ily phraseology : compare vii. 76. 4, id id devdndm sadham&da dsan) as 
a sadhamdd of Indra (and satyd tf^tsunCim ahhavat purdhitify, 88. 4), 
while Vigvamitra is only ironically the * Aryans' friend ' (Indra's title). 
The Bhygus may be priests, but in connection with the others they are 
here more probably a clan of fighters, as is perhaps implied in ix. 101. 
13, dpa gvdnam arddhdsam hatd makhdm nd bhrgavah. Read gdvyd 
(cf . vs. 10) for gavyd (thoup^h not necessarily, as we may translate * who 
as friend of the Aryans with lust for booty led his friends,' asin vs. 14). 
Ajagan : without preposition gam takes accusative in the sense * go for, 
attack.' Compare adchd ^mizrdn, vi. 75. 16, of a weapon. With njr'n 
conapare 19. 9-10, sdkhd . . np/dw, i. e. * of us.' 

♦ With * evil-minded ' the description continues. The antithesis to 
the priest by whose advice the river was * torn apart,' and who is there- 
fore said to * lord it over earth,' is found in vs. 16, where Indra is the 
real *lord.' The evident pun in cdyamdna 'wise' and * frightened' 
needs no commentary, but I cannot render it into English. The antith- 
esis is very dramatic — * he encompassed earth lording it ' — * he lay fright- 
ened like a beast of sacrifice.' The subject is of course tlie same. La- 
tent is somewhat the same thought in agayat (pithivydm) as that which 
is expressed by ^schylus with e^ovot (Vi/v Adfioxnv h rni^ ;t^w<Jf ; only 
here the dishonored lying is simply contrasted witli the proud encom- 
passing. There may be a sinister meaning in dditim, as applicable to 
those that died in it. 

t Compare mi'dhrdvdc in 18. Artha and nyarthd (goal and destruc- 
tion), another simple pun. The following clause shows that the drtha 
was the goal of safety sought in the retreat across the river, which, 
however, drowned the invaders. * Not even ' the swift, as in vii. 86. 6. 
sixipna^; caiied ; but in each case the negative force is doubtful, and the 
reference may be to Turvaya as the * swift ' one — * the swift one alone 
came home.' Amitrdn^ a pun as in durmitrd^ vs. 15, depending on ac- 
cent, descriptive or jKJssessive, evidently for the third time alluding to 
Vigvamitra. Abhipitvd, perhaps the same as drtha. 

X 'Around the Friend' {ahhi mitrdm)^ for the fourth time alluding 
scornfully to Vi(;vamitra. The very clear pun in pf'^i has not escaped 
the translators— literally * pretty (variegated) cattle (they were and) on 
the pretty (earth) cast down.' The translation is therefore a little free, 
keeping rather the tone than the exact sense. ' Horse and foot,' * yoked 
(horses) and (foot) fighters.' The word gdvuh * cattle ' resumes the scorn 
in gdvyd {gavyd) of vs. 7. With the * meadow ' image compare a differ- 
ent application, viii. 92. 12; i. 91. 13. 'Without a herdsman,' dgopdh; 
the true tender of flocks is Indra, gopatih, vs. 4. 



Prohleniatic Passages in the Rig- Veda. 263 

made of them an overthrow (an outpouring), even as a clever 
man chops do^m (at one stroke) the straw upon the ground (of 
sacrifice).* 

12. And thou, the Thunderer, didst cast down into the water 
(king) Kavasa, the renowned, the venerable, [after] the Ann, (and) 
the Druhyu (kings). Then thy followers who rejoiced in thee 
elected a (true) friendship for friendship.f 

13. Indra swiftly broke apart their stnmgholds, with might 
(destroyed) their seven towns.J The booty of the Anu (king) 
thou hast given to the Trtsu (king). We conquered the Puru 
(king), the false speaker in the assembly.g 

14. The booty-seeking Anu-people and the Druhyu-people, 
sixty hundred, six thousand, sixty strong men and six, have fallen 
asleep (in death). All these heroic deeds were done of Indra [for 
his worshiper Sudas]|| as a reward. 

15. By Indra directed, these [O ye] Trtsu-people ran down like 
waters let loose. The enemy [they that had a bad Friend], being 
well-nigh destroyed, have left all their good things for Sudiis to 
enjoy. •[ 

16. The party of the strong (man), the (impious) drinker of 
cooked (milk), the one who rejected Indra, the vaunter, him Indra 
smote to earth, unmade the madness of the madness-maker, (truly) 
divided the paths, (truly) lording it over the course.** 



* Ni ^gdti . . sdrgam akjrvot. The second image reflects rather the 
idea of ny datah, yet so as to combine the fall in the first. Another al- 
lusion to sacrifice in barhis. Compare, 87. 1, sdrgo nd sfi^fdh ; also, with 
this verse, 8. 4. In x. 43. 2 the image is inverted, r^jeva dasma. Com- 
pare Vi^vamitra in iii. 33. 1 1-12. 

t Construe a« in 87. 3. A repetition of the allusion above in sdfchd to 
Vicvamitra. All Indra*s true followers now turned from the anindrd 
sicie (16) and acknowledged him. Such was Turvaya. Notice Druhyu 
(king) distinguished from the plural people. Compare 19.9, asindn 
vrt}ipHi yujydya, 

X Perhaps only conventional : compare i. 63. 7. ' thou didst destroy 
their seven towns when thou didst overthrow them like straw.' Also 
i. 174. 2, idem, with an allusion to * false speakers,* as here in vs. 13. In 
the first passage Purukutsa and Puru are punned upon with purah 
( towns). Compare with mfdhrdvac vii. 6. 3, akraitln . . mfdhravdcaib 
pantn . . ayajfUin. 

§ Probably not in apposition, but from the common use of viddtha re- 
ferring to Viqvamitra. The singular again or the adjective for him who 
is cfltr* i^oxv^ the Puru, the king ; the Anu (Anavali), the king of the 
* Anu-people ' idnatxiJi). 

I Suggested by Lud wig's translation. Duvoyii — dnvasyii ; diwa^yii^ 
duvasy * give,' as in fnidds da, but form and caesura oppose the ingen- 
ious idea. 

^ Tf'tsavafy is almost certainly tf^savaJf, as the image, in view of the 
above comparison alone, must apply to the enemy. In dMrmitrdsafy we 
have another pun depending only on the accent. This is the last of the 
five or six eviaent allusions to Vicvamitra. 

♦* Rhetorical antithesis to the false lord, the weak divider of courses 
and paths, in vs. 8. In manynm manyumyo mimdya a slight allitera- 
tion, as if intended for a pun. The title * vaunter ' recalls Qimyu, who 
is so called in vs. 5. Perhaps better * even a lion.' 

VOL. XV. 84 



264 E. W. Hopkins, 

1 7. With but little (help) this one thing did (Indra) — ^he smote 
a lion as it were with a goat, rent spears with a needle ; and gave 
all good things for Siidfis to enjoy.* 

18. All thy foes have bowed before thee. Thou didst find out 
the overturning even of vaunting Bheda — cast down thy sharp 
bolt upon him, O Indra, who sins against mortals that praise 
(thee). 

19. The (river) Yamunfi helped Indra, and the Tytsu-people 
(helped him). Then he utterly despoiled Bhed^ The Aja- 
people, the ^igru-people, and the Yaksu-people have offered him 
tribute — the heads of their horses ! 

20. O Indra, the kindness and the wealth coming from thee 
neither through days of old nor at present can be estimated — 
even ^^"i^^ra, that godkin in his own esteem, thou didst cast 
down from greatness. 

So ends the finest lyric of ancient India. f Throughout kings 
and peoples are kept separate. If, as is possible, the name Tur- 
v&9a is a nickname from the swift escape (cf. tur^i) of the Yadu 
king, it explains why he is always so called, Turva9a the Yadu, 
while the other kings are given either their name, Kavasa, Bheda, 
etc., or title, Druhy{i etc., alone. We only confuse matters when 
we confound plural and singular where the original makes a dis- 
tinction. J As to Zimmer's statement that the Yadus suffered the 
same fate as their companions, and his insistatice on the five peo- 
ples so conspicuous in this poem, to read the poem aright disposes 
of the claim. There is no grouping of the * ^\q peoples,' nor is it 
possible to get Turva9rih and Yadavah out of * Turva9a the Yaksu,' 
the first of which cannot mean the Turva9a-people ; while, if it 
did, the latter is not the Yadu. Nor if we change the reading 
have we then a Yadu people differentiated from aTurva9a people.§ 



* We ought probably (but not net^essarily) to read ^kti^ for ekam. The 
allusions are obvious and really witty. Instead of sinhd the unusual 
word sihhydm (masc. ace.) is used as a pun on ^imyuin. The lion, (Jimyi'i, 
Indra destroys witli little help, the Tftsu (from trd * pierce ), first rep- 
resented by the horn of a goat (petra), which though small pierces the 
huge lion ; then more plainly by the needle, which also pierces the 
larger spears ; and this, in turn, sraktl, is radically a reminder of the 
srdj or band of confederated kings ; the only doubt being whether 
srakti means exactly * spears.' This explanation is the only one that 
gives any point to the comparison, and itself shows that tf'tisu is not 
understood as * white' but as ' piercing, <lestroying :■ witness the mean- 
ingless translations of Grassmann and Ludwig. 

t From such beginnings came the Epic, not directly indeed, as a con- 
catenation of ballads, but with like historical lyrics as a base of supplies. 

X I have just received Bi*unnhofer's too ingenious speculations m re- 
gard to the Turks and Hyrkanians in the Rig- Veda (** vom Aral bis zur 
GangA"). He appears to have omitted the reference to the Shah of 
Persia (jpar^^w) in A'iii. 6. 46. But it is hard to take seriously the vagaries 
of this work and its predecessors. Almost anything can be proved by 
quoting proper names with cliance likenesses in any other language, 
and most of the matter is over-estimated (Idnastnti material. 

§ It is strange that Zimmer (loc. cit.)does not state that his argument 
for vii. 18 rests on a change of the received text. As for the analysis 



Prohleniatu', Passages in the Riy- Veda. 265 

The history iu the poem is, as I conceive it, this : Vi9vainitra 
was supplanted by Vasistha as priest of Sudiis. lie originated 
the confederation of the ten kings as a means of vengeance, care- 
less whether some were In dra- worshipers or not. These kings, 
with their own and many other tribes of which they represented 
the kingship (as Vikarna had left twenty-one peoples or tribes 
under the sway of his two sons), unitedly attacked Sudas (who 
believed in Indra : that is, in Vasistha) and were defeated. The 
song of victory proclaims all Sudas' foes as those of Indra, 
because it included some unbelievers. Turva9a was a believer, 
but in Vasistha's view one with the wicked. He was however 
saved, and through this special grace of Indra became prominent 
as his favorite and worshiper (as shown in the eighth book), 
while the Druhyu king was drowned, and probably the Anu king, 
whose successor (of course with the same title) appears in viii. 
4. 1 as a worshiper with Turva9a of Indra. There is nothing in 
vii. 18 to indicate that Turvaya was really a disbeliever in Indra, 
or the Anu king either, the direct imputation of godlessness ap- 
parently referring to ^^"^.V^^ ^"<1 ^ambara, with perhaps Bheda 
added. The others were only associates of the ungodly. 

In our passage (viii. 4. 8), the great deed of rescuing Turva9a 
is referred to, not as usual with the formula * Indra helped Tur- 
va9a the Yadu (king) over the river,' but with the words : *We 
will not grow weak in thy friendship ; great is the wonderful 
thing done of thee the bull (Indra) ; let us look at Turva9a the 
Yadu ; on the left flank the bull covers (him) ; the generous one 
is not angry with him — (O Indra,) milk and honey are mixed for 
thee ; come hither and drink (at Turva9a's sacrifice).' 

This seems to me the best than can be made of a doubtful text.* 
Indra is generous in helping Turva9a again to weal. Compare i. 
1*74.9, pCirayd turfui^foh yaduni avastl. In vii. 27. 4 dci?id is 
epithet of Indra. We can scarcely dissociate the verb of our 
text from that in iii. ;52. 11 (ydd any a yd sphigya ksiim dvcisthdh)^ 
*when thou, Indra, didst cover earth on the left side (i.e. when 
the monsoon storm-clouds came from the south), heaven held not 
thy greatness.'! From what was said at the outset, (taya should 
naturally refer not to Indra but to Turva9a.I 



which gives as residuum on the Trtsu aide the tribes Pakthas etc. — 
apart from the fact that the text does not indicate this in any way, if 
there were so many tribes aiding the Tj-tsus we should never nave had 
the expressions * the little help,' * the Yamuna and Trtsu-people helped 
Indra, * the ^oat and lion,' * tne needle/ 
♦ Sai^Am anu sjjhigydm vdvase vf^sd nd ddno any a rosati, 
f Not vcut *eat,' as Geldner proposes in K.Z. xxvii. 216. 
i The translations known to me connect this part of the verse closely 
with the following, thus giving no explanation of the preceding, and in 
so doing offer the following pleasing variety of interpretations. PW. : 
** He hastens to the left side (where the sacrificer imagines himself to 
be) ; he is not angrj- with (or does not despise) our feast •' (v. s. ru^ and 
vas), Grassmann: **ne is clothed (with a sword) on his left hip; he 
does not scorn the feast "(see G.'s explanation). Ludwig: **The bull 
rests on his left hip ; his splitter does not rage." Geldner (seriously?) : 
** The giant eats up the left side" (of the sacrificial animal) ! 



266 E, W. Hopkins, 

But the ' covering ' on the left flank is perhaps to be taken here 
rather metaphorically, as if the god were Turva9a'8 ally, and oc- 
cupied that post of protection and honor. Thus, on the third day 
of the great battle described in the Mahabharata, the left side is 
occupied by the best knight of the Pandus, Arjuna ; and on the 
sixteenth day, when Arjuna makes all the arrangements, he sta- 
tions his bravest brother Bhinia on the left, and stands himself 
with the king in the middle (see description in vol. xiii. of this 
Journal, pp. 208, 216). Indra is now Turva9a's goptar^ to use the 
Epic expression.* 

VII. viii. 5. 19, yd ha vfim inddhwio dftir dhito rathacdrsarhe : 
tdiah jjibatam a^t)i7id, — tena no vfijhiwa^n pd^ve tokiiya ^m 
gdve: vdhatam pivarlr Uah, Ludwig objects to rtUhucdrsana 
as *box of the car,' because it is absurd to invite the A9vin8 to 
drink from their own bag ; and he regards the dfUh as a bag of 
sweets placed * on the way of the car,' a sort of improvised res- 
taurant, construing tena as ' for the sake of this.' 

The objection will not hold good. The bag of sweets is ex- 
pressly stated to be attached to the A9vin8' car. Compare iv. 
45. 1, dr'tts turiyo mddhuno mrap^ate . . . (3) dr'tim vahethe md- 
dhu7na?Ua/n a^viml. The construction of tena is one with that 
in vii. 69. 5, yd ha syd vdih rathird . . rdthah . . tena 9Uih ^dm 
ydr . . ny dpohiff. vahatam. It may sound odd to invite the 
Ayvins thus, but no modern etiquette can separate the two dftU 
mentioned above. 

VIII. viii. 5. 33, e?id vdtu prtmidpsavo vdyo vahantu partu- 
nah etc. What <loes 7>n/.yV<//?«w mean ? PVV. defines d-peu as 
* without food' (j)su =zps(7), and then, rather dogmatically, gives 
to 2^^^^ the meaning of ' appearance ' alone. I hold, on the con- 
trary, that^«M means only food, both in composition and in psiir, 
which is the independent form. In certain compounds, the best 
example for the definition of PW. being arundpsu applied to the 
dawn, 2)mt appears to have the meaning assigned to it by the 
Lexicon. Yet even in this best example the comparison of yhr- 
tdprat'ikdin umsuiu nd devrifi, vii. 85. 1, shows that, however 
mu(th better the Lexicon's translation may suit our esthetic 
taste, the epithet of * food faced' is one not unknown to the Vedic 
poets ; nor do the other compounds dhrutapsu, rtapsCi (the A9vin8) 
require the meaning 'form, a]>])earance' for psu. On the con- 
trary, these compounds are a[)plied to the gods that bring dew and 
rain, which are often enough interpreted and referred to as food. 
Moreover, ])Sf'i^ from which it is difficult to separate psu^ means 
only * foo<l,' and psdnfs only ' feast.' That other epithet of the 

* I am rather doubtful alx>ut the propriety of admitting Epic battle- 
terms into the Rig- Veda, but see no other way of explaining the * left 
hip' (* wing ' or ' side* in Epic language), especially as this is a very nat- 
ural expression in warfare of any date. Apropos of the * needle ' men- 
tioned above, this is the formal name of a * battle-array ' in the Maha- 
bharata, but is too technical a term to be used here for elucidation (loo. 
cit., pp. 205, 206, 211). 



Problematic Pdsumujes in the liig- Vedu, 267 

A9vin8' car, vi^vdpsnj/a, can scarcely be otherwise understood ; 
the car is preeminently one of food (vii. 71.4). Of the compounds 
of psu mistranslated by PW. and Grassmann, vr'sapsii^ applied 
to the Maruts and their chariot, means 'having strong (rain) 
food :' compare vrmhhdnna. Prusitdpsu, applied to the A9vins' 
steeds which bring nourishment, reminds us of x. 26. 3, (P/'mt) abhi 
p»drah prumyati. The word arundpsu gives a combination of 
* bearing food' and *the food is red.' Now arund applied to the 
dew is not strange, since the food is regarded as (jhrtd or as heav- 
enly soma, and the latter has often the epithet arund — which 
again^ applied not only to soma, but in generalized expression 
(voHU^ Grassmann), has, as is the case with so many light-color 
words, rather the meaning of ' brilliant ' than that of a definite 
shade. We must choose between a meaning applicable every- 
where and one that may apply in some cases and cannot in others 
(d-psu and the cognates psar, psd, psdras), 1 maintain therefore 
that p8u means * food ' alone.* 

IX. viii. 5. 36, yuvd^a inrgdm jdgrvfhisam svddatho vCi vrsan- 
vasu : t<i nah prnktam is/t rayhn, Ludwig's attempt to elucidate 
this passage by the substitution of svdpathah for svddathah fails 
to satisfy, for two reasons. First, antecedently, because to in- 
dulge in conjectural readings without having exhausted all pos- 
sible means of obtaining a good sense from the textus receplus is 
the worst possible kind of exegesis for a text so carefully handed 
down ; and secondly, because, according to the Vedic way of 
looking at things, the dawn, here symbolized by the A5vins, in- 
stead of putting the beasts to sleep, wakes them up, as it does the 
rest of the world. Compare iv. 51. 5, prahodhdyantlr usasah 
sasdfUam dvipdc cdtuspdc cardthdya jlvdni * ye dawns, awaking 
the sleeping, biped and quadruped, to go alive.' To seek an an- 
tithesis between sleeping and waking, such as is given in x. 164. 3, 
is not here admissible. Grassmann, on the other hand, translates 
(as does the minor PW.) "you like (enjoy) the lively beast," and 
explains beast as soma. 

Despite these authorities, I think that svad in no case in the 
Rig- Veda means * like,' or * taste,' but always (literally or meta- 
phorically) * sweeten, purify,' The sense of the solitary verb 
must be taken from that of the verb as half explained by the 
adjuncts that modify it. These adjuncts all point to * sweeten' 
as the meaning of the simple root. The cases are not many, and 
are easily reviewed. In x. 110. 10 the sacrificial post and Agni 
are together invoked with the words : vdnaspdtUj . . agnJi sod- 
dantu havydm mddhund ghrtena ; also, ib. 2, soadayd (ydndn 
fnddhvd). Here ' sweeten' is obviously the proper translation, as 
is shown by mddhund. But, if so, then in x. 70. 10, where the 
same author of sweetness is invoked, the same sense must apply : 

♦ See now the paper read at the same meeting by Dr. Jackson on u^u. 
Add to the above vi^dpaur yajflaJi, clearly explained as * food-full ' by 
the following prdyasvantai), in x. 77. 4. 



268 E. ^Y. Hophim, 

vdnaspate . . svddati devdh krndnad dhaninsi. And this must 

A • • • • 

also hold good for i. 188. 10, where the post and Agni are a^in 
invoked, the latter with the words ar/mr havydni sisvadat. But 
we have gained another point by this collocation : Agni sweetens 
the oblation. Then in iii. 14. 7, mrvam tad ague anirta svade/td^ 
why need we assume a new meaning for svadf Plainly Agni 
is invoked to * sweeten,' as before. And in iii. 54. 22, svddasva 
havi/fi sdm Uo dldlhi . . agne^ to translate *enjoy' is to go out- 
side in order to get what lies within ; we must render 'make sweet 
for thy self the oblation.' Agni is the agent that sweetens the 
mixture.* Hence in ii. 1.14, agne . . tvayd fndrtasaJi svadanta 
asutiniy the meaning must again be * through thy agency men 
sweeten for themselves the soma ;' not ' taste.' And when the 
middle is used without object the reflexive sense gives the best 
meaning. Thus, ix. 74. 9, soddasoendrdga pavamana p'Udye^ ' O 
soma, be s\veet to drink,' literally ' sweeten thyself.' It will be 
observed that the application is almost always to soma as the 
object and to fire as the subject, extending also to the verbal 
noun, as when in v. 7. 6 Agni is called the svddafiah pitrnnim. In 
the one case remaining, where the gods in general take Agni's 
place (vii. 2. 2, snddafiH defut ubhdyfmi tiavyd^ on account of 
ubhdydni)y there is no reason for su[)posing a change of sense. 
Quite metaphorical, on the other hand, is the use of the verb in 
ix. (104. 1 and) 105 I, (/i<;ui]i nd yajna'fh pdri bht'tsata and sva- 
dayanta gurtif>hih. Here the sense of ' sweeten ' is explained by 
the equivalent in 104. 1, and is the same as in viii. 49. 5 compared 
with ib. 50. 5 ( Val. 1 and 2). In these passages soma is sweetened 
by song or [song] by milk.f 

But these practically exhaust all cases where * enjoy' can be 
maintained at all as the meaning of snad. For in i. 119. 2 svd- 
dOnii gharmnm (for the A^vins) is admitted to mean 'I sweeten 
the hot drink ;' an<l in ix. 02. 5 (;uhhrthn d?idhah . . svddanfi gd 
vah pdyohhih is worth mentioning only because the milk-sweet- 
ened soma here mentioned is further described in vs. G by the use 
of d<;u^uhhan^ which explains, if explanation be needed, the 
* sweeten ' above as ecpiivalent to ' make pure, agreeable.' With 
this slight extension of meaning (<juite different from * enjoy') 
we have a sense that tits the use of the root not only in its pres- 
ent form but in the related svi'uf^ sudy sad, " The yellow (soma) 
becomes sweet" is Ludwiir's correct translation of svddcUe in ix. 



♦Compare m. A. "2, {ague) inuhh yajudm mddhuniantaih kfdhi It is 
not therefore even necessary to modify ' sweeten' to * purify' so far as 
Agni's work is concerned. The use here is metaphorical. Agni sweet- 
ens, i. e. makes pleasant (by cooking), and so is even said to provide the 
food. Couii)are i. 46. 4, ' the lover of the waters (Agni) fills the A<;vins 
witli oblations' wlien their buffaloes liave brought the car at dawn. 
Compare rrimoi' * mellow, pleasiint.' 

f Val. 2. 5, yam te si'addiHnit svddanti gurtdyah pdure chandayaae 
havdni; ib. 1.5, svadhdvant Hvaddyanti dhendvah. In the latter sto- 
mam is the received object ; soviam, Grassmann. PW. assumes a 
stxid^ = * entice ' for ix. 105. 1 (viii. 5. 36 is now rendered * enjoy '). 



Problematic Pammjen in the Pig- Veda, 269 

68. 2 ; and in the tag to the preceding hymn the food which is 

* punfied and sweetened by Mritari9van ' (pntdm svaditd^n) is (ib. 
67. 32) explained as * milk, butter, honey, and water.' It is this 
simple extension of * sweet' to *pure' that to my mind explains 
all the ramifications of the root in its various forms, and does 
away with the necessity of assuming a simd^^ while connecting 
siul and 8vad, The only case that remains for consideration 
under svad itself is ii. 4. 7, asnadayan nd bhu'ma, where Agni 
neither * tastes' the earth (Grassmann), nor 'spices' it (PW. and 
Ludwig), but sweetens, i. e. purifies it, a very proper expression. 
As for what remains, agnisvdttd, like svddate above, means not 

* enjoyed by Agni ' but ' purified by Agni ;' sud has never the 
meaning of ' enjoy ;'* and lastly siul in viii. 1 7. 6, svddus te astu 
8aih»ude . . . sdmah, means * sweet for sweetening thy body.' 

viii. 6. 36, in accordance with the facts stated above, means 
(svddathaft) *ye sweeten' or *ye purify' or *ye make right' the 
beast {mrgdm). 

The subject is the A9vins. These gods, besides being associ- 
ated with Dadhikra, iii. 20. 1 etc., are particularly described as 
possessors of a wonder-beast, mrgd, strongly resembling the 
classic Nandini (compare iii. 58. 1 and the sabardughd cow). 
The question, therefore, arises whether we are at liberty to sepa- 
rate this rnrgd from the one alluded to in our passage. In the 
verses immediately preceding especial weight is laid upon the 
steeds of the A9vins, which are described as * hawks' (vss. 7, 33), 
and bear the epithet pnisitdpaavah (33, see the last paragraph) ; 
but are again ' swift-footed horses ' (35) ; the car itself being one 
that *goes with nourishment' (compare i. 180. 1, vdrii p<ivdyah 
prumyan niddhvcdi). 

In the quotation given above apropos of rathacdrsana, the bag 
of sweets is reckoned as ' a fourth ' on the A5vins' car. A fourth 
what ? The text reads, iv. 45. 1-4, prksiUo asmin (rathe) mithund 
ddhi trdyo dr'tis turiyo inddhuno m rap^ate : nd tn'im prksdso ?nd- 
dhumanta Irate rdthd d^vasah . . priydni niddhune y^ifijdthfim 
rdthum . . ; haiisdso ye vdtn niddhwnanto asrulho Kiranyaparnd 
uh^'iva nsarbudhah: udapnHo mandhio inandhiispr Qati. Here 
we have another of the mild pUns with which the Rig- Veda teems. 
It is impossible to separate these prkn/lMih from the saptd prksd- 
8dh of iii. 4. 7. The gods themselves are prksdh (x. 65. 4 : com- 
pare Pischel, Ved. JSt. i. 06). The meaning hovers between * lively ' 
and Mife, means of life' (intmhis^ rjictus). The passage may be 
rendered thus : * upon that car are three pairs f ull-of-life ; the 
fourth, a bag, is dripping sweets. Up start [at dawn's aj)pear- 
ance] your cars and horses f ull-of-life, having sweets. Yoke for' 
sweetness the dear car ; your birds, which have sweetness, which 




applied to the purified seers. 



270 E. W, Hopkins, 

injure not, have golden wings, are carriers (?), wake at dawn, bathe 
in (dew) water, with rejoicing touching the joyous (drink).' The 
A9vins' car is a wonder-car {purwnui/dh^ i. 119. 1) : compare v. 
78.3; vii. 69. 1), and is drawn, as above, by steeds which are 
horses or birds (flamingoes, hawks), while the whole is repre- 
sented as a ship(i. 46. 3; 116.3; 183. 1— a later view?). The 
three-fold character of every thing in and about the car (i. 34 ; 
118.2) may be explained by the three-fold morning light which 
it represents.* The car rises with or just before the dawn (iii. 
39. 3 ; 68. 1). The water and nourishment is the dew, which like 
Indra's rain is a heavenly equivalent of the drink below. The 
bag is a cloud, or whatever is supposed to hold the dew. So far 
no special nirgdh. But the sustenance-holder is not only a bag 
as above, but also figured as a rAsahJiah (epcftj). The A9vin8 
themselves are like buffaloes and flamingoes (v. 78. 1 ff : compare 
viii. 35. 7 ff.) ;f and their beasts, besides being represented as horses, 
hawks, and flamingoes, are also portrayed as buffaloes (* hump- 
beasts,' i. 184. 3 etc.). The dew-animal {rAsahh<ih^ of course with 
the fruitful play of sense translatable by epffijy apcffjv) is, how- 
ever, always singular, and distinct from the plural kaktth/ih. 
Moreover, the rdsahhah is the one prominent animal (i. 34. 9), 
like the dr'tih ; and in fact the dftih is the tamer image^ if it be 
an image, of what is strongly personified in nlaabhaJi. As all the 
animals of this variegated pair interchange, we find without much 
astonishment that the special wonder-beast is not always the same 
creature ; but the important point is that the A9vin8 have one 
special animal at each occurrence, whether he be for the time 
being ass, horse, or buffalo. Thus, in i. 116. 7 the A9vin8 fill 
the jars on earth with Miquor' (snra, dew, as rain is s6mah) 
by emptying it * out of the horse's hoof (repeated 117.6, with 
'sweets' substituted for Miquor'). But, on the other hand, just 
as /?f A*.y<tA are on the car, and yet this word is attribute of the 
steeds (above, iv. 45. 1), so the bag of sweets is Jilso represented 
by the * hump-beast' making sustenance for mortals. Thus, in v. 
75. 4, after saying that the v&mcTi is fastened {dhftd : compare the 
bag above, viii. 5. 1 9) to the car, the poet adds ut/f vCim kakuhd 
inrqali pr'ksah knioti vdimsah ' vour marvellous hump-beast 
makes nourishment.' There is then a double play in prka/lh . . 
dftis (uriyah above, viz. on quick and quickening and on horse 
and food (there is possibly a pun intended in turli/ah, tun, tu- 
rtpn). Therefore the pairs are with careful looseness said to be 
ddhi r<ith€y as if of food, while evidently identical with the steeds 

* The three-fold light is white, red, and yellow. The red is the dawn 
which mounts the Agvins' car, then * gleaming/ without special color, 
piinn^candrCi (viii. 5. 32, the Ac^vins when first appearing ; tfieir car, vii. 
72. 1). When dawn takes her place in the car it l^econies red (i. 118.5), 
but afterwards preeminently yellow (golden, i v. 45. 4; viii. 5. 85). The 
red which follows the white disappears in vellow at sunrise. 

t They are themselves like a bag in viii. §7. 1 (krivir nd seka &gatam)^ 
as is Indra {vf^abhd) in i. 30. 1. I fancy both df'Wj and krivUi sliould be 
translated * cloud (bag).' 



Prohlsinatic Pa^m^jefn in the Riff- Veda. 271 

of the next verse (which rise, iiclirate^ as birds). There can be 
no donbt whatever that the steeds of the A9vin8 are at times con- 
ceived as food itself- Compare viii. 85. 7, yutijdthdm rdsahham, 
with viii. 22. 9, yutljdthfnn ptrar'ir htah ; and this again with viii. 
5.20, luihatatn phmrir UaJi ; and recall 6. 19 (above), where the 
A9vin8 drink from their own bag. 

Such is in my view the tnrgah of our passage, and nirgdm jd- 
f/nutnsamsvddathah is equivalent to *you make the (dew-)animal 
sweet (for us) as he grows lively' (wakes at dawn: compare 
fmirbt'tdh above, iv. 45. 4), with which agrees well the following : 
til tuih prnktam isn rai/im, i. e. * as such (as gods who come in a 
golden car and sweeten food for us) mix with (this) sustenance 
wealth for us' (perhaps a conscious reference in jm to 2^r^'i)' 
The gods come for a feast, but the quotations above show suffi- 
ciently that they bring sweets (rmhfhu etc.) to the worshiper. 
These sweets are the counterpart of the earthly food (sdmah is 
jtlffrvih in ix. 107. etc.), and doubtless, as the beast pours out 
at'frd (see above) to earth, so the earthly drink is intimately con- 
nected with the heavenly ; and the ultimate thought in the poet's 
mind may be ' you sweeten the drink ' bolh of dew and soma,* 
the A9vin8 taking the place usually ascribed to Agni.f 

The delineation of the mrgdh as food and buffalo is no more 
confused than the whole imagery connected with the A9vins. 
Yet tliis in turn is legitimately heterogeneous. The car that is a 
ship, the steed that is horse, buffalo, hawk, ass, and bag, are per- 
fectly clear when we remember that the different images are only 
portions of a kaleidoscope of fancies, several metaphors describ- 
ing the indescribable rise of dawn. Rdtham eko d^vo vahati 
ita^ytdnnmffy i. 164. 2. J 

* In iii. 58. 7, Hroahnyam jmdnA sdmam pUmtam . . suddnii (the dewy 
A^ins are to drink * the soma of yesterday '). Compare tliis with the 
dnnking from their own supply (as above) ; and note further i. 47. 4, 
{d^ind) vu^avednsn mddhvd yajfidm minu'kmtam * O A^'vins, mix the 
sacrifice with sweetness ;' and i. 181.6, jjrd x^dm gnrddvfni vi'tfabho iid 
lUHifdi piirvtr isa^. carati mddhva itnidn etc. * one like a bull (Ludwig, 
your bull like a cloud) sprinkles sweetness ;' and iv. 43. 5, rtuidhvd md- 
dhvi mddhu vdm pru^dynn ydt stih vdm pfkso hhnrdjanta j}akv&h (the 
A9vin8' sweet fcnxl compared to the earthly cooked food). 

f That mfgd = agni is, I think, impossible here. The descriptions of 
light-divinities naturally often coincide. Thus Agni is a winged horse 
(iv. 15. 6 ; V. 1. 4, 7), a lion (v. 15. 3), a steer (v. 1. 8 ; 28. 4) : nmrbhdh (iv. 
7. 8) ; his tongue drops honey (i. 60. 3' ; his steeds are buttery (iv. 2. 3 : 
cf. iii. 6. 6) ; and he is of course * lively ' {ranvdhy iv. 7. 5 etc.). In i. 46. 
8-9 (to the Acvins) the * drops of heaven ' {diva indaimh) are as precious 
as.and take the place of earthly water {mlsu sindhundm pad^), and the 
song begins when the drops (of the morning dew) fall. 

X The image in i. 182. 7, pnrnd migdsya patdror ivdrdbhn ud a<^vind 
iihathufj^ is, I think, incorrectly translated by Ludwig * like boughs for 
a winged beast to seize.' Panid in x. 68. 10 is * leaf,' not * bough/ and 
here * wijig.' Translate [what ' tree,' i. e. no tree there was in the sea 
for drowning Y. to climb upon] : * (ye were) like the wings of a bird (for 
him) to seize on ; up ye bore him, safe and sound :' he was like a bird 
in rising up, and the Agvins were wings to him ; or, what wings are * for 

VOL. XV. 85 



272 E, \V, Hopkins, 

X. viii. 6. 7-8. I have incidentally alluded in the paragraphs 
above to the subject of Vedic puns. Such examples as the con- 
stant play on x^rdh in its literal and metaphorical sense (' mag- 
nify') ;* on vr'san (ii. 16. 5 and often) and related forms ; aahas- 
ram with sdhaskrtah (viii. 8. 4); 8var, 'sound' and Might' (ib. 
13); harl and haryaUX (viii. 12. 25: compare iii. 44. Iffi); as-Q^k 
surdyah (viii. 10. 4, * illustrious where there is no lustre') ; ndma 
manamahe (viii. 11. 5) ; turvd^turvdne (viii. 45. 27) — are near and 
common instances. That on jdtdvedas (vi. 16. 13) is well known. 
Above we had cases in pr'ks prksd, and in the whole hymn of the 
Ten-kings' battle. 

Of these puns some are little more than a natural antithesis of 
the radical and metaphorical meanings ; some may be uncon- 
sciously perpetrated ; but others are as seriously intended as 
those of JEschylus and the writers of Scripture. 

In the present passage, without a due appreciation of the extent 
of punning indulged in by the Vedic bards, no reasonable inter- 
pretation is possible. The text reads, viii. 0. 7-8, inni cibhi prd 
nonumo tHpatn dyresu dhUdyah: agn^ ^ocW nd didy^itah, guM 
aatir iipa tmdnd prd ydc chdcanta dhltdyah: kdnva rfdsya 
dhdrayd. 

The whole intent of this hymn is to establish a likeness between 
the gleaming darts of Indra and the coruscating thought (wisdom 
or wit) of the poet. The poet in the brilliancy of his words is 
like Indra in the brilliancy of his weapons. This is intimated at 
once in the third verse, whave jfnm bruvata dyudham means *they 
declare his weapon their own.'f In the verses under considera- 
tion here Ludwig makes the verb a parenthesis ; Grassmann takes 
satth with kdnvdh, makes tlie poet compare lightning to a gleam 
of fire, and takes dhltdyah as 'flames.' The poet is like Indra, 
like a sun (compare 10-11, 20). The comparison rests in the first 
place on dht, which, as usual, is not * prayer' (Grassmann's ordi- 
nary translation), nor yet ' wish,' but 'thought, wit.' DhUih and 



a flying creature ' (notice the ohjective iwsition of the genitive). Mfydh 
patdruJi (meregha) is any winged creature. There is no need of Grass- 
mann's specially large bird, With the above compare in general iv. 45. 
5, siHidhvardso mddhumanto agtHtya nsrd jarante prdti vdstor agvt7id; 
and iv. 58. 6 (of the sacrificial streams), etc ar^anty urvidyo ghftdsya 
mxg& ixHi ksipam'}r hatnmjdh : the latter shows the streams lively as 
beasts fleeing from the arrow. 

♦ Compare «r, dr 'exalt, praise' in viii. 16.6. 

f Totally misunderstood by the translators. Grassmann renders : 
(Since the Kanvas with their praises made Indra the success of sacrifice) 

* liis bolt is called their brother* (i.e. Indra defends them). Ludwig: 

* Their words become a confederated weapon.' The prose of this poeti- 
cal expression is simply that the priests' speech is as brilliant (a weapon) 
as luclra's bolt. Compare viii. 12. 31, siistutim . , idmim, padiva etc. 
But compare esi)ecially x. 8. 7, jdmi bnivdnd ayudndni veti 'declaring 
his own the weap<^n8.' The Greek ndfl^ tujv^f Kt/pi'^aCj Ant. 192, is some- 
what similar in extending the idea of relationship to mean similarity, 
but the Vedic Jdmi keeps the radical idea of origin. We might almost 
translate * native (to themselves) they declare Indra's weapon.* 



Prohleinatlc Passages in the Rig- Veda, 278 

Ji/tA are played upon. Agra is * sharpness, acuteness, cleverness ;' 
didyut is 'brilliancy' (of light or of wit) ; v'lp is a 'stick' and a 

* Bong ' (' stave :' compare dyoagrd vip, x. 99. 1 0) ; dhdrd is the 

* stream' (of soma) and the 'sharp blade' of a sword or fire. The 
pans, however, are not confined to this place, for in verse 10 me- 
dhd ' wisdom ' and med/id * weapon ' (?) are played upon (compare 
45) ; in 21 sutdh is used in two senses ; in 28-29 gir and girt, vip 
and vipdndy samgathd {samgamd^ gdthd), and upahvare (the tech- 
nical sense played upon) are further illustrations, and even with 
hdri haryatd in 36, and ^aryandvati (soma-place or a place) in 
39, we have not exhausted the list. The later writers took the old 
inherited hvmn and brightened it up a little more (vs. 43, 'this 
very old wit swelling with milk and honey the Kanvas have in- 
creased with praises '), by adding some established formulae of 
puns, ere the ddjiastuti with which it in its new form concludes 
18 introduced. It is absurd to suppose that all this paronomasia 
is accidental. It is not even incidental. The poet exults in his 
cleverness : ' By birthright of old (or ' with old thoughts ') I make 
shine the song m Kanva-fashion ' ^ib. vs. 11). 

To indicate the connection and illustrate the comparison here 
urged I translate with these verses (7-8) the third, sixth, ninth, 
tenth, and eleventh: 'Since the Kanvas by their praises made 
Indra the success of sacrifice, they call his weapon their own . . 
he hewed off the head of the whirling demon with his strong 
hundred-knotted bolt. In the acuteness of our staves we sing out 
aloud these (sparkling) thoughts, which like the fire's gleam shine 
forth even (where) they have been concealed. Whenever our 
sparkling- thoughts gleam forth, may we the Kanvas by means of 
(this) sharpness of sacrifice* go forth to wealth in cattle and horse, 
(go) forth to strength first of all — for this cleverness (weapon ?) 
of sacrifice even I have from my father inherited ; (bright) as a 
sun was I born. With old thought (pv jdnmand 'by birthright ') 
I make the songs shine in Kanva-fashion, in the same way as 
Indra puts fir<} upon himself. 'f 

XL viii. 7.15-16, etdvata^ ea cid esdm siimndm bhikseta mdr- 
lyah : dddhhyasya nidnrnahhlh. ye drapsd iva rddasi dhdmanty 
dnu vrstibhih: utsai'n duhdnto dksitam, Ludwiff takes dddb/i- 
yasya to refer to the course of the Maruts. But compare the col- 
location of i. 55. 7 : nd tvd ketd d dabhfiuiHinti bhu'rnayah . . . 
dprctksitaih vdsu bibharsi etc. So here the object of desire seems 



* Rtdsya dhdrd (compare viii. 86. 5, ftdsya {Yngam) ; dhdrd is 1. 

* stream :* compare 8. on vs. 2, ftdaya vAhasd = stotrenUf and 2. * the 
shaip blade or flame ' (of fire, viii. 73. 9). Medhd * wisdom,' medhd 

* weapon ' (?). 

t zSn^ndrali Qiiitniam id dadhi: compare i^/sman ' fire,* and ^i.pnin 

* fiery.' The meaning may be ' whereby '—i. e. it is the song that gives 
Indra his fiery strength. The first sentence of our passage ends with 
iipa tmdnd *and even, although.' The next clauses prd-prd are con- 
nected — * when forth shine the songs, forth may we go to wealth ^—pra- 
nof, * go to, get to, attain.' 



274 E. \y, Ilopkim, 

to be non-cleceptive indestructible wealth. The genitive may be 
compared with that in vii. 90. 7, druanto nd ^rdvaso bhikmnidnd 
indravdyd' sustutibhih , . hnvema ; in vii. 83. 6, havante . /in- 
dram tHisvah ; and in viii. 49. 9, etdvatas ta ImaJia indra sum- 
ndsya gdmatah (* we desire thy so great and rich good- will '). 
The djyraJcsitam vdsu of i. 55. 7 is the effect of the god's power. 
In ix. 78. 3 (ydxiante sumndm pdvamOnmn dksitam) it is the good- 
will of the god that is unlessened. In our passage, the wealth 
represented in 16 as dksitam is in 15 called dddhhyam. The verb 
governs both sumndm and dddbhyasya / the former implying the 
gods themselves, and the phrase being equivalent to hhikseta 
aumnayatdh (mariitaJi) dddbhyasya vdsvah, yad addbhyam asil 
^tad asty aksitam^ hiiveta (maruto) aksitasyotsasya, ity arthah! 
I do not understand the translation of Grassmann, who seems to 
construe bhiksetn doubly. Ludwig renders : * May the mortal in 
his songs beg for the good luck (ylilck) of this their so great irre- 
sistible march.' But can sumndm mean ' good-luok ' ? Or, if L.'8 
glilck is subjective, * happiness,' is it possible to avoid construing 
c;.?(?m,. standing in the regular genitive position of a personal pro- 
noun indicating possession, with sumndyn ? Yet stimndtn with a 
genitive invariably denotes the mental attitude of the person 
represented by that case. Compare i. 107. 1, devdndm sumndfn; 
ii. 11. 16, te sumndm ; iii. 42. 6, te surmuhn Imahe ; iv. 30. 19, nd 
tdt te sumndm: see the list in Grassmann. But viii. 18. 1-2 alone 
would appear to be decisive on this j)oint : iddm ha nundm esdm 
sumndm bhikseta mdrtyah: dditythidm . . anarvdno hy ham 
pdnthd dditydndm, where, as in our passage, the second verse 
explains the first, and * safe paths ' is the indication of the gods' 
good-will. 

It is not quite certain what drapsd ica of our passage means. 
To say the rain-clouds are ' drop-f ul ' (dra2)smah in i. 64. 2) is le- 
gitimate ; but to describe them as Mike drops' seems senseless. 
Ludwig ("die wie funken schnauben") regards the drops as sparks 
of fire. But this is an odd comparison. Besides, fire and sparks 
are properly the object, not the subject, of the verb dham. Com- 
pare dhamitdm agnnn in ii. *24. 7. 

I guess the plirase means in ])rose ' just as the soma-drops splash 
(or sprinkle, ferment), so the clouds splash about (besprinkle) the 
two worlds with rain.' Compare viii. 96. 1 3, dvat tarn (drapsdm 
sdtaasya) hidnt/i <;dcyd dhamantam ; and ix. 73. 1, drapsdsya 
dhdmaXah (of soma). The tertium is merely the yeasty look of 
a splashing shower. I translate viii. 7. 15-16 : 'Let a mortal for 
(the sake of) some so great and certain (good) beseech with prayer 
the kindness of (such gods as) these, who about both worlds like 
(fermenting) drops (of soma) splash with rain, in that they pour 
out a stream unceasing.' 

The same expression, ' unceasing, unlessened stream,' occurs 
again i. 64. 6 ; iii. 26. 9, and elsewhere ; the adjective is applied 
to wealth in dksitdvasuh (of Indra), viii. 49. 6. 

XII. viii. 13. Improvisation. I have referred above to the 



PrMeniatic PciSHCUjem in the Rty- Veda. 275 

making of Vedic hymns. Far from bein^ * seen,' i. e. inspired 
(although this claim is made in the Rig- Veda), the hymns are 
often spoken of as manufactured. A third class remains, the 
hymns that are improvised — that is, like most improvised poetry, 
half original and half reminiscence of others. Undoubtedly these 
three classes (between the second and third of which no sharp 
line can be drawn) exist in our collection, and for that reason it 
seems to me that the truth here also lies between the two extremes 
of criticism ; and that, although subjective interpretation can be 
our only guide, those critics err no less who would deny all sav.e 
a ritualistic machine-poetry to the Rig- Veda than do they that 
would interpret its most mechanical hymns as the ingenuous 
outpouring of a naive spirit. There are songs made to order ; 
songs made for money ; songs invented for the sacrifice, and as 
artificial as its ritual. But, on the other hand, there is much 
genuine joy, sorrow, and anger ; much beauty of expression, 
much real poetry. And if the skilful interpretation of the last 
few years has brought the Rig- Veda nearer to earth than formerly, 
it has not degraded it by making it more human. In fact, the 
poetic value of the work is increased. The meaning of many 
hymns once wholly * in the clouds ' becomes real, the songs them- 
selves gain in character. But of course there is much to elimi- 
nate that is neither prose nor poetry, but metrical commonplace, 
or the hocus-pocus of theological mystery. 

The present hymn seems to me to be one of those which have 
been put together in a mechanical way, old material in new form, 
a sort of improvisation. 

1. ddksilh is strength, explained by raahiln hi mih: compare 
SV. ddksa for ^usma in viii. 15. 7. 

6. Indicative of the composition of the whole hymn. Compare 
ix. 102, 6, jnsdnta ydt (also 29 below), and ii. 5. 4, vayii ivd ^nu 
rohate (also 17 below). Compare also with 13, below, viii. 1. 29 ; 
with 14, viii. 4. 12 ; with 18, viii. 92. 21 ; with 29, viii. 12. 32 ; with 
30, viii. 3. 5 ; 7. 6 etc. Notice ydtha vide twice, 14 and 49. The 
hymn is patched, the fragments chiefly of Kanva stock. Indica- 
tive of the half extemporaneous character seem to me to be verses 
7, 19, 20. 

7. pratnavdj janayd g'lrah. Grassmann, ' rege an;' Ludwig, 
*gib anlass zu.' But compare i. 109. 2, stomd/ii jauayurni nd- 
vyain ; vii. 26. 1, ukthdi'n janaye ndvtyahy where at least the 
claim is made that the song is newly begotten. 

19. dadhe (ukthanl) ; 20, nidno ydtrCi vi tdd dadhur incetasah, 
Grassmann translates dadhe as * consecrates ;' Ludwig, as * com- 
pletes ;' and the latter says that ludna/j cannot be stotrafu, who 
yet in 15. 12 renders inanniaiyih * in different songs.' If indnmcvi 
passes from thought to song, why not mdna/i / It is like dhltih 
and dhltdm (see above) ; indnah is the subjective side of mdn- 
matt.* The expression /^<7i»rtX:</A in 19 must refer to the poet (so 



* Compare ii. 3. 3, Idito mdnasd = gird (see l^ in ii. 6. 6 etc.). 



276 if. W, IIopkinH, 

Ludwig), not to Indra (Grassmann) : * when the praiser, true to 
the rule, makes thee hymns aright, he is called pure, purifier, su- 
pernatural.' The * supernatural' improvisatore is compared to 
Agni, whose epithets he here assumes (p</c*7a, pdvakdhy passim ; 
ddbhutahy ii. 7. 6). In the next verse he is compared to Indra. 

20. ' Truly, when the wise create such a hymn, it is reckoned 
the attribute of a Rudra (= Indra, 28), that impetuous song in 
ancient manner ;' or we might with exactness translate ' the song 
which goes along on the old basis.' It is certainly improper to 
dissociate in sense yahvdin memo vuladhuh of this verse and 
(mdnma) dcidhatha ynhvdta of iv. 5. 6 (compare with these i. 69. 
4, giro yahvVi), The verb cetati is to be taken as in viii. 12. 1 = 
* is esteemed, regarded.' 

The sixth verse also expresses the extempore character of the 
hymn : ' when the active praiser flings aloft to thee his songs ' 
{dti pra^ardhdyad g'lrah) ; and such seems to be the intent of the 
eighth verse :* * Like waters tumbling play the favors of him by 
means of this my wit (song) — of him who is called ruler of the 
sky.' Ludwig follows Grassmann in taking ayd dhiyd as ' in this 
song' (he is called, etc.), most assuredly wrong. It is dangerous 
to pay too much attention to the Ciesura. The dancing or playing 
of Indra's favors (rather than the too special meaning * gener- 
osity,' advocated by Oertel for snitr'tdy A. O. S. Proc. 1891, p. 
xc) is the result of praise. On comparing viii. 14. 10, aptirn nr- 
mir mddann iva stdma indra ^jirdyate^ and ib. 1 6. 2, yd^minn 
uktMni rduyante vt^vCini ca ^ravasyd : ajxitn dvo nd samudrey 
there would seem to be the suggestion of a confused image here, 
as if the songs danced along in portraying the favors, and so the 
favors described ' dance down ' (on the feet of the verse). The 
songs are explicitly described thus * like a waterfall ' (x. 68. l^yiri- 
hhrdjo ndrmdyo inddanto frr'haspdtim ahhy drka andvan) ; yet 
here only the favors described by the song are expressly com- 
pared, and said to ' play like tumbling waters :' compare pravcU- 
vdtlbhir dtibhih in vs. 1 7. Hence * by means of this song [I in- 
duce the god to be favorable, so that] his favors dance down to 
us like a waterfall ' must be the final ineaning.f 

The general character of this hymn, the specific imitations, the 
expressed intent to create a hymn for the occasion, seem to me to 
ilidicate an iin})roinj)tu origin. The remaking of old songs is not 
uncommonly alluded to, as ])erhaps in iii. 31. 19, tdm angirnsvdn 
fidmasd saparydn ndcyam kniomi sduyase purdjdm ; and in the 
parallels to jcmaydnti above. Another fragmentary hymn (made 
of dlyecfa inembra from the hymns immediately preceding) is 
vii. 85. 5. J 



* Krldanty asya sunf^td djK) nd pravdtd yatih : ayd dhiyd yd U4*ydte 
pdtir divdh. 

f Indra, by the way, is himself a dancer, viii. 92 8 {nitiih), as is V^as^ 
X. 29. 2, usdsaJi . . nrtdii, a pun on nftamah in vs. 1 ; perhaps an implied 
pun in krt4cinti su-nf^td (»f/) likewise. 

i The expression ydtlid vide (14 and 29) is usually taken to be from tnd 
* find.* It seems to me that it must bear the sense of ut videtur and ^ 



Problematic Passages in the Rig- Veda, 277 

Lexicographic Notes. 

viii. 4. 1, 8ond. * Although called elsewhere, yet thou art most 
called here.' Simd is adverb, related to sarndyd (with the same 
stem as sinnlis), as is n/.ico^ to o/yg3^, i. e. ' all the same, neverthe- 
less, yet.' The form sima is also adverb, like a/.ia in form. 

viii. 4. 3, dpitvey prapltve, A'pitvd (like npoaifKoov) * relation 
to a person, friendship ;' and fliterally) 'getting in, going in (so 
a-bhipitvd), ending.' Prapitva, ' getting to, going for ;' apapitvdy 

* getting off.' The root may be jyi * go.' 

viii. 6. 19, endm. The text rea<ls : imds ta indra pr'^nayo 
ghrtdih duhata d^iram: enatn rtdsya pi^yyiisVi. Grassmann 
changes the text ; Ludwig regards e^idm as an instrumental. In 
viii. 7. 13 the Maruts brini' sweet drink from heaven. In i. 64. 5 
the Maruts duhdnty d'dhar dinydni dhMdyo hhfi'mhn pinvanti 
pdyasd pdnjrayah. The * bellowing children of Py9ni,' who 

* start up with the windi^ and milk out rich food' (j^ipyitsira 
Uam) in viii. 7. 3, are also the Maruts. Although in the last hymn 
(comparing ib. vss. 10 and 16) the jyr'piayah may not always be 
the same, yet in view of ib. 7 there can be no objection to taking 
them here as Maruts. But, whether as of heaven or of earth, 
Indra's cattle may be fat w^ith amr'ta = soma, heavenly milk. 
Read eni\ '^mr'tasya *in that they overflow with the immortal 
drink'.' For the position of erifl compare x. 14. 2. As in vs. 43 
of our hymn (dluyam inddhor ghrtdsya pipyuslni), we may here 
translate in conjunction with the following (which shows the 
pr'^nayah to be clouds ; Indra is the gdrbha which the Maruts 
surround as the holy order does the sun) : * These thy kine, O 
Indra, which like the supporting order round the sun encircling 
thee as mothers make thee an embryo, milk out butter and milk 
since they swell with immortal ghee.' It is, however, as Grass- 
mann suggests, possible that end may stand for endh (amr'tasya), 
A further possibility is to read end as adverb = ' here ;' compare 
V. 19. 3, 6«4 mddhvd nd vdjayiLih, * Swelling with ghee' seems 
more appropriate than 'swelling wMth holiness' or sacrifice; and 
the genitive would seem to depend on pipyufi/t, 

viii. 7. 12, prdcetas ; viii. 13. 20, vicetas. Men may be xucetasah 
(vii. 7. 4), though the epithet is more naturally one used of divini- 
ties, * very wise.' But prdcetns is a Promethean epithet, used only 
of divine beings or things. The sole exceptions are first in the 
late hymn that concludes the sixth book, directed to the weapons 
(the epithet here is applied to horses, vi. 75. 13), and in viii. 27. 21, 
vdmdm dhatthd mdnave . . jnhtu'mdya prdcefa^e, where the priest 
is thus honored. In x. 83. 5 Manyu is a personified wrath, and 
treated like a god. Illustrations of the divine use in i. 64. 8 ; viii. 
8. 7 (vataapracetasd), Ludwig's sneer at Grassmann on viii. 7. 12 



AoKti, *■ as is recognized, seems best/ ' as is the rule.' The middle is not 
altogether lacking, and of course in a phrase might be preserved. It is 
difficult to see how the usual meaning can have developed itself from a 
radical idea of *find.* 



278 E. W, Ilophim, 

is, therefore, rather uncalled for. ' Wise in respect of the intoxi- 
cating draught ' is epithet of the gods. 

viii. 15. 10, 8vapatydni, PW. maintains two svapatyd: 1. a. a 
good work ; h, adj., doing a good work ; 2. a, adj., possessing 
good descendants ; h, good descendants : a fern. (RV. i. 54. 1 1 ). 
Grassmann omits 1. ^, but otherwise agrees with PW. that sim- 
patyd must be derived both from apatya * descendant ' and from 
(apatyay equivalent to dpas) op * work,' of which the proper ad- 
jective and noun are apa^yd^ apasyi\ svapasyd, Ludwig, on the 
other hand, erratically maintains as a general thing that our word 
is either adjective or abstract to svdpafih, translating by * free,' 
'independence, self-lordship,' and the like. For *good works' 
and 'self-lordship' the Vedic terms are sukrtani and, Avardjyajn, 
Whether we have a synonym of either in svapatyd. remains to be 
seen. As between PW. and Ludwig, the rareness of simpatih 
and the regular resolution of su-apatyd would incline the judg- 
ment to accept rather the derivation of the former than that of 
the latter. One very grave objection, however, makes against 
the etymology {sti)dpatya = {su)dpas — namely, that there is no 
such word as dpatya = dpas. Since, on the other hand, dpatya = 
'children' is a common Vedic word, it cannot be assumed as an- 
tecedently probable that svapatyd^ meaning, as is admitted, ' with 
good children ' or ' good chihlren ' in many passages, shoul^d not 
have the same meaning in all, unless this signification be found 
impossible on other grounds. Such passages as would seem to 
support the meaning 'works' must therefore be severallv exam- 
ined with special reference to the inadmissibility of this significa- 
tion. Thev are few and easilv reviewed. The derivation of the 
simple dpatya moaning ' children ' is patent. Like the later 
adhltya and vpatya^ it is an adjective formation which may be 
employed as a substantive, and is derived (without the necessity 
of a verb expressed) from dpa, comparable therefore with editrti*, 
dTToyovoi, FHynva^ ' offspring.' This simple noun is used in both 
early and late literature, always in this sense ; and, furthermore, 
of the sixteen cases of an-apatyd^ Ww certainly contain this idea ; 
three may do so (doubtful or negative in value for interpretation) : 
and onlv three are of such nature as to seem to make it necessary 
to resort to apatya ' work,' a word unknown. I say certainly of 
the ten, therein following both PW. and (Trassniann, and reject- 
ing suininarily Ludwig's 'free,' as the meaning of an adjective in 
almost every instance describing the word 'wealth ;' since, apart 
from the fact that sra is not resolved, and su-apatyd. ahvay?* is 
resolved, ' free wealth' is unparalleled, while ' wealth of childreir 
is a common Vedic phrase. Ludwig himself is inconsistent; for 
he renders siuipatydrii i^yuh in i. 116. 19 as 'life with children.' 

The following ten ])assages, then, contain su-apatyd in the 
sense of dpatya 'children ' : 

To Indra, i. 54. 1 1, raye oa nah svapatyd he dhah. 
To the A9vins, i. IIG. 19, ray'u'n suksatrdm srapatydni ayuh 

suvfryaih nasafyd vdhantd. 



Problematic PitHSiUfeH In the Rig- Ve<la. 279 

To Agni, it 2. 12, ray ah . . . jirajdvatah svajyatydsya ^agdhi 7iah, 
To Agni, ii. 4. 8, ksumdntam fxljam svc^patydm rayhh ddh. 
To Agni, ii. 9. 5, krdlu pdtim st)apatydsya rdydh. 
To Agni, iii. 3. 7, dyne jdrasva muipatyd ttyuni firjti jyinvasva 

sdm Iso didihi 7iah, 
To Agni, iii. 10. 1, (aguih) rdyd 7p€ svapatyasya gdmata l^e 

V rtrahdthdii dm. 
To Agni, iv. 2. II, rdye ra nah scapatydya deva d'ltirh ca 

rdsvddithn nrusya* 
To Agni, vii. I. 12, ydm a^m nityam xipaydti yajndm 

prajflvanta/h svapatydf'n ksdyam nah : 

svdjanmand ^esasd vdvrdhdndfu. 
To Agni, ib. 5, dd no agne dhiyd rayhh suturath 

svapatydm sahasya pr^ii^astdm. 
To the Waters, x. 30. 12, dpah . . . rdyd^ ca sthd svapatydsya 

pdtnVj. 

The three negative cases arc : 

To Indra, i. 83. 6, barhlr rd ydt s^apatydya v^rjydte^ 

(Indra rejoices) * where the Sacrificial straw is 
strewn for su-apaiyd :' PVV., * for good works ;' 
Grassmaiin, * to get children ;' Ludwig, * for an 
independent life.' 
To Agni, iii. 19. 3, ad tejlyaad mdnasd tvota utd Qiksa 

svapatydsya ^iksdh : PW. * doing good works ;' 
Grassmann, * wealth of children ;' Ludwig, 
'help-bestowing freedom' (compare svapat- 
ydsya ^agdhi nah above). 
To Indra, viii. Iff. 10, tvdth vr'sd jdndndyn mdnhistha iridra 

jajnise: satrd v'fpvd svapatydni dadhise: 
PVV., Grassmann, and Ludwig (see the 
Commentary) as above. 

Since the question whether in iii. 19. 3 the word be adjective 
or noun is not material to this examination, I pass now to the 
three eases where PW. and Grassmann unite in translating 
'works.' In the eases thus far considered there is no intrinsic 
value of such sort to be seen — which, however, it is permissible 
to assume in the last three if the following three cases prove the 
necessity of recognizing it : 

To Agni, i. 72. 9, d yt v'l^vd svapatydni taMhnh 

krnvdndso arnrtatvdya gdtum. 

This verse somewhat resembles in form x. 13. 1, ^rnvdntu vi^e 
amr'tasya j^utrd d ye dhdmdni divydnl tasthdh ' let the sons of 
immortality hear, who have attained to the divine laws.' But 
as in the two following examples sii-ajyatydnl is governed by the 
verb kr^ it might be a question whether a more artificial construc- 
tion were not possible here also, especially as gdtu is found con- 

* Pun on diti and dditi, 
VOL. XV. 86 



280 E, IF. HopUiu, 

strued with a dative, and dtasthus with 'path' (ii. 24. 7, <t iasihuh 
kavdyo mahds pathdh) ; whether we should not translate ' accom- 
plishing all good works [?], they attained to the path to immor- 
tality.' This is decisively ruled out, however, by iii. 31.9, where 
the second half of the verse appears again independently: m 
gavyatd nidnam sedur arkaih krnvandso atnrtatvdya gdtiim. 
The meaning is then * creating for themselves a path to immor- 
tality, they attained to all svapatydnV* 

It might be thought that the word vl^va speaks for the inter- 
pretation 'works.' One verse shows that vt^va may be taken 
just as well with ' children ' — or * offspring,' as the plural may per- 
haps better be rendered ; for, as in Greek, a collective sense is 
often given by a plural adjective (noun). In this verse we find too 
a verb very prettily corresponding to d 8thd, viz. dch(7 gam ' go 
to, attain to.' In an address to the Adityas it is said of their 
worshiper, i. 41. 6, ad mdrtyah . . vi^vaih tokdm . . dchd gctchati 
*he attains to full posterity,' 'to a great number of children' 
(Grassmann). Since it is entirely in accordance with Vedic ideas 
as well as with those of later times that the possessing of chil- 
dren is a means of immortality, there seems to be no reason why 
this passage should sever the meaning of the noun in question 
from that admitted above ; and hence the otitis probandi lies 
with the one who should claim that su-apatydni cannot here 
denote 'offspring' — 'who have attained (or do attain) to many 
children, (thereby) making for themselves a path to immortality' 
seems to be an uncontrovertible interpretation of i. 72. 9. 

The second case is found in iv. 34. 9, ye vibhvo ndrah svapa- 
fyihii cdkruh, Ludwig here translates interrogatively "chil- 
dren," opposing Grassmann's " schr>ne Werke." That Ludwig is 
correct is shown by an examination of the situation. The special 
function of the Rbhus, to whom the hymn is addressed, is for 
mortal interest the manufacture of children. Compare i. HI. 2, 
A nah . . taksata . . suprajatutfim Uain : ydthd ksdydma sdrva- 
vlrayd vl(;n tdn 7idh <;drdhdya dhd^athd sv Indriydm 'make for 
us the food (strength) that is accompanied with offspring.' Here 
suprajd answers to su-apfUyd, and ' offspring-full strength ' is 
exactly the same as when Savitar is prayed to in iv. 53. 7, dddhdtu 
7iah sdtyltA sxiprajom Uam . . prajilvantam rayhn asin^ sdrn in- 
vatu ('* gute kinder," Ludwig). That the Rbhus create children 
is shown by the common lei^ends related of them. For, as in 
Greece and among the Hebrews, the fact that a person supposed 
to be past the time for having children is unexpectedly provided 
with them is regarded as the special grace of a deity. This the 
Hindu represented by saying that the deity made them young 
again, and such must be the interpretation of the rejuvenation 



* Compare the use of. d-stha with dronnm^ ybnim, n'ydasl^ viddthdni, 
vdtdn, amftdni, hhiivanCini, etc. : any object of attainment may in short 
stand in the accusative after d-sthd, though it is perhaps most commonly 
used with rdtham, * ascend the car.* 



Prohlematic Pcusaayes in the Rig- Veda, 281 

ascribed to the Rbhus. Compare iv. 33. 3, pdnar ye ^ (Viija, 
Vibhvan, Rbhu) cakruh pitard yavCmCi ^ye rejuvenated the 
parents.'* 

The virility given by the Rbhus, which is the same as the 
children-making of our text, is emphatically claimed as their 
boon in iv. 36. 8-9, dyiimcmtani vojam vr'sagusmam uttamdm d 
no rayim rbhavas taksatd vdyah : ihd 2Jrajd7n ihd rayim rdrdnd 
ihd <;rdvo vlrdvat taksatd nah.f 

This appeal to the Rbhus to give oflFspring is like that in i. 111. 
2, where suprajd =. au-apatydm. Now, when in iv. 34. 9-10 the 
good works of the Rbhus are given in detail, if we take svapa- 
tydni to mean * children,' we get the proper complement of the 
list. Otherwise all reference to this important function is omit- 
ted, and in the midst of detailed works we get a general * good 
works ' — * the heroes who make children ' seems, therefore, to be 
here the proper meaning (the Vedic perfect, as often, a strong 
present). 

The last example is in vii. 91. 3, te vdydve sdrna^iaso vi taathur 
lup^en narah svapatydni cakruh; complemented by 4, ydvat 
tdras tanvd ydvad 6jo yd van ndra^ caksasd dtdhydndh. We 
have here the worshipers of another child-bringing god, Vayu. 
This half-verse describes what happens to his faithful followers : 
* Like-minded with Vtiyu, they extend themselves, and make 
many children as long as they live ' (literally ' as long as their 
bodily vigor lasts and they see with their eyes ').J So it is stated 
in vii. 90. 2 : * (O Vayu,) thou makest this (thy worshiper) dis- 
tinguished among mortals, and one strong son after another is 
born to him' {;df6'jdlo jdyate vdjy dsya). The translators en- 
tirely miss the point of the second verse in our passage, which 
simply completes the sense of the first. Ludwig thinks that vt ' 
taathuh means that the priests stand around in different places 
during a sacrifice (!) ; but he conservatively adds that the sense 
is very doubtful. It means just what it does in i. V2. 9, where 
the sense of d ye vtgvd svapatydni tasthvh (etc., see above) is 
completed by mahnd mahddbhih prthivi vi tasthe tndtd putrair 
dditir dhdyase veh * mother earth, the endless one, extends herself 



♦ Compare also i. 20. 3 ; 161. 3 ; iv. 35. 5 ; 36. 3 etc. ; also iii. 60. 4, where, 
as in the quotation above, the details of the work of these deities is 
given. Most of the Rbhu hymns are in the fourth and first book. The 
one in the seventh (vii. 48) shows them more as comrades of Indra, i. e. 
as gtivaso ndpdtah (i. 161. 14) ' children of strength,' than as manor nd- 
patafy (iii. 60. 3) * children of Manu* (wisdom). Their excellent works 
(sukf^dni, iii. 60. 4) are fashioning one vessel into four, making the A^- 
vins' car, rejuvenating parents (I do not think it is stated that it was 
their own parents), manufacturing arms, skinning a cow (iii. 60. 2), etc. 
and supplying mortals with children, as said above. 

f Compare i. 117. 24, a(^mnd rdrdnd putrdm . . adhattam ; vii. 36. 9, 
uiAprajAydi ffVK'ate myo dhufi: x. 1&3. 1, prajam . . rdrdnah (agnlh). 

t Contrast iv. 33. 9, abhi krdtvd indnasd didhydndh ; 50. 1 , pratn&sa 
ffayo dtdhyandfy, with the caksasd dtdhydndfy = 3?iinovTeg, ' living,' of 
our passage. 



282 E. IF. Hopklm, 

in greatness through her mighty sons for the nurture of the bird.' 
In 8, Sarama finds out where the bird Agni is (hitherto concealed), 
by whom the people of earth is nourished (Agni is the god called 
on as the creator of beings [vii. 5. Y], and as favorable to dpatya 
* children '). Then earth with her mighty children extends herself 
with sons (for they * attain to full posterity') mightily, and (by 
sacrifice etc.) * nourishes the bird ' (Agni : cf. iv. 5. 8, Grassmann). 
In the same sense also is sdmanaso (vdydve) to be taken, as ex- 
planatory of * extend themselves,' for Vayu extends himself every- 
where. 

As this exhausts the list of cases where su-apatydni can with 
any show of reason be supposed to come from apatya = dpas 
*work,' it seems to me reasonable to discard this meaning of 
dpatya y and recognize only one dpatya == ' offspring,' and one 
«w-a/)a^y« = ' (with) good offspring.' Sense and syntax justify 
the antecedent probability that this is the case. Only one doubt 
can remain — that in respect , of the verb. Since in the cases of 
unsuspected meaning dhd is the usual verb, it may be questioned 
whether kr in these two last instances can take its place. The 
roots are practically synonymous, however, and the objection 
amounts only to saying that because su-apafydni is governed by 
dhd in some cases it must be governed thus in all — which is an 
unreasonable claim. Besides, although dpatya offers no eluci- 
dation on this point, being construed in this connection only with 
duh once and metaphorically (ix. 10. 8, kaver dpatyam d auhe)y* 
yet the * analogy of other similar words shows that there is no 
impropriety in taking svapatydni cakruh as * made good off- 
spring.' The act of procreating is pittrakrthd, v. 61. 3 ; the verb 
is used with reta^ *sfeed' (vii. 83. 7, trdyas krnvanti bhuvauesu 
r^ahy viz. sun, water, wind : compare the three united gods in 
V. 41. 4) ; with jdtdni * creatures' (vii. 82. 5, ydd inidni cakrdthnr 
v'l^vd jdtdni) ; with tdnd 'posterity' (ix. 02. 2, tdnd kpivd?Uo dr- 
vate) ; and with putrdn * sons' (i. 102. 22, no vdjt . . putrdn . . 
krnotu), f 

The application of the above to viii. 15. 10 (third of the nega- 
tive instances above) is as follows : Indra is a god especially 
called upon to give children (compare the first quotation in the 



* Else vdhamdnd dpittyam, i. 174. 6; dpatyam ichdvidnafi, i. 179. 6; 
y^bhir dpatyam mdnusah panyaHe, viii. 49. 8. 

f In X. 85. 45, im6.ni tvdm iiulra midhvaU supntrAih subhagdm kfmi . . 
putr&n ddhehi ; viii. 4. G, putrdm prdvargdm k^mnte ; vii. 101. 1, sd xxtt- 
sdih kpivdn gdrbham osadJiindm (cf. viii. 6. 20), the construction is pre- 
dicative. In ix. 109. 9, induh ptindndh j^rajdm nrdiidh karad vi^iHini 
drdvindni nahj I am iucliued to think tliat praj&m is governed by nrd- 
ndh in the sense given by Bolleusen, Z.D.Sl.G. xli. 504, * shine, give:' 
compare didihi (ii. 2. 6 etc.), used in the same way. In regard to the 
collocation of prajd and is (in ix. 8. 9, prajd is children, not as Grass- 
mann takes it) compare the differentiation in i. 179. 6, />rcy^m dpatyam 
bdlam ichdmdnah etc. The word dhd, as in the first list of quotations, 
is sometimes exchanged for dd, as in x. 85, 4\ j putrdjcg cddda agnih : v. 
25. 5, agnih putrdm daddti dd^ni§e. 



Probl^maUc Passages in the Rig- Veda. 283 

last note) ;* he is the virile power among the people, vir'sa jdnd- 
nam of our verse. As such he is here invoked with the words 
satrd vifvd svapatydni dadhise. The ordinary verb is here used, 
but in the middle voice. This is, however, no real objection. In 
vii. 80. 2, (itsd^) ndvyani dyur dddhmid^ and in i. 26. 8, dadhir^ 
(vdryam devdso nah),j we find undoubted cases of the middle 
used actively, not to speak of other probable instances. 



This paper was presented at the meeting, April 2 2d. Two 
weeks afterwards, and when the greater part of the paper was in 
the printer's hands, I received the second volume of the Vedische 
Studien, in which some of the minor points here considered are 
treated (say dm as ' evening,' slmci^ prapitvd). I regret that I 
was unable to incorporate the results of this previous criticism 
into the present essay. 

* Compare also viii. 6. 23, d na indra mahtm isam purarh nd dar^ go' 
maiim: utd prajdHi suvtryam ; x. 157. 2, yajUd'Ai ca nas tanvdih ca pra- 
jdm.cddiiy&tr indraJf. saha ciklpCiti (* Indra shall fashion us children *). 

f The latter of the two cases is enough to prove this point. The 
former is " undoubted " so far as the translators' version would indicate ; 
but possibly the middle sense is here reflexive, ' the dawn renewing her 
own life.* In two cases I am sure that the translators fail to give the 
ri^ht sense in denying active force to dadht^i. The first is x. 54. 5, 
vigvd dadhi^e . . vdffuni . . tvdm^indrdsi ddtd (Qrassmann, '* du hasf ). 
like ix. 64, 1, dhdrmdni dadhi^e {Or, ** empf&ngst gebuhr ") * givest laws.' 
The use is the same as in v. 88. 2, ydd . . if am . . dadhi§e (Grassmann and 
Ludwig, * * takest "). The god is here praised, not for what he gets but for 
what he gives, as is evident from 1 : * great is thy giving, give power 
to us;' (then 2) *when thou givest strength, it becomes celebrated.' 
Quite doubtful is iii. 18. 5, though Grassmann here rendered actively. 



VOL, XV. 3 



ff 



ARTICLE X. 



A SYRIAC CHARM 

By rev. WILLIS HATFIEUD HAZARD, 

OP HABTABD VNITXB8ITT. OAMBRIDGZ, MASS. 



Presented to the Society April 21st. 1892. 



The following Syriac charm was obtained by the Semitic 
Museum of Harvard University from the Rev. Dr. Shedd, mis- 
sionary in Urmi, Persia. It is written on strips of parchment 
pasted together at the ends, making a scroll six feet long by 
two inches broad. It contains about 900 words, written on 
244 lines. The text is einbellished by headlines etc. in ver- 
milion, and three pictures illustrating the conflicts of saints 
with demons. 

I have to thank Prof. I. H. Hall, of the Metropolitan Mu- 
seum, N. Y., and Prof. R. J. H. Gottheil, of Columbia College, 
N. Y., for valuable suggestions in the translation. 

Text. 



I? Ir^oJ 



01<Zo]Oi^ ) Mia 4V> 



[Here follows St. John i. 1-5. Thirteen lines in the charm.] 



A Syriac Charm. 285 

)4nnl ^aoaJ Ur<^)o *<> 
■ >g noJ <.^o ^Vf^ C^Ao 

Translation op thb Text. 

Further, through the power of the Lord Jesus Chnst * * * 
we begin the safeguard of a man. The Holy Gospel of the Lord 
Jesus Christ, the proclamation of John.* 

[Here follows the passage, St. John i. 1-6.1 

By the power of these ten holy words of the glorious Godhead, 
and in the name [of] iTHN ^B^N n^HN, El-Shaddai, Adonai, 
Lord Sabaoth, [and] by the power and by the command of the 
Lord Jesus Christ, I bind and I expel and I objurgate the evil and 
bewitching eye, and the eye green and heavy, and the eye of 
men and the eye of women, and the eye of every kind of man 
and beastf And I bind wounds [? and] the stroke of rupture 
(hernia) and all sicknesses, and all diseases and all plagues and 
all rebellions and all incuhce of nights, of demons and of rebel- 

• Or simply * according to John'. The MS. uses the loan-word 
l^oisj^s ^ the Greek K^pv^ig. The translation I give in the text is lit- 
eral, though hardly as idiomatic as that in this note. 

fi p p ^ <«k 

t Or *of the whole yivo^ {famUia) of Adam and Eve.* | • •l) |-blI^ 

means genus humanum. This rendering of l^i^ , suggested to me by 
Prof. Gottheil, is perhaps preferable to that in the text, for which we 

P k jr P ^ 

should expect l^o^^, hestia, fera ; or \.io^ , 8er%>en8, Gen. iii. 1. The 

MS. is badly torn at this point, only the edges of the last part of the 
word being visible. I think this reading correct, further, because the 
charm does not deal with beasts at all, but with human beings and 
demons. 



286 W. H. Haza/rd, 



).m090 )^SS» I^OiAO 

^ |^90 )£b^JL£aj '* 
^OuAbA ^£9?o |j|VtSVt 
1^^ ^A^90 i.LS9^ |JS9 

^oii^9 ^ooiVnSi no JskO^^ 

wwOiA^i ftp wno9OU0 



(t>££u;^ wift.i^9 )0L2k9 



lious devils and satans. And I bind evil fevers and evil strokes 
and fears and tremors of false (deceptive) sleep, and the obsession 
(incubus) of night and the spirit of demons at noon, and fear and 
tremor [I keep] from the body and from the soul of Gauza the 
daughter of Shima, who bears these incantations (or charms) ; 
by the prayer of my lady, Mary the blessed, and of Mar John 
the Baptist, and of Kabban Phetion,* greatest of masters, and of 
Mar Abd-Ishu', and by the prayer of all the martyrs and saints 
of our Lord : yea and amen. 

The ban of Mar Abd-Ishu*, the anchorite and monk of God, 
which is useful for exorcising. 



♦ Various spellings and pronunciations are fz^ ven this word : ^< 



ft> If 



^a-^^ J (Phetion, Catholicus Orientis) ^a i ^ .* «^ ^ *aei?/6n', ^e^iuw, Uv^iuv, 
etc. In line 98 occurs ^cufr-ka— or perhaps ^a-M : the text is not dear- 
is this the same word 't 



A Syriac Charm. 287 

[At this point is inserted the first picture. It represents a 
samt on a red horse hurling a spear at a demon in human form.] 



]/^'im MiO ]0019 OOI 

^i^ij^ >:s>jk,A^ U^ 

oki^a^s oiiL^o |A^1m 

qJL^O -^^^ Ol^O >AhJ\ 

^i\iis ^'^? ^0|.A^ i^hitf ^* 



The prayer and petition of Mar Abd-Ishu^^ the anchorite and 
monk of God, who was among the dumb beasts forty years. On 
a certain Friday of the Passion of our Lord, about the time of 
the ninth hour, there appeared to him an evil spirit in the form of 
a hateful woman, and called him by his name, Abd-rshu\ 

And he said to her : Who art thou, and what is thy name, and 
what is thy business ? 

And the evil spirit answered, and said to the saint Mar Abd- 
Ishu': My first name is Maidok, the second 'Edilai, the third 
Meba'alayu, the fourth Lilitha, the suffocatress. 



288 W. If, Hazard, 

]}0m^ OLl^ )jk.OI «^) ■ 






^9<Z9 wffo!^^ )iVl<yO 

. nffgVi )£J^il9 ^102^9] 
I 4Vii>9 wttoj.ViS ^^^£9]? ** 

I a1V<Z9 ^ffOA^bOi )Sn^9 

Then the saint, Mar Abd-Ishu', learning from her that she was 
an evil spirit, said : To thee I say, O evil spirit of blight, and 
blamed by the mouth of all the lovers of God, I bind thee even 
now from Gauza the daughter of Shima ; and further, I adjure 
thee by him before whom tremble angels and men and demons 
and all women, if thou hast other names reveal and show them to 
me. 

She said to him : Let them be revealed to thee ; T have twelve 
other names. Everyone who writes them and suspends them upon 
himself, I will not enter into his house and I will not hurt his 
children. My first name is Galus, the second Arphus, the third 
Marsab, the fourth Lamuros, the fifth Martus, the sixth Samyas, 
the seventh Helios (//Azof), the eighth Dirba, the ninth Pheton, 



A Syriac Charm. 289 






100 



10ft 






9 gl/o\i *^ 1^4.4.9 



l:^^9 OLaJoS «-^) 

I^QXiZii^o ^\no ^9 *'* 
>a^9) (. ^ AlSn 2a^9 

U:^) )9q4^ 



the tenth Phagug, the eleventh Lilitha or Malwitha, the twelfth 
Tab'a, the saffocatress of children and women. 

Then the saint, Mar Abd-Ishu^, said to her : I adjure thee in 
the name of the God of gods and Lord of lords, who is concealed 
from watchers (tutelary angels) and man, that thou come not 
near Gauza the daughter of Shi ma — by the prayer of blessed Mary, 
and by the prayer of Mar John the Baptist, arid by the prayer of 
all the angels and martyrs and saints of our Lord : verily and 
truly, Amen. 

Concerning the return of the people from Babylon, and an 
admonition unto all men.* 



* The text is much obscured at this place, but I can make out the 
form l/ola/iSff with sufficient clearness. 



290 W. H. Hazard, 



190 



etc. >*Jr?A^ (/nSiiiViS 

[Here follows the rest of the Psalm, from this line to the end, 
being fourteen lines in the charm.] 



^? '-^5^ '?^" ^^*^ 

[Here follows the 121st Psalm entire. After verse 1 is written 
the following in red ink (except ^^^), probably as an interpre- 
tation or gloss : ' that is, I expect (look for) a guardian angel 
from every hill at every hour against weakness.'* The section 
closes with the following prayer :] May these incantations be a 
protection for all young children : verily and truly, Amen. 

The ban of Mar Giwargis, the illustrious martyr, which is useful 
against terror and fear. 

The prayer and petition and request and isupplication of Mar 
Giwargis, the illustrious martyr, which he prayed and asked from 



* With regard to the reading £ui.a0 , the text is quite clear, and I take 

it from XsJB , Aram. N^P ' Pa. ^*aiD , expectavit, ptxestolatua eat, Vd. 

Pss. XXV. 5 ; xxxiii. 18 and 20 ; xlii's (Payne-Smith, 2628). Of. Pesh. and 
LXX of Ps. Ixix. 20 ; ot^ \r^^} ^ViS L^^so , and TTpoaeddicnaev {fj ^x^ fwv). 

Ekcpectavit cum fiducia. It seems easiest to take i^^ as \r^^ , egrego- 



ru8, angelus tutdaria, as in line 106. Or, omitting Lmau : * awaken 

hope from every hill,* etc. ; or, * hope is awakened ;* part. pass. P»al. 
[Gpttheil.] For a similar use of the word, vd. Cant. v. 3. The letters 
seem to have the meaning videlicet, scilicet. 



A SyricLc Cha/rm. 291 

ioa^) oi£brfi.ns )ooiJ )] 

[Here occurs the second picture. It represents a saint on a 
low horse casting a fiery dart at a demon in the shape of a 
huge serpent or dragon.] 

MuLi^ ),gL, }£^^ Uo •" 

God and said : O Lord of lords, grant me this request : that any 
man who makes mention of thy holy Name and of thy beloved 
Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, and the name of this thy servant 
Giwargis — may there not be in his house [any] who are blind 
and dumb, and may there not be born in it any maimed or a para- 
lytic. But cause to pass from him and from his house all sick- 
nesses and all diseases, and those visions which are of night and 
by day. And everyone who writes thy holy Name and suspends 
it upon himself, and my name — thy servant Giwargis — may he 
not have the evil and envious (fascinating) eye, nor fear, nor 
tremor, nor load [incuhm) — neither by night nor by day — nor 

VOL. XV. 88 



292 TT. H. Hazard, 



^&s^£J {Jo ^cla1^£J ''• 

Ji^^ {Jo {.ilLoi^ {J 
{M^n {Jo {kn^LS {Je 
^JLi^f {^OrjJkO {Jo 
^Z^ oiZo!:^^ ,^1 .| ff { "* 

(V^(nJ0 Z^y )^09 
^1^9 oiVnS^.o oiZol^. *"* 



wiles (insidice) of cursed demons and satans, nor vile (indeco- 
rous) visions, whether of Lilitha or Malwitha, nor rebellions of 
evil spirits. But may they be thrust away, may they be expelled 
(dissipated), and may they not be brought near to Gauza the 
daughter of Shima — neither in the evening nor in the morning 
nor at noon, neither in sleep nor in wakefulness ; we have en- 
snared and we have bound [them] by the prayer of my lady, 
Mary the blessed, and of Mar John the Baptist, and by the prayer 
pi all the martyrs and saints of our Lord : verily and truly, Amen. 

The ban of Mar Thaumasius the celebrated martyr, which is 
useful for the spirit of the daughter of the moon.* 

* * The daughter of the moon' is another name for the ring or halo 
round the nioon. [Hall.] 



A Syriac Charm. 293 

]£.^yo ..^21^ f-^^^9) 
{oCk i^^ {XaA ^)e 

]£bA^bO )^09 Ji4^ I^ILd 

])^b0) IVoLff Z|^9 

Ot^90l \lm^O 

)^090 \h 4>n I^O^ 
^1^9 }.iM09e )^t^90 
.^^^ )]9 jiOLff 
w^90l-SO Olg^f^n <'SoS^9 



soft 



The prayer and petition of Mar Thaumasius, the most eminent 
martyr, who dwelt in the mountains forty years ; and the soles* 
of his feet were lacerated, and blood ran from them. 

And he prayed and said : I pray, O Lord God Almighty, and 
I supplicate thy goodness (mercy) ; and I make that request which 
Peter and Paul and Gabriel, the chief of the angels, prayed, be- 
cause of an evil spirit of the daughter of the moon, bound by 
me from the three hundred and sixty and six members which 
she has. I bind thee, evil spirit and spirit of cold, and spirit of 
the daughter of the moon ; that it be not allowed thee that thou 

• The word )£J^9 means (1) paJmulce, 12q^:^^j is palmoe parvce. 

(2) Verrucce, Exponit Pauius etiam de cicatricibus et notis in corpore 
atris. [Payne-Smith, sub voc.J In the text I have taken palmulcB 
as palms of the feet, i. e. * soles.' Or, using the second meaning, *tbe 
warts, blisters (pustular, Michaelis, Castel, Lex, Syr,, p. 209) on his feet 
were cut (broken) and blood ran from them.* 



294 F. H. Hazard, 

XfASi ^o Vh% ^^ 

lAbALr^]^^ ^e I^aV ^o 

LlJ^9a!^90 lyoLffyo 

♦ ♦ ♦ ■ >VJ \\ ■|«^nn 
■ an^a Vi^O wa^9 qilaO^ L^ 



shouldst enter into the body and into the members of Gauza 
the daughter of Shima, but that thou shouldst come out from 
the bones and from the sinews and from the flesh and from the 
skin and from the one possessed to the earth, and from the earth 
to the iron, and from the iron to the stone, and from the stone 
to the high mountains. 

This writing is sealed (finished) in the name of the Father 
and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and by the prayer of my 
lady Mary the blessed, and of Mar John the Baptist, and by the 
prayers of prophets and apostles and martyrs and confessors, and 
by the prayer of Mar Thaumasius the martyr, and by the prayer 
of Abba Mark, the monk, and of Mar Giwargis the martyr, and 
of Mar Kuprianu (Cyprian). Amen. 

May he who vivifies all by his word, and establishes all by his 
will, chase away all sicknesses and all diseases in the multitude 



A Syriac Charm, 295 

{I QjftS oiJn9as ^^ 01 
Milso ).£] oiZa^9 .^xo^os 

>n\sS 1^^90X9 )^090 



3S0 



•» ♦ ♦ 



[Here is the third picture, showing a saint on a red horse 
charging at a demon in a fantastic human body. The face is 
characterized by one feature : a large eye in the centre.] 

1^.90X9 i^090 )9 

oi-io^^ lioi^? IrSl^ Z 



[The rest is lost. All words enclosed in parenthesis through- 
out the above are written in vermilion in the MS.] 

of his tender-mercies. Heal, O Lord, thy hand-maid in thy 
mercy, and raise from her sickness in the multitude of thy 
tender-mercies, Gauza the daughter of Shima ; that we may 
praise thee for (concerning) thy redemption which thou hast 
performed for her ; the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, 
for ever and ever. Amen. 

For diwas, [* devils, wretches,' etc. ; this is in red ink.] 

In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy 
Spirit, in thy name, iTHN *1B^N iTHN. El Shaddai, Adonai, 
Lord Sabaoth, Prince* of the worlds ; the prayer and petition and 



* Hero, chief, giant. Cf . the Greek Yiyaq^ Tlyavre^^ * the fabled sons 

of earth and Tartarus ;' Heb. D**13Jni ^en, vi. 4 ; and Arab. xIaaJI , 

which is applied to the constellation of Orion ; cf . Job, iz. 9. [Michae- 
lia, p. 182.] 



306 W. IT. Haza/rd. 



|jLA|a )r4^ llOff^o 

sapplication of Mar Shabur and Urshabur, son of Shabura, lead- 
ers* and true preachers at this time, and they all * * * [The 
rest is lost.] 

* Loan-word, Greek h^'hrriiq, Lat. athJetaj 'commander, master, 
Christian hero, saint,' etc. It is written both t ^ * N ^j and |w*Sz} . 



ARTICLE XI. 

THE JUD^O-ARAMiEAN DIALECT OF 

SALAMAS. 

By RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, 

PROFXSBOB Iir OOLUMBTA OOLLXOS. NXW YORK. 



Presented to the Society April 22nd, 1892. 



During the last few years a good deal of attention has been 
paid to the scientific study of the modern Aramaic dialects. The 
work which was so well begun by Stoddard in the Journal of our 
Society has been carried on by Rodiger, Merx, Noldeke, Prym, 
Socin, Duval, Guidi, and others. Thanks to them and to the 
American missionaries stationed at Urmia, plentiful material is 
now on hand for an intelligent study of these dialects. 

Not the least interesting is the fact that many Jews in that 
part of northern Mesopotamia make use of a language very near 
to that of their Christian neighbors.* Albert Lowy was the first 
to call our attention to this dialect.f Duval has given us much 
longer and much more trustworthy texts ; and NSldeke has, with 
his accustomed scholarship, pointed out wherein it differs from 
its nearest neighbors. J The Jewish jargon of Zacho is repre- 
sented by texts in Prym and Socin's Neu-Arammuche Dialekte 
von Urmia bis Mosoul, TQbingen, 1882. 

• In his first paper (mentioned below) Lowy calls the dialect *' Lish- 
ana shel Imrani. In his second {Trans. Soc. BibL Arch. vol. vi. p. 
fMK)), he gives it the name ''Lishanat Djabali.*' Rabbi Baba, a learned 
priest from Urmia, tells me it is called **L6son Ga'lot." He also tells 
me that a certain Jacob of Urmia has translated and published at 
Stamboul the Psalms and the Pentateuch in Judsep-AramsBan. I have 
never seen a copy of the work. The same authority says that the Jews 
of western Persia (he mentions also the cities Suldiis, Saug'bulah, Mian- 
dab) and those living across the Turkish border {Rawandooz, Sdtnqdld 
etc.) can easily understand each other. 

t Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch. iv. 98 : (cf. also vi. 600 ff.) : cf. Stoddard, 
Orammar of the Modem Syriac Language^ p. 8. Justin Perkins speak- 
ing of Rawandooz (Rawandiz) says '*The Jews speak the Syriac lan- 
guage. We wished to obtain a specimen of their dialect, but tlieir 
superstitious old Rabbi would not consent even to write or dictate a 
chapter from the New Testament" {J.A.O.S. ii. 91). 

X Z.D.M.Q, xxxvii. 602, and see Lowy in Greetz, Monaisschrift, 1884, 
pp. 466 ff. 



298 R. J. H. GoUheil, 

Odish^ bar Ersenis, the teacher of Merx, Socin, Hoffmann, and 
Noldeke, was in New York some years ago, and I had a chance 
of accustoming my ear to the sound of Modern Syriac. The 
Rev. Messrs. Neesan and Yohannan (at that time students in the 
General Theological Seminary of New York) were also of assist- 
ance to me in reading the paper Zahriri ctbahra* But last year 
I was agreeably surprised by the visit of one Pinchas Hanouka, 
a Jew of Salamns.f He turned out to be the son of Hanouka Heze- 
kiel, who had given Duval his texts.| I found my man to be 
very intelligent, a good Hebraist, and something of a Talmudist. 
I had intended making a careful study of his dialect ; but I had 
not gone further than securing a translation of the first chapter 
of Genesis and one popular song, when Hanouka took the Amer- 
ican " walking-match" fever, and then disappeared. I have been 
unable to get hold of him since. 

I have thought it well to publish here the Biblical text (I.), 
although it has already been published by Lowy. Noldeke has 
characterized Lowy's text as *' ungeschickt ;"§ and my repetition 
of it may, therefore, not be without some worth. 

I have been very careful to note the length of the vowels and 
the accent. II I am aware that even in this short piece there are 
some inconsistencies. But these are unavoidable in a spoken lan- 
guage. I was careful to have every word pronounced three or 
four times. 

The verses (H.) which follow the Biblical extract contain a 
curious mixture of Hebrew and Aramaic. Hanouka tells me 
they can be heard in the streets of his native place. The Hebrew 
translation (HI.) is his own ; and I have not thought it worth 
while to add an English translation. 

I have added in the appendices (IV., V.) the same text in two 
Christian-Aramaic dialects of to-day. Unfortunately I have had 
to rely for these upon manuscript sources. They are, however, 
of interest when compared with the Jewish text ; and the curi- 
ous transcription in Syriac characters is also worthy of study. 

I. Genesis, chapter /., in the dialect of Salanias, 

1. BqmM bre'le elha diet simvie vdlet dr'a. 

2. urar'a vela har&bi xchardbistfin ivheSka ellet gdlniet tho'm vpo'hed 
elha rapvp&va ellet gnlmet mo"i. 

3. merre ^Iha hdve b^hra ve'le hehra. 

4. vehze'le elha diet t)^hra gtt splra veviepreUe ilha hegdved b^hra 
veb'gdved h^ska, 

* The paper started by Justin Perkins. 

t iy-l-iJLw , Istahri, p. 194 ; Ibn Hauqal, pp. 238, 258 ; Muqaddasi, pp. 

377. 382 : Yaqiit, iii. 120. 

I Les Dialectes Neo-Arameetis de Salamas (Paris, 1888). p. v. 

j^ Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 601-2, 67o. But the second text is better. 

I Since this is now considered of so much importance as a factor in 
linguistic development : see e. g. King and Cookson, Principles of 
Sound and Inflection, pp. 252 ff. 



The JudoBO-Arammcm Dialect of Salawds. 299 

5. Qre'U Uha elb4hra yo'md valh6§kd qre'U lele ve'le dser ve'le beqdtieu 
yd'md.1^. 

6. m^rre 4lhd hdve tdbdqd lygdved m6% vhdve mdpriS b'gdved mo't 
elmol. 

7. vedU iOid diet tabdqd vrmepresU h*gdved mo'i dylt m'he'ld eltabdqd 
waib'gdved md'i dyit meUlyd eltabdqd ve'le dtkhd, 

8. vaqr^'le 4lhd eltabdqd Hmme ve'le dser ve'le baqdtieu yb'ma tre'. 

9. merr^ Mhd qdrbsi mo'i nv1)Je'let Hmme ellet tH'/ed hd mehm'td hddra 
vUdnvId vi'le dakhd. 

10. vaqre'le elhd elvisdnuld dr*o vealsarukdnlyet mo'l qrele ydmmdve 
h*zile &ha gid sptrd. 

11. mirre Uha mdqu^hd dr'6 qu4pl),at gilld maz&ryd zeretd swat siq'ld 
euddrUd S^ld elnavev dytd zdrev M'v alUt ar'6' vele ddkhd. 

12. vapdttd ar'6' gUled ddStd mdzre zre'td elnavev vstva eiiddnet 
Uq'ld dyid zere'tev be'v elnaviv vet}'z^'le elhd gxd Sptrd, 

IS. v^ dser vUe baqdtUu yo'nied tall),d, 

14. m4hTi 4lhd hdve be'hre b'tabdqdt simme elmdpru'Se begdved yomd 
vebegdved We vehdve'ni elniSdnge veleldvB vealyomdve vaHnne. 

Notes. 

V. 1. g*md^l= l-^oioj-D , Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 603 ; diet, at times died 
(Daval, Les Dialectes etc. 91. 8, alat), = ? + <nJ^ . 
2. Ifurdbi = ^Ijd. (pers.), Noldeke, Neu-Syr. Ghramm,, p. 185 ; iUit 

= J + ol2^J^ (Duval, ibid., 98. 15, allat) ; gdlmet = ? + UaI^^ ; polled 
= J 4. I^oa , Payne Smith, col. 3058. 

4. git perhaps = > -f )-d , Noldeke, Neu-Syr. Oramm., p. 185. 

5. dser = jj,a^ , Lane, p. 2062 ; b'qdtieu, Duval, ibid., 99. 4, writes 

with g = c . 

6. tabdqa = Arab. (JjLxb : cf. Qur'dn 67. 8 ; 71. 14. 

7. ayit — ? 4. JctJ ; m^TfMd = ? l^tui^Z ^^ , with change of t to I: 
cf. Noldeke, Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 602 ; dtkha = 1^.^31. , Noldeke, Neu-Syr. 
Oramm., p. 76. 

9. qdrbsi V ^oao , with insertion of r ; inehmta 4/ >^q-m ; fyidra = 
Arab, y^n^ ; viSdnuld= V/ol4>n*, Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 602. 

10. sarvkdniyet y ^^ijd ? ; yammdv^ = ] ASnSn < : for similar forms 

cf. Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 604. 

11. mdq^upha 4/ ^ iin?> , with transposition of the consonants ; for 

other examples see Noldeke, Neu-Syr. Oramm., p. 66; Manddische 
Oramm. , p. 78; qu'phat gUld = U^^^? U*as : cf. Payne Smith, col. 
715 ; enddriM = ? 4- Mr^^ *• cf . Payne Smith, col. 2779 ; ^Indv&v = 
« 4. e^ 4- ^ ; on the suffix cf. Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 604 ; bev = pers. 
&j (Saleman, PersiscTie Oramm., § 69) with Syr. suffix, Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 

605. 

12. vdpdltd V .^^ ; ddsto^ Pers. \^u^(^ 'forest,' Richardson, p. 

678 ; Kurdish dest, Z.D.M.G. xxxviii. 68. 
18. talia = ]b:^^ . 

VOL. XV. 89 



300 R. J. H. OoUheil, 

15. vehave'nl elhe'hre hetabdqat Hmme elmabhAre eled dr*d vUe ddkhd. 

16. vMl^ Uhd died tere be'hre rdwi died b^hrd riitwd elhdke'med yo'md 
vedled bihrd z&'rd elhdqe'met le'le vedled kufyve. 

17. hev4lle dlu ilhd b^tdbdqdt Hmme elmabhdre illed dr'd. 

18. vdhdke'me bn/omd iro'lele valmaprdse h*g&ved bdhrd vebegdved 
h4Skd h'ze'le Uhd gld sptrd. 

19. ve'le dser ve'le baqdti^u yo'md *drbd. 

20. mirri Mhd rdhH mo'i rihsed gdnad fyaivan vap^rff>d pdreJj^ ilUd 
dr'd elled gdlmet tabdqat Hmmi. 

21. Jyrele Uhd died ajddhe ruwe vdled kulle gdned hdivan odrdJfid 
ayl'd rdfySi mo'l elnav'u' vedled kiUW parhdd sUbdr elnav'u' h'ze'le Hhd 
gld Sptrd, 

22.' herdhle dlu ilhd elimdrd /"rtmun zu'dun melimun died mo'l beyd- 
mdve' ve^rhd zed bdhrd. 

23. vUe dser ve'le baqdtieu yo'md l^dmJsd. 

24. ni^rre elhd pdltd dr'd gdned fyiivdn elnavdv qenydnd varehid vefyai- 
vdned dr'd elndvav ve'le ddkhd. 

26. v4dle 4lhd died haivdned dr'd elndvav vedled qenydnd elnavav, 
vedled ku'lle reJised dr'd elnavav h'ze'le 4lhd gid sptrd. 

26. m6rre ilhd 6d4h ddam b'cecniydn mdgo'n sdb'tdn vekUsi bemdsttet 
ydmd vebeparhed simme vebeqinydnet vebeku'lle dr*d vebeku'lle r^sd 
ddrdh^ elled dr'd. 

27. bereU Uhd died dddm b'cecnly&v, Ircecntyed ilhd b're'le dlef du'f^rd 
vendq'vd Irrele dlu. 

28. b'r&ite did 4lhd m4rri Mu Uhd frtmHn zddUn rrm^Hmun died dr'd 
vcrbiisii'nd trkdhin bemdsU^d ydmd veparJ}6d Hmme irb'kU'lle 1}divan 
darahsd 4lled dr'd. 

29. m4rre 6lhd hdwnd heveli el6ff.dn died ku'lle gilld zarydned zere'td 
aytd ellM I'galmet kiUle dr'd vdled ku'lle ^vd aytd bi'f Seq^Ud »trd 
zarydned zere'td elofyun have elXfydld. 

SO. velkH'Ue haivdned dr'd velku'lU parliM Hmme velkUlle reJiid Hied 
dr'd aytd be'v gdned Ijmvan died kUUe yergid gilld dVidld 've'U ddl^. 

31. Ivzele dhd died kulle aytd vMle vehdvnd sptrd medd. ve'le' dser 
ve'U baqdMu ydmed iStd, 

14. begdved = > -|- a^ ; niSdnge — pers. ^Lmuu\ v^bLuMUO (La- 
garde, Oesammel. Abhand.^p. QQ. 12); Noldeke. Neu-Syr. Oramm.,p. 
384; mv€ - lioi^, Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 603. 

16. elhdko*med \/ rvJC^ ; kUchve = I-asos . 

17. hh}^lle = ot^ .-£U3u* ; dlu = ^ocnJ^ . 

20. gdna = Per3. ^L^ . 

21. ddrahsa = U^i + > 4. 001 : cf. Z.D.M.G. xxxvi. 676. 

22. elimdrd = "ION / » f'rtmun : on the ending see Noldeke, Neii- 
Syr. Chramm., p. 226. 

26. ddech = ^0^ r^^^ , Noldeke, Neu-Syr. Oramm., pp. 201, 216; 

cecniyan, according to Rabbi Baba cecni is Jagati Turkish for image ; 

magon, according to Noldeke (Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 606), = Pers. ^^ 
§6bet = K^^ . 
28. irgrbwiftna = rT1B^331 • 

29. siichaia = n^3N*7 • 



The Judom-AvamcBcm Dialect of Salanids. 301 

II. Verses from ScUamds. 

i'man dd^ Hmmev gemdh 
QarpeSlan mipdf}, vemirmd 
V'dig'mendvdn HmmU yimmaJi 
Sedv/re ^lldn go'U 
Bdbd raJimdnd Sedu're illdn go'il, 

Yisrde'l euni berondved hdrtt 
Rel^Hm elJialdsiyit hdSertt 
Vedig'mendvdn HmmU qdWt 
Sedtre illdn go'il 
Bdbd raJj^mdnd SedUr^ 4Udn go'U, 

Hes4h*lu e'ndn miydJ}&, 

Sedtru Ulan berondved le'dh verdfye'l 

B'hdyyd bentle bet fiammiqdds vaohel 

M'dile &ldn go'll 

Bdbd rafymdnd Sedtre ^lldn go'H, 

III. Hebrew version of the above verses, 

.riDim PflD uVv^ PDV IDB^ KIT "TID 

.Skuh uS wt .pd" ddb^ ua-iKi 
.nnKB^n noSDS DPI . nna '33 on Skib^" 

• 

.Snii hkS '33 u^ n^B^ .Sn'D irrr iSd 

IV. 

The following text of Gen. i. is in the Fellihe dialect of modem 
Syriac, and is taken from MS. Sachau 143, written in Mosul in the 

In verse i., iman, cf. Noldeke, Neu-Syr, Ghramm.y p. 161; dde = 
]^\ , Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 603 ; qarpeSlan |/ ^la^ ; dig'mandvan = Pers. 

In verse ii., euni = ^oJoi ; fyildsiyet y (jtoJL^ . 



302 R. J, H. QoUheU, 

year 1891.* On the margin of the first chapter I find l^^^l t^ 
)A4.j.jLd ^ and in Arabic l^lxJLfi Jj^l xAJ ^ . The writer was 
one Jeremia Shamir of Ankawa. At the end of the manuscript 
is the following superscription : 

ioiio^ II^oaLo h^Sv> )]^ l^o .all^^o l^jJLUfi^ ]ji^j ^ |ii«^V)> 



* • •• •• • • • ^ 



• •• •• ••••*• •* • ••• • ••• 



" \ \. •• • \ . % 



• %.*.*.% . , *. •• \» 



%% • \ m S %...%% 



Genesis, chapter i., in the Fellihe dialect. 



• •• • •• 



'. ^ . •• • "^^ iu "• 



-, .- •- •- , % -m -» a -« a i^ Y • 

VdMOfo .).n^a^9 )V>S; %) In^no .)oo )Anqmo naSj^ \V>\o 2 



• • % % 






•• w 






•• j» -• 



•• .• 



*. \siMA V.kAO )90US VaiS )0l^ UA'^O . )|J9 |90La^ )oiJ^ Pr^o 4 






jJooio |.A^9 |]ooio . U^ Pi^ I^AnSo . I^o^ l^qinS |oi^ Ut-^e 5 



•• •• • .• •• •• -• -• .• -• .• • • 



.• .• .' •• .• • •• J .• 



. % 



..Jiocu U lr»t 



* See Sachau, Kurzes Verzeichniss, p. x ; Reise in Syrien und Mesopo- 
tamien, Leipzig 1888, p. 855 ; and Guidi, Beitrdge zur Kenntniss de$ 
NeU'Aramdtschen Fellihe Dialektes, Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 293 flf. 



Ihe Jvdmo-ATammm Dialect of Sala/mds, 303 



>.|i%n\ U^ Vaa ^^i-d? U^ V*A ):m^9 ]ooi )oiX )|^o 6 



(1^9 Absi) U^ (sic) V*£) V*£) U^i^Ao )i:M^9 )oiX {Iffio 7 
. ^. ,. ,. ,. .. .. . ,. ,. .. 

: ^901 {Jooio . ),S > r>9 ^^ ^^^]? )>a^o 



.• -• •• 



: )9<^^ i;^cu l^iA t |]ooio ].iL^9 {]ooio . }aV»a> jS>r>^S ^ok^ Pi-do 8 



% > 



:. f'ioi ]]ooio . ^ArOil )^}A 



J* *■ 



|oiX |]>so Ull Pi^ U^9 ^ViXo )j'9i Ij^oI^ ]oiX Pi^o 10 



• •• *• 

*« • % • • • ••% 

*. ^01 {Jooio {^9) %| oia^ oi'i\f^o owl^ )9]jb {90)^ 

,»,••• • •• / •• • • • ^ ■• •• 

*. )fJ99 jou^l Ml-so CTWl^ oia^ ^'1r^? 

Notes. 

According to the superscription , the MS. was written in Mosul, in 
1881, for '*the excellent teacher Doctor Sachau." na^o^^s = ^.soAjs 

«^ • \2L:^ = |M h< • joNri 4' = ;-^"^^ • \aL1 = ) --'' • ^^0990 
Arab. d^%> 
V. 2. |oo = )ooi |ooi . 

8. )eoiyi-lo (cf. V. 9 i SVt^iV ) = |o<ji + mar, the Pers. particle? 
(Saleman, Persische Oramm,, p. 27.) 

4. ||J9 = Pers. 5jo\ * great, large.' 

7. s:^? = v:^?. 

9. .a:^:ia^ v *4^ ; >,a^ = .j + ? + ^-^^ or .^ + ? + V^ ; 
]l^}s 1mm = ]^V^ l^ftNi^ : cf . Noldeke, Neii-Syr, Qramm,, p. 289; 



304 R. J. H. GoUheU, 



•. )i^b^9 li^a.* )i^; Pooio )^^9 Peoio 13 



% % 



IVoa %.ftA ^A^i^e lijJ^a^) ISan^n )90i^ s*eoi \fn^ Ir^e 14 



/ •• .• •• « • .* • 



•. % 



'.^901 Peoie ))^|] >AJ9oi.al^o )iA:^a^9 ISanjS >AJ90i.al^9 )^ s*ooio 15 






)90l )^0LSo 1.^04^ >aa^9 1^9 ]9<n-s 1^9 )'0i^ b*^ )<n^ Pr^e 16 

iP •• ,• •• •• 

•• • ^ ^ ^ ^ 



% . 



)ol!^ Ppe lirinS )90LS V.iba >.4^^9e |li^o 1.^04^ ^iViniiO 18 



/• 



••»r>*? 



: )iS9|9 li^a.* ]i^t Peoio )^*^9 Pooio 19 












s. %». . %\ 



•• •• 



]^o . i^'n^.V? I^iuils )Xs. Voao lay |XiJ^ )ol!^ Pr^o 2I 



\ • • 






11. I^AllO V 

12. ?ols? = ^ 4- 1^ 4- ? . 

18. U = Pers. b' (in Guidi's text always |-^ ) : cf . Duval, Rev, Cri- 
tiquey 1882, p. 144, against Guidi, Z.D.M.G. zxxvii. 802, who connects 
it with Vo^bio . 

16. >asu» = jCa. . 

♦Read J^J^? • 



The JudiBo-Aramoimi Di<jilect of Salarnds. 305 



•• • 



/ ••• • 



•.ji»U lHr2«i> 



;• 



• « 



) i>Vin> l^^eu )^. Uooie )»Ai^9 Peoie 23 



.• -• •• 



ik^ "^oao 01^101^ lill^ oOLl^ 1)9)9 jJoIl )oi:^ )]|^o 25 

. )^9? )<ii:^ V}so <nmx^ ))9)? 



• • % •• • •• •• •• •• • 

^ ,>Vtna*o ^LJ^f^o y\r\',n ]^J t^r^ r^ )0ii^ )r^o 26 



'\)o ))9) 0L^;^^a£ '\)o ^OA^ '\]o ]^i>a^9 \^r» No i^o^? jJoJ 



% •. 






V .• V 



)i9o) V^Si >aa )oiX9 )-^^ .oi^o!^V=^ >09P )oiX jJ^fio 27 

: l^oJe 

.* 

17. )Le.^a:>o 4/ )^) . 

20. IX.^ = Pers. ^[^ ' soul, spirit, life' ; yX = 9 + %^ ; U^ 



= M-»' 



21. )aA::^a^^ = i^^*^^ 'r^ • c^- Noldeke, Neu-Syr. Oramm,, p. 

119; Stoddard, Mod, Syr, Oramm,, p. 118. For J^-^^ cf. the Old 
Syriac Ual*^, Payne Smith, col. 738; Bar Bahlul, cols. 499, 610. = 
KflJJ , Levy, Worterb. fiber die Targumim, i, 150, = NflJ , U^ = 
KfllJ , Levy, ibid., i. 127 ; Noldeke, Oott Gel, Anz., 1884, p. 1019. 

22. \r-\^ = i>l^ + ^ . 

26. ^'r^'t^ = )ra + ^ . 

27. >ao = >aD = Q-fp ; NSldeke, Neu-Syr. Oramm., p. 296 ; Guidi, 
Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 301 ; ]]ho\ = Pers. \s\ 'leader' (Richardson, p. 56; ? 

♦ Perhaps )]a^:^:kOo : cf . v. 28. 



306 R. J. 11. GoUheil, 



^ .. ^ . • .. 



(.jJ^OA.) ]£bS^ ^)e )^a«9 )JqJ ^I |V^*>n- ^0900)0 .01!^ ^qJL}lS}^o 



•• • 



% 



••IH "^1 wO^J l-j^D ^.os ^.jo 
*. ^901 }]eoio oinil^N ])9]9 )J( 



•. • • • 



: )L^e^ f^<^ Uir^ ?o)i? o9|^ 0^)9 ilk^) "^aso \\h\ oi:^9 



^] l^Sfx ^^^^ )-^^^a^? \^^'t^ oiSano )]9]9 ^Q^^ fliSnnSo 30 

•• V V • • • • •^••» 

% •• •• •. . •• % •. % . 

...... • • ^ • • .'^ • »• • • ^ ,• • 



]|^. Pooio ).A^9 )]ooio ||afl4> }]iifi9 ^|1SnSaa )oL^ |]}Ae 31 

•■ . 



V. 

The following translation of Gen. i. is in the Torajii dialect of 
Modern Syriac. It is taken from MS. Sachau 249, and was writ- 
ten by Shammash Eshaya of Kyllith.f For the other places in 
the old Tur-^abdin where this dialect is spoken see Sachau, Reiae 
in Syrien und Mesopotamiot^ p. 412; and cf. pp. 419, 420; 
Prym and Socin, Der Neu-Aramaeiache Dicdekt des Tdr Ahdin^ 
Gottingen, 1881, vol. i., Einleitung. 

28. aXi = ^001 ^ U ; ^al4LS}:>o V t^t^I * ^^^^ subject'; Stoddard, 
New Syr, Oramm,, p. 81. 9: cf. Turkish zahtiyya * soldier'; ^o?co|o |/ 
i-A^ ; t^|-£ : perhaps it ought to be V^'i^ ' creatures.' 

29. <^a^ = ^*^ -f sja-iou- ; aa-il9 = ^oavo M? ; ?o|.s? = I-B9 
81. ijlNnSn*) = 9 +>o,io + '^os : cf. Z.D.M.G. xxxvii. 298. 

* Perhaps H^: but see vv. 10, 12. 30. 

f See Sachau, Reise, p. 420 : Kurzes Verzeichniss der Sachau' schen 
Sammlung, p. 23. 



The JudcBO-Armncean Dialect of Salamds, 307 



p 9 p y Q py ♦* 



»k»> OP y . y p y . <»> y p y 

• ac • X • ♦ X 

• X 

y y p y m, p 

. )90L£ ^ooio I^OLS )ooi )oi^ Pr^o 3 



y p y ^ y 



o |Voi.so] ^aA ]gii^ ILoi^e *^saols.^ ]90i^o) ](n^ Pv^e 4 



P m 



.\:icb:^\ 



V y p y »* p . p y 



U^9 ^.^OIO j-^^ PiX {.IiD^iInI^O IpIacu I^oi^o^ )oiX Pi^o 5 

X X 

K y 



-r 1^ 1^ y m y »,. . y p -»>.P 



U^ -.aA >^f3 ^ftooio I ;\nV> w\qo l^4^9 )ooi9 ]oiX Pi^o 6 



m y 



.U^a^ 



y p /t> y . y . m y y y t>^ m t>^ P *** 

SO ISan^V ^L!^9 UlOltf] ^4^ ILoi^O PbJ^9 )oiX P^fiO ^ 



I'F y p y X y y 



.<» PI^F PF7P1^ P^. *^ <«k 

9^9 Ip^Oi* )i^t ^OOIO )iA^9 ^ooie ) aV>4> )^a£9o) )gii^ Pt-DO 8 



pi^p p V » y y m y y .y 



)2l909 ii-ii^ |>Vi^V ^£^^9 U:i>o:»o\ >Vii\?\>V? )oiX P^o 9 



7 K 7 F7k 



. )^eoi ^ooio » fl4lo) )^^m:^9 



♦ • m my mm my y p »k*. p y yy ^ 



P^o f\^ Pjx I "v^^; )Vi>\o2al:^o i:^9) wa^iJo) ](3uk Pi^o 10 



p F 



p p V 



* Thus in MS., with marginal note 1^ 

m y y 

t In text and in brackets Vf^s , i. e. yiOo 



VOL. XV. 40 



308 R. J. H. GoUheil, 



m y m U. * r /»« m 7 A."' ^ -^' 



l^col^oa )9)^9i "^9?}^? Vase It^ j Sj i . j )Aa!tf9 )ol!^ Pr^e n 
.(.aooi ^ooio |,S| • »\ \J^ iJLlfi )£^9}fie| )^9caJLaa ^^ia^JCy ]|^9 U^lo 



p 1^ ♦♦ m y y 't^ ^ ^ » ^ y r ^ m y 



• 



e> p .y p y y p ^ ^ 

. )AJ^^9 \i)DQ^ \r^x ^^^^ M^9 ^eoio 13 



p p ^ y » m t p y m p ^ <»> y <»p 



|:^2mb^]o) ^.iA ^^f2L^9 lijJ^a^^ |^^uD9a£ )'f«oiJ )ooi^ ]gii^ Pi^o 14 



<^y y p a y f ♦v» rp *p p 7 ». k 

• UlJ^e l&i^ouJ^o (Afip^e |liilS ^0019 *|i^J^o) ^^^o 



. y y y o y ♦ ^P7 p».«7 <*. p ^ 

).aooi ^001 e |,S| h *1 \^ )|.toiJL^^ t^^^a-^? |\*n^aP ]90lI^ ^0^90 15 



p p tk p p h^ h. py *>. K. 



iJ^Alia^lo^ p^oAral^k 1^ )9<nQJo) )x>9 )9QJ \h^ )oi^ P^o le 

,^^.» P7»^ pp ^.*> p y *>^> 

Notes. 
V. 7. ISany^ =: )\an9 ^^ ; )^eoi = I^Zoi . 

9. >VliN^•V cf. V. 10 )Vi>\oZtt^ . 4/ \A\ i. e. >*^ + ^^Aublio , but 
the ending v*2»o ? «.a^Jo) = Arab. oLmO , Dozy, Supplement, ii. 678. 

11. %-as = Arab.-Pers. JlJLj; ||irm ^oa = l^^ + 0^ with the 
Turkish abl. ending 54> ? (MOller, Turkische Oramm,, p. 35) ; ^^^0^09 

4/ >a4j& ; Ills =z ous , with which compare the Pl^oenician pronom- 
inal suffix of the third pers. masc. pi. DJ = Heb. DH (Barth. Z.D.M.G. 
zli. 642) and such forms in the Arabic of Mosul as finuh for &Ai , 
and in that of Baghdad as *alainuh for &aJIx , abunuh for 5«,^l 
(Clermont-Ganneau, Joum, As,, xii. 564); and perhaps also the NMe 
forms in Arabic, Hebrew, and Syriac mentioned by Barth, Die Nomi- 
nalbildung, p. 363. 

12. Hn^oV V < n<^l . 

16. |%niM = &4JUU . 

* So in MS. ; perhaps | •Wo) . 



The JudcBO-Aramceam, Dialect of Salamds. 309 






<> y 



.\'r^^^^ )0«^ P>^o 



7 p y 



. ).:^A99 Ji^eU )|^t ^OOIO )»Ai^9 ^ooio 19 



F P p m. '^y '^ p y y ^ y y 



p y ^ fc pp PK 

|nni^oV9 \^^^r^} \h,^^ \^^1 \^o |.£9 \XL1Z )oiX Piifio 21 

• X 

P X y ^m ^ tf, ^ /t>k /t>77 



^^o 7F*77»kir<* »..^^k '*>'«>iik <* y ,*> 

X* 



7 p 7 



) 4V|m9 l^Oi* )i^t ^OOIO |iA^9 ^OOIO 23 



7««^ P7 p y p y P y 

\^* 1..- 



X ^ . • a 



77 7 ♦* . p y p p y p y 



*,* F--*-* • .'',7 f" 7 



X . •* ^ • s 



17. |L£yii2tf , perhaps |li^^iV y )^) . 

20. ^1^ perhaps = ^^>^Lo : cf. Arab.-Pers. ^L«fi L) , Lane, p. 
1658 a ; Richardson, p. 024 ; ^^^ y ^Lb . 

21. U^H? = U-' + 1-0 + ? . 



24. ^oU^ = ^1^ 

26. ^j-k-^90^1 = ^ + ? + U90^ ; ^y-i^bio9as = IZoio? + 

+ 9 + ; r-«^o? = %^u + 9 ; the forms U©"! , 1^-4^«1 , 



310 B. J. H. GottheU. 

m , m 

P m mk P. »♦ PKk ^.l' ,»,P C* <- 

]&aaJo )^; llnSi )ai^» l^e^tds aiViS.n >:») loi^ M^e 27 

.\^hU^\ oa^^^)e 090]o o^oa )a^ ^^ U|^e )gL^ |Lf)|nVio 28 

» * • 

\^ \^h\o] ^hyi} U^V^) iC %^* ^nnSiSSoCT )oi |ol!^ P^^o 29 



pp ^..i^^.rk pp 



)^9lo)9 ]^4^ ).a^9 lOl:;^] %^'o OL^I^HJ) . OL:^ tC"^^) ^^1"^ '^ 



. l^^^bOa^A^ |eoi ^e£ba!^ xf]J^ 

PI' .*. ♦PI'*, P 9 V *- m ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

V^9 )jkM9 Val^e liVii^ ]£ui»|^ Va^o l^f).^? {Zo^^ Va^ 30 

• 31 • 

|^^9 saooio Ii>fl4> )a^ )(n (Pr^) |lla»9 )|^ ^^ )0uk P}^e $1 



V/naniil seem to contain the Arabic article : i. e. poJ -f Jl , 

+ Jl ; lli^ = <;iiis . 

29. ^nnSaWooi = ^OA^ 4- >a^ ^ wA^»si^ • )n>n9 c= £^) -f- V09 



81. Ir^o = >orio cf. Talmudic TD 1 U^^^mj = ol^ + >a-Jff? . 

• • • 

♦ In brackets rjUUo) , 1. e. jjLy^ol . 
f In brackets ^^ViS* *^ . 
t So in text. 



ARTICLE XII. 



T^\ro ^SSYRI^N LETTERS- 

By Dk. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON, 

UrSTBUOTOB JX SBMITIO LANGUAGES, JOHK8 HOPKINS VNITKB8ITT, BALTIMORE, MD. 



Presented to the Society April 22d, 1892. 



Of the great mass of Ass^TO-Babylonian texts which have 
come down to us, none perhaps, with the exception of the con- 
tract-tablets and the rather obscure omen-tablets, have been 
found in greater numbers or in a better state of preservation 
than the letters and despatches. Tliese documents deal with 
almost every phase of life in Assyria and Babylonia, and are 
often of considerable historical importance. Among them are 

Erivate letters from individuals of every description, letters of 
ings to members of their families and to various high officers 
of the empire, reports of governors of provinces and of mili- 
tary and civil officers, diplomatic reports, police reports, proc- 
lamations, petitions, reports of priests on omens : in short, 
nearly every species of epistolary composition is represented in 
these interesting texts. 

The value of these letters is obvious, but peculiar difficulties 
attend their interpretation. In the case of many of them we 
are at a loss to understand the affairs to which they refer, since 
they were composed under circumstances of which we have no 
knowledge. Events well known both to the writer and to his 
correspondent are frequently alluded to in such a way as to give 
only a slight hint, or none at all, as to their real significance. 
And this is to be expected, for even a private letter of the 
present day might well be totally unintelligible to any one 
unacquainted with the writer and the person to whom it is 
addre^ssed. Moreover, the language in which they are com- 
posed presents another difficulty. It is not the classical lan- 
guage of the historical inscriptions and the poems, but the 
colloquial language of Assyria and Bab^^lonia, differing from 
the classical language in about the same way as (/icero's letters 
from his orations. Words and expressions abound which are 
not to be found elsewhere, and each individual writer has 
naturally his peculiarities of style. 

Partly on account of these difficulties, but chiefly on account 
of the greater interest possessed by the historical, poetical, and 



812 C. Johnstorty 

grammatical texts, the letters for a long time received very 
uttle attention. A few of them were, it is true, translated 
from time to time, especially such as possessed historical inter- 
est ; but no systematic study of them was attempted until 1887, 
when Samuel Alden Smith published a number of Assyrian 
letters with text, transliteration, translation, and commentary, 
in a series of papers in the Proceedings of the Society of Bib- 
lical ArchcBology^ in 1887-1888, and in parts II. and III. of his 
Keilachrifttexie AsurhanipaPs, Leipzig, 1888-1889. Smith's 
translations and grammatical analyses are in a high degree un- 
satisfactory, but he has at least the merit of being the pioneer 
in this branch of Assyriology; and under the circumstances 
some allowances should be made. Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch 
of Leipzig, who would appear, from the numerous citations of 
these texts in his Assyrian Grammar and his Assyrian Diction- 
ary, to have already given much attention to the subject, next 
published in the £eitrdge zur Assyriologie a series of three 
papers on Assyrian letters, in which, unlike Smith, he giveg 
the text in transliteration only. His commentary moreover is 
fuller, and he endeavors to ascertain something about the per- 
sonali|;y of the writers wherever possible. Many of the texts 
treatea by Prof. Delitzsch in these papers had. already been 
translated by Smith, but in all such cases the necessity for a 
retranslation is obvious. Prof. Delitzsch, approaching tne sub- 
ject in a truly scientific spirit, and possessing the advantages 
of a large experience and extensive lexicographical and gram- 
matical collections, has made a great advance over Smith, and 
has laid down the lines upon which the study of the Assyrian 
epistolary literature must be carried on in the future. It is to 
be hoped that in course of time the great mass of these valua- 
ble texts, at present unpubUslied, and many of them not even 
catalogued, will be made accessible to students. A diligent 
study of them cannot fail to throw much light both upon the 
history and upon the social life of Assyria and Babylonia. 
But such a study will only be possible when we have a com- 
plete concordance of all the names of persons and places men- 
tioned in the letters. 

The two letters which follow have not hitherto been trans- 
lated, although a few of the words and phrases contained in 
them have been quoted by Delitzsch in his Assyrian Grammar 
and in his Assyrian Dictionary. 

I. The first Letter, 

K828^ P inchests Texts^ p. 8. Described in Bezold's Kurzge- 
fdsster Ueherhlick uber die Bahyloni^sch-Assyrische Literatur^ 
pp. 164, 276 ; and in his Catalogue of the cuneiform tablets in 
the Kbuyunjik collection of the British iluseum^ i. 176. 



Two Assyrian Letters, 313 

• 
This is a personal letter from King Ashnrbanipal to a cer- 
tain high omeer named Bel-ibni, who appears to have failed in 
some way to carry out his orders. For this he is severely 
reprimanded^ but finally pardoned, and ordered back to duty 
with special instructions. Prof. Delitzsch gives some bio- 
graphical notes with reference to this Bel-ibni in B.A.I. 234, 
where he remarks that this letter is an evidence of the cordial 
good feeling subsisting between the king and his oflScer. 

Obverse. 

Am(U Sarri 

ana Bel-ibnt 

Stdtim dH lihbaka lil-tdbka 

ina Hi mi^ir uUH 
• Sa hi{fygam a-nam-mu Sa tv^aHdanni 

ul libbiX agdH 

tSmu aSkunka 

umma aSSa libhH 

$a aqbakka tetepSuma 
" taddanna miniX 

Id pargika enna 

minam7na Sa Id pfa ana libbi 

tHrid atta Sa 

mamaz-pdnt*a atta 

u puhixtd ttdH 

libbH agd^ 

tetepu^ u Sa Id idil 

akkdH eppuS, 

enna kt amdt anni 
•• ^ibdta qaSatka 

Reverse. 

mala Sa St dik^ma 

itti Sa libbaka 

aid txirru Sa tahtfa 

erreSUka 
" Sa Sin-dini-epuS 

ipptiSu amurma 

mimma Sa ana tar^iSu 

ana epBSi tdbu 

epuSma u ina UmiSu 
** tammar r^miUka 

Notes to the first letter. 

Line 5. The second character would seem to have been erased accord- 
ing to Pinches^s edition of the text, and the line as it stands is untrans- 
laSible with exception of the last words sa tuSd'idanni. Delitzsch, 
Assyr. Or., p. 312, quotas without translating the word tuSd'id, which 
he derives from a stem "]Xw1 * ^ infer its meaning from two passages 
in which the same word occurs : viz., K.18 (iv. UK 45, No. 2) 54 ana Hi 



u 



314 C, JohnHtorij 

* 

kunimmatini ana Umxulumn* let txi^e'ida kurumniatani iddannakuniiSu, 
niH bttini iiia biibdta taddHkay * when you applied to U. about our 
provisions, he gave them to you. You have slain the people of our 
house v^ith famine.' Again, ib. 1. 59, HndMi SelaluSu la use^idaH ina 
adta-minu ul ifersu, * although they applied for him two or three times, 
he would not give him into their hands/ 

Line 11. Character xar (xur). I have read par^, according to 
Briinnow's List^ 8538. It might also be read t€r4tiy whicli would have 
about the same meaning. 

Line 20. Qanatka, literally *thy bow.' For this word in the sense of 
* troops, forces,' cf . Pinches's Texts 5. 3 ; 6. 4b ; R. 7. 79 ; Asurb. Sm. 1839. 

I would propose the following translation. 

The word of the King to Bel-ibni : may my greeting do thy 
heart good. As touching that district [text corrupt] concerning 
which thou hast applied to me(?), I did not give thee orders to 
this effect. My words were " so that thou mayest act and give 
even as I have ordered thee." What now were thine orders? 
Lo ! why didst thou go down thither without my authority, thou 
who art my chief officer and oughtest to know the reverence due 
me ? Thus shalt thou do ; but how can I act without knowing ? 

See now ! Since thou hast sued for grace, collect thy forces 
as many as they be, with as many (more) as thou desirest. Need 
i now ask of thee a return for my kindness ? I know what Sin- 
dini-epush is doing ; so, whatever it may be well to do in opposi- 
tion to him, that do, and then thou shalt find full pardon. 

II. The second Letter, 

KSIf^ (iv.''4'!^, No. L) Described by Bezold in his Kurzge- 
fasnUr Ueherhlick uher die Bahjlonisch-Assijrische Literatur^ 
p. 24:1, and in his Catalogue of the cun. tmlets in the Kou- 
yunjik Collection of the British Mitsemn^ i. 23. 

l^his text contains a proclamation of Assurbanipal to the 
Babylonians, warning theui against the machinations of his 
half-brother Samassumukin, who wai> endeavoring to make 
them discontented and so stir them up to the revolt which cul- 
minated in the year 648 J^. C. in the death of tlie rebel brother. 
Prof. Delitzsch and Mr. Pinches appear to view the document 
in this light : cf. I)'*' ]). 70, and the title in the table of contents 
to iv.R' 1891. Although neitlier Assurbanipal nor his brotlier 
is mentioned in it by name, the whole tenor of the proclama- 
tion and the allusions it contains would seem to leave little 
doubt upon the subject. 

Obverse. 

Ahit mrri ana Bdhild^ 
Hulrnii dsi libbakvnu 
lil'tdhkunmi dibbt m Mri 

m 

§a Id axu agd idbubakkunuH 
* gabbu IddibbUni altemehinu 



Two Assyrian Letters, 315 

Mm la taqtpaSu ina libbi ASur 

Marduk ildn'ta attamd kt 

dibM bVMte mala 

ina muxxfa idbubu ina libbfa 
" quf^iipakit u ina pfa 

aqba alia niklu M 

ittekil umma Sumu Sa JBdbtld* 

rd^ifndniSu itWa lubd^is 

u andku ul a^immeSi 
** axUtktcnu Sa itti 7ndrS 

ASSur u kidinnHtahnnu $a aqpuru 

addi Ui Sa enna SU 

itti libbfa attunu 

appittimma Mrdt^u 
'• Id taSimmd Sunkunu 

Sa ina pdnfa u ina pdn mdldti gabbu 

bana Id tubd^dSa 

a ramdnkunu ina pdn Hi 

Id tuxattd 

Reverse. 

'* u sdtu amdt sa itti libbikunu 

qit^^upakunu andka %dl 

umma ennd aSM 

nittekiruS ana biltini 

ttara ul biltu si 
*• ^dnu Sit ki sumu 

qurbdfitl ti asSa itti 

bel dabdbVa tatasizza 

Stl kt sakdn bilti 

ina muxxi ramenkunu u xattil 
" ina libbi adi ina pdn Ui enna 

adH altaprakkwnusi 

kt ina dibbS aganUte ittihi 

ramdnkufiu la tutdnipa 

xantiS gabri sipirtPa 

Mmur qi^Tu Sa ana Bel 

ag^ur sikipti Marduk 

agd ina qdtVa la ixebbil 

arax Aru Hmu xxiii limmu Asur-dtlra-li^^ur 

SamaS-baldtsu-iqbi 

ittdbil. 

Notes to the second letter. 

Line 8. The word s&ru, translated * falsehood,' means properly 
• wind ;' dibbe Sa Sdri are therefore literally * words of wind.* 

Line 4. Id axu agd, literally * this no brother :' cf. the Hebrew ex- 
pression *5J< {^*5 and the like. Prof. Delitzsch, W.B. p. 76, art. agd, 

renders 'dieser Nicht-Bruder,' and adds the remark ''sonennt Asur- 
banipal seinen treulosen Bruder Samassumukin.'* 

vol. XV. 41 



«• 



316 C, Johnston, 

Lime 10. Quggupakiiy * I think/ st. C\)[T) . The meaning would seem 

to be clear both from this line and from line 26 below. 

Line 16. Kidiniktakunu Sa aqguru. Cf. B.A.II.29; Leh. SamcLssum- 
ukin, Pt. IL, p. 60. 

Line 17. addi. For another example of this unusual spelling, cf. 
D- 182, 1. 1. 

Line 19. Appittima, Cf. D« p. 218, B.A.I. 285. SdrdteSu, fern. pi. of 
Sdi^ : for the length of the vowel ^, cf . Haupt, EJ-vowel. p. 5. 

Line 20. Suiikunu = Sumkunu : cf. B.A.I. 14, n. 7. The n is here a 
guttural nasal, as in Greek avd-yiof. 

Line 25. The third character za is evidently an error for a, so that 
we should read Sdtu amdt. 

Line 29. Itara st. "^rtl » * form after analogy of verbs ♦tj . In the 
contract-tablets both this verb and JtJ^l regularly form their presents 
in this way ; cf. Tallquist, Sprache aer Contr, Ndbon., pp. 18, 68,*69. 

Line 81. The ^urbanH seems to have been an impost intended for 
some special religious purpose. It is not impossible that the words in 
lines 40, 41, qigru §a ana Bel aqqur^ may have reference to the qurhanH, 
At any rate, the point which the King desires to make is that certain 
imposts of which the Babylonians complain are not a hiltu or state-tax, 
but a qurhanUi or religious tax, doubtless for the support of their own 
temples. The word occurs in the contract-tablets : cf . Tallquist, 124. 

Line 41. Sikipti Marduk agd^ literallv *this overthrown (overthrow- 
ing) of Marduk.^ Nab{l-be1-§um&ti is called sikipti-Bel in K.18. (iv. R*.45, 
No. 2) 89. Delitzsch, W.B., p. 76, remarks in connection with his ren- 
dering of Id axd agd mentioned above, ''Ist etwa auch Z.42 nkipti 
Marduk agd als ein auf Samassumukin bezAgliches Schm&hwort zu 
fassen?* 

For this text, I would offer the following rendering. 

Will of the King to the Babylonians : may my greeting do 
your hearts good. The lying words which this unnatural brother 
has spoken to you, all tbat he has spoken, I have heard. It is 
falsehood ; trust him not therein. I swear by Aesur and Marduk, 
my gods, that all the evil things he has imputed to me as feeling 
them in my heart or speaking them with my mouth are a string 
of falsehoods which he has invented, thinking " I will make the 
reputation of the Babylonians who love him as disgraceful as my 
own ;" but I will not listen to it. Your brotherhood with the 
Assyrians, and the relation of true subjects which I have estab- 
lished, are dear to my heart even to the present moment. Do 
ye henceforth listen not to his lies. Befoul not your fair fame 
which is now unspotted before me and before all the world, nor 
make yourselves sinners before the God. But I know that thing 
which ye think in your hearts. Ye say " Lo ! because we are 
obnoxious to him, he adds to our taxes." Tis no tax. The 
qurbdnH is nothing but a name, and because ye have taken sides 
with my adversary, ye choose to consider this as imposition of 
taxes and sinning against the oaths sworn before God. Lo ! I 
now send word to you not to defile yourselves with these plots 
with him. Let me quickly get an answer to my letter. The 
treasure which I have amassed for Bel this god-forsaken wretch 
shall not get out of my hands and waste. 

Month of lyyar, 23d day, Eponymy of ASur-dtLra-li99ar. 
Brought by Shamash-balatsuiqbt 



ARTICLE XIII 



THE SUMERO-AKKADIAN QUESTION. 

By Dr. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON, 

nCBTBUOTOB IV 8BMITX0 LANOUAOSS, JOHNS HOPKINS UNITBR8ITT, BALTIMORX, MD. 



Presented to the Society April 22d, 1892, 



At a comparatively early period in the history of Assyriol- 
Offy it became evident to investigators that the cuneiform 
ttublets of Assyria and Babylonia presented not only a Semitic 
language, but also, alongside of it, an idiom differing widely 
from tne Semitic type both in grammar and in vocabulary. 
A peculiar feature of this latter idiom was the fact that it was 
written for the most part in ideograms, with which were com- 
bined certain phonetic elements, serving to indicate the proper 
{ironunciation of words and to constitute grammatical forms, 
n structure it bore some resemblance to the so-called Tura- 
nian group, and at all events was distinctly agglutinative. The 
numerous texts composed in it were, with exception of the in- 
scriptions of some early Babylonian kings, almost exclusively 
of a religious character, consisting of hymns, penitential 
psalms, charms, exorcisms, and magical formulae of various 
sorts, usually accompanied by an interlinear or parallel Semitic 
version. It was further found that the old Assyrian and Baby- 
lonian scholars had devoted much attention to the study of this 
language, and had composed a considerable number of lexico- 
graphical and grammatical works for its elucidation. 

This non-Semitic idiom received from the earlier Assyriolo- 
gists various names — Sumerian, Akkadian, Proto-Babylonian, 
Proto-Chaldean — and was regarded by them as the speech of 
a people who preceded the Semites in Babylonia, invented the 
cuneiiorm system of writing, and laid the foundations of Baby- 
lonian civilization. From tnis ancient people, it was believed, 
the Semitic immigrants or invaders derived their civilization, 
and in large measure also their religious conceptions ; so that 
when, in dourse of time, the Semitic element of the population 



»318 C. Johnston. 

and the Semitic language became predominant, the old tongue 
was preserved as a ntual lan^iage, holding the same place that 
Latin holds to-day in the Roman Catholic church. This would 
explain the fact that the great majority of the non-Semitic 
texts are of a religious nature, as also the zeal of the Assyro- 
Babylonian priestly scholars in its study and preservation. 
Such, down to the year 1874, was the general opinion on the 
subject; the only material points respecting wnich scholars 
were at all at variance was the minor one of nomenclature. 

In 1874, however, the distinguished French epigraphist 
Joseph Halevy propounded a novel theory, which he has since 
defended with great ability. According to him, the so-called 
Akkadian or Sumerian people are a pure myth ; no such peo- 
ple ever existed. The Semites were the real inventors of 
cuneiform writing, which, originally ideographic, was in course 
of time developed into a phonetic system, just as is the case 
with Egyptian. The priests, however, in order to lend an air 
of greater mystery te their sacred writings and render them 
incomprehensible to the profane vulgar, devised a most ingen- 
ious and complicated system of cryptography. Taking the 
old Semitic ideograms as its basis, tney assigned to them con- 
ventional phonetic values and meanings, and, adding to them 
certain arbitrarily chosen signs to represent pronouns, particles, 
and grammatical forms, they invented, not a new language, but 
a mysterious allographic method of writing the Semitic Assyro- 
Babylonian. The priestly method Halevy styles Hieratic, the 
ordinary method Demotic. These views were earnestly com- 
batted by the upholders of the older tlieory, and, though the 
question has been vigorously debated down to the present time, 
the battle is still in progress. 

In 1880 a new feature was introduced into the controversy 
by the discovery that the non-Semitic language appeared in 
two different forms, each possessing certain peculiarities ; that 
one of these forms was tlie language of the hymns and pen- 
itential psalms, and the other that of the incantations ; and that 
this difference had been recognized by the old Assyrian priestly 
scholars, who had drawn up special vocabularies for the ex- 
planation of the two fonns, to one of whicli, the idiom of the 
penitential psalms, they applied the technical designation of 
erne sal^ generally translated ' female (or woman's) language.' 
At first the difference was regarded as dialectic, some As- 
syriologists holding that the erne sal was the dialect of 
Sumer or Southern Babylonia, and that the incantations were 
composed in that of Akkad or in Northem-Babvlonian, while 
others held that the incantations were South-lJaby Ionian or 
Sumerian, and the penitential psalms North-Babylonian or 



The Sumero-Akhadicm Question. 319 

Akkadian. Later, however, the theory was introduced that 
the difference was not local but temporal ; that the idiom of 
the incantations was the older, and should be styled Old Sume- 
rian or simply Sumerian ; and that the penitential psalms pre- 
sented a later form of the language of the incantations, to be 
designated as Neo-Sumerian.* 

To sum up the whole question in a few words, the Sumerists 
hold that Sumerian was a real language, spoken by the prim- 
itive inhabitants of Babylonia, ana appearing in two forms 
differing from each other either locally or temporally ; while 
the position of J. Halevy and other anti-Sumerists, whose ranks 
have been strengthened by such distinguished scholars as tlie 
late Stanislas Guyard of Paris and Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch 
of Leipzig, is that it was no language at all, but merely a 
figment of the priestly class, a pure cryptography. 

It is obviously beyond the scope of a brief paper like this to 
attempt to decide a question which has been debated by able 
scholars for many years. It may, however, be allowable to 
present some of the principal arguments on each side, and to 
offer some considerations as to the manner in which the ques- 
tion must finally be decided. 

The chief arguments brought forward by the anti-Sumerists 
against the existence of a Sumerian language and in favor of 
the Semitic origin of cuneiform writing are as follows : — 

1. If, they say, such a people really existed, and played such 
an important part in the civilization of the Semites, why are they 
never mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions ? Why have they 
left no memorials of themselves in the shape of temples, sculp- 
tures, or inscriptions? 

2. We find that a considerable number of the phonetic values 
of cuneiform characters are indubitably of Semitic origin, being 
derived from the initial syllables of the Semitic words they ideo- 
graphically represent. To illustrate this by a few examples : — 
The characters which, as phonograms, have the values of ^p, bit 
Sa, dan^ ^ab, are identical with the characters which, as ideo- 
grams, represent respectively the Semitic words ipu * wood,' bitu 
* house,' Sakdnu * make,' dafinu ^ mighty,' and pdbu * soldier.' 
Nor does this occur in only a few cases, or even in comparatively 
few cases ; it is true in a considerable number of instances. If 
then we could trace back to its source every phonetic value, it is 
more reasonable, they say, to infer that all would be found to 
proceed from a Semitic origin than to assume a derivation from 
another idiom. 



♦ Cf. remarks of Prof. Haupt in Proc. Am. Or, Soc, vol. xiii., p. xlvii. 



320 C. Johnston, 

3. The so-oalled Sumerian contains such a large proportion of 
genuine, although more or less thinly disguised, Semitic words 
as to exclude the idea of simple borrowing. The theory of the 
existence of Sumerian therefore falls to the ground, since the re- 
maining words which cannot now be referred to Semitic roots, 
either in Assyrian or in the cognate languages, may really be good 
Semitic words from obsolete roots, or may oe purely conventional 
words invented by the priests. 

4. In the matter of grammar, Sumerian, it is claimed, presents 
many points of contact with Assyrian. It possesses a ia stem and 
a ta-an stem, corresponding with the Assyrian l^afel and stems 
with infixed t ; its adverbial ending is eiT, corresponding to the 
Assyrian adverbial ending il; Sumerian \<76, like Assyrian /t2, is 
not only a precative but an emphatic particle, and moreover *<7«-a 
. . . V^'a, like lH , . , lH, means * whether ... or'; Sumerian, 
like Assyrian, has suffix pronouns. The inference is plain that such 
forms can only be due to a conscious imitation of Semitic gram- 
mar. Such briefly are the principal arguments on whicn the 
anti-Sumerists rest their case. 

The Sumerists answer as follows : 

1. Even if it were true that the Sumerians are never mentioned 
and that they have left no traces, nothing would be proved there- 
by. Babylonia has been as yet only partially explored, and am- 
ple memorials of this people may come to light at any day. But 
it is not true. The Sumerians are mentioned in the cuneiform 
texts, and there are numerous traces of them in Babylonia. If 
Hammurabi had bilingual inscriptions composed in Semitic and 
Sumerian, it was certainly not with the view of concealing their 
meaning. The statues found at Tel-Loh by M. de Sarzec are de- 
cidedly not of a Semitic type, and can only be regarded as memo- 
rials of the ancient Sumerians. 

That many characters possess Semitic phonetic values is pre- 
cisely what we might expect. No one can suppose that the 
Semites simply appropriated the Sumerian system of writing 
without any modification. They must necessarily have adapted 
it to the needs of their language and its phonetic system. That 
in the process of adaptation new phonetic values were intro- 
duced, and these too derived from the Semitic values of the 
ideograms, was most natural. Moreover, almost invariably the 
Sumerian phonetic value was retained alongside of the Semitic. 
Taking the examples cited above, we have : 

ip, Ass. tpu ; but Sum. ^t^=* wood.' 

bit, Ass. bitu ; but Sum. ^ =* house.' 

Sa, Ass. Sakdnu ; but Sum. gar ziz' make.' 

dan, Ass. dannu ; but Sum. kala =* mighty.' 

^ab, Ass. ^dbu ; but Sum. erim =' soldier.' 



The Sumero Akkadian Question, 321 

That many Semitic words are to be found in Sumerian is an 
undoubted fact ; but their number is greatly less than is claimed 
by the anti-Sumerists. It is acknowledged by all that nearly all 
the Sumerian texts we possess may have been composed, long 
after the language had ceased to be spoken, by priestly scholars 
who acquired it as a learned accomplishment, and that, just as in 
the case of mediaeval Latin, many foreign words would natu- 
rally creep in. But the anti-Sumerists have been led to extremes 
by the craze for Semitic etymologies, and have made many palpa- 
ble errors. 

2. As regards the grammar, the resemblance is merely super- 
ficial. The hi and ta-an stems by no means coincide with the 
Assyrian Mfel and stems with infixed t. Many languages pos- 
sess suflfix-prepositions. The other resemblances are either 
accidental or due to the Semitic environments of the scribes. 
To offset these superficial resemblances, there remains the fact 
that the whole structure of Akkadian grammar is radically dif- 
ferent from that of Assyrian. 

This, then, is the position of the Sumerists, and they do 
little more than attempt to refute the arguments of their op- 
ponents. In fact, the whole treatment of the question by both 
sides is far from satisfactory. The anti-Sumerists seek to 
draw deductions from a number of isolated examples, and 
from the inherent probabilities of the case. The Sumerists, as 
a rule, assuming the correctness of their views, throw the 
burden of proof upon their adversaries, and content them- 
selves with refuting the arguments they advance. Something 
more than this is necessary. Dr. Lehmann, it is true, in his 
SamuiSumukln (which has recently appeared), seems to recog- 
nize this, and devotes considerable space to establishing the fact 
that Sumerian possesses a definite phonetic and syntactic sys- 
tem, radically different from the Assyrian. Even this is not 
Bufi&cient, as such conditions are by no means incompatible with 
the theory of artificiality. 

The arguments outlined above are useful as corroborative 
testimony, but they do not go down to the root of the matter. 

The question can only be decided on the basis of the idiom 
itself. If Sumerian was ever a living language, it must pre- 
sent the phenomena of a living language. If it does this, no 
amount of loan-words, however large, can invalidate its claim 
to a real existence. Modern Persian has borrowed so freely 
from Arabic as to give rise to the saying that any good 
Arabic word is a good Persian word ; yet it will never be con- 
sidered a Semitic language. The question then resolves itself 
into this: does Sumerian present those organic phenomena 
which are characteristic of living speech ? 



322 C. Johnston. 

1. As to its phonology — Do we find instances of assimilation, 
dissimilation, vowel-harmony, or other changes dependent on 
the adjacent sounds ? 

2. As to its vocabulary — Do the Sumerian words present char- 
acteristic concepts ? Or, as it must be studied through the me- 
dium of Assyrian, the question can be put in another form : are 
the same Sumerian words invariably rendered by the same Assy- 
rian words in the way of a mere slavish reproduction ? Or are 
they rendered by different words, according to the shade of 
meaning to be expressed, so that they clearly represent individ- 
ually concepts peculiar to their idiom ? In other words, are there 
such differences of rendering as always occur in translating — 
say from German into English? 

'6. As to the forms — Do the same Sumerian always correspond 
to the same Assyrian grammatical forms ? Or do we find such 
differences as may justly be considered due to a difference in the 
organization of the two languages? For example, do we find 
cases in which the same Sumerian verb-forms are variously ren- 
dered in Assyrian, and vice versa ? 

4. As to the syntax — Is the Sumerian sentence merely modeled 
on the Assyrian? or does it possess characteristics which can 
find their analogy in any living speech ? 

5. How far does Semitism on the part of the scribe enter into 
cases of resemblance ? and, on the other hand, to what extent 
does the Sumerian influence Assyrian translation ? 

• 

It is on these lines, and these alone, that the question can be 
definitely settled. The whole bilingual literature must be care- 
fully gone over, and all instances bearing on the above points 
collected. The mass of material' thus gathered must be thor- 
oughly sifted, and all doubtful cases eliminated. When this 
work is done, and the results have been tabulated and studied, 
we shall be in a position to draw our conclusions with the least 
possibility of error, and to settle definitely the much vexed 
Sumero- Akkadian question. 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 



AT ITS 



MEETING IN BOSTON, MASS., 

May 7th, 1890. 



The Annual meeting of the Society was held at Boston, in 
the room of the American Academy, on Wednesday, May 7th, 
1890. In the absence of the President, Professor W. D. Whitney, 
the Society was called to order by the Vice-President, Dr. A. P. 
Peabody, at a little after 10 a. m. A recess was taken from 12.30 
until 2 p. M., and the business was resumed and completed in the 
afternoon, the newly elected President, Dr. W. Hayes Ward, in 
the chair. 

The accounts of the Treasurer, Mr. Van Name, were audited 
and found correct and duly certified. The usual summary 
follows : 

Receipts. 

Balance on hand, May 22d, 1889 $808.89 

AsBessments (117) paid in for year 1889-90 $585.00 

Assessments (41) for other years 205.00 

Sales of journal 186.89 

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980.85 

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Expenditures. 

Paper $126.00 

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Electroplates, vol. xiv., in part 754.55 

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Balance on hand. May 7th, 1890 50.67 

$1,289.24 
The Bradley type-fund now amounts to $1,220.54. 

1 



ii American Oriental Society*8 Proceedings, May 1890. 

Besides what is stated above, the Treasurer reported a gift 
from Mr. A. I. Cotheal, of New York, one of the oldest members 
of the Society, and long a Director, of one thousand dollars, 
intended by the donor as a nucleus of a Publication Fund, and 
prescribed by him to be invested, that its interest may be used 
to help in defraying the costs of the Journal and Proceedings. 

Mr. CotheaPs gift was acknowledged by the following nunute, 
offered by Mr. L. Dickerman : 

We desire to express our unanimous sense of obligation to Mr. Alex- 
ander I. Cotheal, of New York City, for his unsolicited, generous, and 
timely gift of one thousand dollars to the funds of the American Orien- 
tal Society. 

The report of the Librarian, Mr. Van Name, showed that forty 
volumes and one hundred and eighty-seven parts of volumes and 
pamphlets had been added to the libi-ary during the year. The 
number of titles of printed books is now four thousand four 
hundred and seventy-two. The number of manuscripts remains 
as last year, one hundred and sixty-two. 

The Committee of Publication laid before the Society a com- 
plete copy of the Journal, volume xiv., just out of the press and 
m the hands of the binder. 

For the Board of Directors the Chair made the following 
announcements : The next meeting would be held at Princeton, 
N. J., Wednesday, October 22d, 1890 ; Messrs. Frothingham and 
Marquand had been appointed to serve as a Committee of Ar- 
rangements. The Committee of Publication for 1890-91 consists 
of the President and the Corresponding and Recording Secre- 
taries and Professors W. D. Whitney and I. H. Hall. 

The following persons were elected to membership : 

As Corporate Members : 

Rev. Daniel M. Bates, Clifton Heights, Pa. ; 

Prof. Charles W. Benton, State Univ., Minneapolis, Minn.; 

Mr. Adolf Augustus Berle, Harvard Univ., Cambridge, Mass.; 

Prof. John Everett Brady, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. ; 

Mr. Marvin Dugro Buttles, New York, N. Y. (118 E. 28) ; 

Prof. A. 8. Carrier, McCormick Theol. Sem., Chicago, 111.; 

Mr. Edward Herrick Chandler, Boston, Mass. (Congrl House); 

Miss Emily L. Clark, Roslindale, Mass. ; 

Prof. Edward L. Curtis, McCormick Theol. Sem., Chicago, HI.; 

Mr. George Edward Ely, Philadelphia, Pa. (248 W. Logan Sq.); 

Mr. George Stephen Goodspeed, Yale Univ., New Haven, Conn.; 

Rabbi Dr. Louis Grossman, Detroit, Mich. ; 

Dr. Abel H. Huizinga, New Paltz, N. Y.; 

Mr. Charles F. Kent, New Haven, Conn. ; 

Prof. David C. Marquis, McCormick Theol. Sem., Chicago, lU.; 

Mrs. MatUda R. McConnell, Washington, D. C. (222 2d); 

Mr. John Ome, Cambridge, Mass. (104 Ellery St.); 



^Electian of Members and Officers. iii 

Mr. Theodore Langdon Van Norden, Ck)lumbia Coll., New York, N. Y. 

(16 West 48th); 
Miss Helen L. We'bster, Ph.D., Wellesley Coll., Wellesley, Mass.; 
Mr. George Edward Wright, Chicago, 111. (115 Dearborn). 

As Honorary Members : 

Heinrich Brugsch-Pasha, Berlin ; 

Dr. Antonio Maria Oriani, Milan, Italy ; 

Right Hon. Sir Austen Henry Layard, Q. C. B., etc., Venice ; 

Prof. Eberhard Schrader, Berlin. 

The election of officers for the ensuing year being now in order, 
the Corresponding Secretary read a communication from Professor 
W. D. Whitney, positively declining to be a candidate for re-elec- 
tion as President, because, his health having forbidden him during 
four years past to attend the Society's meetings, and the hope of 
decided improvement appearing at present even less grounded 
and fainter than hitherto, he was unwilling to continue longer to 
occupv an office of which he must leave unfulfilled some of the 
most important duties. 

On proposal of a Nominating Committee, the following board 
of officers for 1890-91 was then elected : 

Ptendent—'Tyr, William Hayes Ward, of New York. 

Vice-Preaidents^Rev, A. P. Peabody, of Cambridge, Mass.; E. E. 
Salisbury, of New Haven ; Pres. D. C. Oilman, of Baltimore. 

Recording Secretary— Prof. D. G. Lyon, of Cambridge. 

Corresponding Secretary —Prof. C. R. Lanman. of Cambridge. 

Secretary of the Classical Section— Frof. W. W. Goodwin, of Cam- 
bridge. 

Treasurer and Librarian — Mr. A. Van Name, of New Haven. 

Directors — Mr. A. I. Cotheal and Prof. R. J. H. Gottheil, of New 
York ; Prof. A. L. Frothingham, of Princeton ; Prof. M. Bloomfield, of 
Baltimore ; Prof. J. P. Taylor, of Andover ; Prof. J. Henry Thayer, of 
(Jambridge ; Prof. Edward W. Hopkins, of Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

On motion, the Chair appointed Professors Toy and Lanman 
to prepare for the books of the Society an appropriate minute in 
relation to Professor Whitney's withdrawal, and the following, 
proposed by them, was accepted and ordered to be entered : 

The American Oriental Society — regretfully accepting his declination 
—desires to record its deep sense of indebtedness to its retiring Presi- 
dent. Professor William Dwight Whitney, of New Haven. For twenty- 
seven years he has served as Corresponding Secretary of the Society ; 
for eighteen, as its Librarian ; and for six, as its President. We grate- 
fully acknowledge the obligation under which he has laid us by his 
diligent attendance at the meetings, by his unstinted giving of time 
and of labor in editing the publications and maintaining their high 
scientific character, by the quality and amount of his own contribu- 
tions to the Journal — more than half of volumes vi.-xii. coming from 
his pen — and above all by the inspiration of his example. 



iv American Oriental Society^e Proceedings^ May 1890, 

On taking the chair at the opening of the afternoon session, 
Dr. Ward thanked the Society for honoring him with the presi- 
dency, and spoke of the great services of his predecessor, Pro- 
fessor Whitney, to the Society and to scholarship. 

The Chair called upon Dr. Adler to state the reasons for mov- 
ing to obtain a national charter for the Society. Dr. Adler 
adverted to the fact that mider the Massachusetts charter the 
annual business meetings must be held in Boston ; and that, if 
the southern and western members desired to attend them, in 
order to have their part in the direction of its administration, 
they were obliged to do more than their fair share of travel. 
Under a national charter, the business meetings could be held at 
various convenient places in turn. He also thought that arrange- 
ments might perhaps be made by which — as is the case with the 
American Historical Association — the publications might be cast 
into the form of Government Reports and so printed without 
expense to the Society, leaving the funds free for other purposes. 

It was voted that the Recording Secretary state on the cards 
of announcement of the next meeting that the question of the 
advisability of obtaining a national charter will be discussed at 
the Princeton meeting. 

Dr. Adler reported that the authorities of the Telfair Academy 
of Savannah, Georgia, had voted to send its collection of manu- 
scripts, mentioned in the last number of the Proceedings (vol. xiv., 
p. cxlvii), to the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, in order 
that they may there be accessible to scholars, for the period of 
one J ear. 

On motion, the Corresponding Secretary was requested to col- 
lect and arrange the material for a brief history of the Society, 
in view of the approaching fiftieth anniversary of its organiza- 
tion. 

After the usual vote of thanks to the American Academy of 
Arts and Sciences for the use of its assembly-room, the Society 
stood adjourned, to meet at Princeton, N. J., October 22, 1890. 



The following communications were presented : 

I. On Skt. hrade'caksuSy RV. x. 95. 6 ; by Dr. A. V. Williams 
Jackson, of Columbia College, New York City. 

The mteresting Pururavas and Urvagi hymn, RV. x. 95, pictures the 
delusive, fleeting, and evanescent character of the Apsarases more 
clearly, perhaps, than any of the comparatively few hymns of the Rig 
Veda in which the Apsarases play a part. The love-lorn Pururavas, 
wandering distracted, meets upon the margin of a lake his beloved 
Urvagi, who lias abandoned him. He begs her to return, but Urvagi — 
like the Rheintochter beguiling Alherich in the Rheingold — mockingly 
eludes him. and disports with her Nereid-like companions, as she tanta- 
lizingly rejects his entreaties. As Urvagi and her comrades dart away 
Pururavas exclaims (RV. x. 95. 6) : — 



Jackso7iy hradecaksus, v 

yd stijUrnify gri'i^ify sumnddpir 
hrcuU'caJe^r nd granthini caranyufy 
td afljdyo *ruHdy6 nd sasruh. 

This verse, as Geldner remarks in his admirable treatment of the 
hjmn — Pischel-Oeldner, Vedische Studien, p. 278 — is obscure, on account 
of the presence of several dw. ^.fy. Particularly doubtful is the dir. ?^y. 
hradi'cakfiis. For this word a conjecture might possibly be offered. 
Ck>uld hrcidicak^uSf lit. * eye-in-the-lake,* perhaps be the will o' the 
wisp, the ignis fatuus ? The exclamation might then be taken thus : 

* (The nymphs) Sujurni, Qreni, Sumnaapi, 
Will o' the wisp-like, flickering and fleeting, 
Like the red gleams of dawn they all are vanished.* 

In this way, p&da a would be regarded as containing names of the 
Apsarases ; p&da b, as giving characteristic attributes, and na as the 
usual na of comparison ; pada c would picture their movements. It 
seems preferable thus to give pada h the character of an adjectival 
element. In c, moreover, aHjayO has been connected with AS. Hhtan. 

The conjecture that hradi'cak^s may mean ' will o' the wisp * is of 
course a mere guess, for over the drr. Ae>'. we have no control. The sug- 
gestion can, therefore, have little real weight ; but perhaps some other 
instance of the word may yet be found that will give us its true signifi- 
cance. The meaning, however, here suggested seems well to suit the 
context, and describes the changeable, deceptive character of the 
Apsarases. The scene, moreover -see especially the later tradition — is 
upon the bank of some pool or pond. Urva^i herself is a ' maid of the 
mist ' {dpyd, v. 10). The whole picture would suggest that the old deri- 
vation of apsardSf from dp * water '+ \^8ar * glide, flow' (cf. also sasruh 
in V. 6, here treated), is perhaps nearest the original idea of the word. 

2. The Skandayaga, text and translation ; by Charles J. Good- 
win, of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

The twentieth of the unedited Parigi^t&s of the Atharva-Veda, of 
which the test and translation are herewith presented, seems to reveal 
a hitherto little recognized function of the Indian War-God Skanda. 
Although the purpose of the ceremonial is not as yet altogether clear, 
the text is in a very good condition, and certain considerations as to its 
meaning and use may be offered. The manuscripts collated were four : 
A and B, the yellow and blue manuscripts, from the India House, Lon- 
don, both modem, and B very corrupt ; C and D, copies of two Berlin 
manuscripts. 

The Parigi^tA is entitled the Skandayaga. or Dhurtakalpa. The term 
Mkandaydga is descriptive of the text, which contains the ritual of a 
sacrifice to the God of War. The title dhurtakalpa ^ however, meaning 
literally * Rogue-ordinance,* is not so clear. The term Dhurta is applied 
to Skanda, who is probably represented by an image or dhurta, which 
is formally *' brought in ** at the sacrifice. The general purport of the 



vi American Oriental Society^a Proceedingsy May 1890. 

ceremony is to seek the fulfilment of wishes, the attainment of wealth 
and prosperity ; and freedom from the maleficent deeds of demons and 
of men is sought by an amulet. 

A careful consideration of the text and the ceremony described have 
led to the conclusion that in Skanda, as he appears in this text, we have 
the same god of cunning and roguery, the same patron of thieves, 
whose office was sanctioned by Apollo in the Homeric Hymn to 
Hermes: 

rorro yap oiv Kai iiretra fitf aOavaroic y^fXH H^^^i 
apx^ ^V^'V^kuv KCKXtfaeai iffiara n&vra. — 291-2. 

Hermes and Skanda certainly cannot be connected by etjrmology, or 
by comparative mythology, and the parallel here traced is simply one 
of function. The conception of the Master-Thief, however, which 
reaches its highest elaboration in the Greek conception of Hermes, 
runs through all Aryan mythology. Sir G. W. Cox {Aryan Mythology ^ 
2d ed., pp. 61 ff., 446 ff.) has collected the various legends in which he 
appears, and summarizes his principal characteristics. 

Skanda is a divinity of late origin,^ and is nowhere mentioned in the 
Vedas. His name appears in the Upani^ads, however, and in the epic 
and drama it is prominent. The word is commonly referred to the root 
akand * leap,' suggesting the Homeric Bovpoq 'Aprfc {BpCxjKu, Boptiv). The 
unanimous authority of Indian literature declares that Skanda was fos- 
tered by the Pleiades {Kfttik^\ and hence received the name K&rtti- 
keya. Professor Weber, however, (Ind, St. i.269; xiii.846n.; ZOMG. 
xxvii. 194) maintains that the name is rather derived from that of the 
month K&rttika (October-November), in which military expeditions 
were principally undertaken— as conversely the Roman March was 
named after the god, on account of its fitness for martial operations. 
Besides these more common names, Skanda has' a vast number of epi- 
thets, drawn from his qualities or exploits, many of which appear in 
the present text. 

Skanda corresponds in a general way to the Greek Ares and the 
Roman Mars ; yet an examination of passages in which be is introduced 
seems to show a noteworthy difference between the Indian conception 
and that of the classic mythology— especially in the absence of that 
heaviness, that brute force, unrelieved by lighter and more vivacious 
qualities, which characterize the War-God of the Greeks and Romans. 
In Mars we expect only prodigious strength, a mighty and crushing 
blow, not any exhibition of quick dexterity or mercurial cunning. 
Skanda could indeed strike a mighty blow ; yet the characteristic of 
strength is not paramount in him, as in the classic gods. He rides 
upon peacock, not upon a war-horse. His beauty is often mentioned, 
and furnishes ground for many comparisons. In general, the impres- 
sion which may be obtained from the frequent mention made of him in 
the literature, but which it is difficult to express in exact terms, or 

' Weber suspects that both Dame and divinity are a reminisoence of Alexander 
the Great: Ind. Streif. iii.478. 



Goodwin, the Skandaydga. vii 

illustrate by example, prepares us for the role which he plays in the 
present text. As he is a later god, whose position and function are 
not fixed by the Vedas, this curiouis and subordinate capacity may 
easily have been attributed to him. 

By the interpretation suggested, the use of the epithet Dhurta— a 
word of unquestionable meaning— the direction of the petition to 
Skanda as Dhflrta, the *'bringing-in" and presence at the ceremony of 
the DhOrta itself, or image of the god in this function, are explained. 
The prayer for material prosperity and the assurance of preservation 
by an amulet from magic, from foes, and from the evil deeds of men 
and women, while they do not point directly to such a function, are 
quite consistent with it. 

There are certain minor resemblances between Skanda and Hermes, 
which perhaps ought not to be too strongly insisted upon, but which 
are curiously suggestive. Hermes is the new-born babe, Skanda is the 
ever-youthful {TcumdraYj and in this very text he is addressed as the 
one bom to-day (8adyojdta), Hermes is the luck-bringer {kptoinnoc) ; 
Skanda is the wish-granter (varada), Hermes is the splendid , glorious 
(Mifiog, ay^ja6q)\ Skanda is the beautiful, glorious (<^ubha). Hermes is 
wily and thievish (irouu^fifyrrj^^ nokifiTrn^, dohofifiTriit 6oXo^pa6^g, ^V^rvt) ; 
Skanda is the rogue (dhurta). Hermes assumes and puts oflf a man's 
strength at will ; Skanda has all forms (sarvarupa). 

The appellation Skandaputra (' Son of Skanda '), actually found in the 
' literature (Mfcchakatika 47. 6) as the name of a thief, seems an indica- 
tion from another source of the recognition of this same function. 

Finally, it is a curious coincidence that the name Skanda itself (as the 
* leaping, moving one *) is applied to quicksilver, to which the name of 
the Latin god Mercury was given by the alchemists, in token of its 
mobility. 

The conception of Skanda as a god of knavery, though it rests mainly 
upon this single text, is certainly not alien to the character or moral 
notions of the Hindus ; and we may hope for the discovery of further 
passages which shall throw light upon Skanda and Dhurta. 

Following is the text and a literal translation of the Dhurtakalpa. 
To the text are appended all the various readings that appear to have 
any degree of importance. 

Text. 

atha Ho dhurtakalpafh vydkhydsydmaf^. 

catur^u-caturfu mdae^ p?idlgund§d(fhakdrttike purvapak^e^ nityarh 
hirvUa. ^ohhute ^a§fhydm upavdsarh kftvd prdgudxciih digath nt?- 
kramya^ gtuxtu dege manohare ^nu^re^ mantjxdam trayodagdratnirh 
kftvd madhye^ matyjialasya sarvavdnaspatydm nidldth kftvd* gharj^id- 
patdkdsrajafy pratisararh ca mdldpf^the kftvd madhye darparj^fig co 
^pakalpayitvd tatra^ yarh vahanti haydfy gvetd ity dvdhayet, 

^C.D. niskrdmya. ^ B. omits manoliare 'nQsare; C. omiiA de^^e and nasare; D. 
omits nUsare; A. reads nosare. ^A.D. madhya, ^ A. kf^tvd mdUlih ; D. omits 



viii American Oriental Society^s Proceedings, May 1890. 

maldm. * B. upakalpayitvd manohare tosa (I). • The end of the first section is 
not indicated in the MSS., but should probably be here. The dhUrta thus 
brought in appears to be the image or idol of Skanda in this function. 

yath vahanti hayah Qvetd nityarh ytUetd^ mancjavdi. :* 
tarn aharh ^vetaaaihndhafh dhurtam Avdhaydmy aham, 

yarh vahanti gajdfy Hnhd vydghrdg cd 'pi vi^dif^inafy : 
tarn ahath ainhasaihndhaih dhurtam dvdhaydmy aham.^ 

yarh vahanti mayurdg ca dtrapak^d vihailgamdii : 
tarn ahaih citrasathndharh dhurtam dvdhaydmy aham. 

yaih vahanti sarvavarrjLdfy sadd yuktd manojavdi^ : 
tarn ahath sarvasathndharh dhUrtam dvdhaydmy aham. 

yasyd 'moghd 8add gaktir nityarh gha^tdpatdkini : 
tarn ahath gaktiaathndJiaih dhUrtam dvdhaydmy aham. 

yag ca mdtfgatiMr nityath sadd parivfto yut)d: 

tarn aJiatii mdlfbhih sdrdhath* dhurtam dvdhaydmy aham. 

yaq ca^ kanydsahasrena sadd parivfto mahdn .** 

tarn ahath sifihasathtidhath'' dhurtam dtmhaydmy aham. 

dydtu devah sagariah sasdinyaii savdhamil} sdnucarah praftf o^ ; 
^a4dnano§tho^ dagalocanag ca suvarnavart^^ laghupurrjMbhdsaJy*. 

dydtu^^ devo mama kdrttikeyo brahmat^yapitrdHi saha mdtfbhig ca : 
bhrdtrd vige^ena fu" vigtxjLrUpa imam halith sdnucarajufasva. 

sathvigasve^* 'ti sathvegayet, 2. 

*A. nityam ukta; B. nilyayukta; CD. nityukta. 'For the figure cf. IL xv. 80-83; 
Od vii. 36. ' The MSS. abbreviate variously the refrain at the end of this and the 
following verses. *B. aharmUfbhih ^ardham; A.C.D. foktisannAham ; matrsarh' 
nahaih would not be a violent change. *A.C.D. yasya. 'A. pariirtiik pumdn, 
which affords a better contrast with yuva in the preceding (loka. ''Why not 
kanyasamnaham^ in accordance with the other (lokas? * MSS. -ostha. ^C. omits 
varno. *® So MSS. ; should we read maeWupOrnaft^fl^aAf " A.C.D. <iydAj. " C. 
iu ca. '• B. sasyag iti svarh vifoave. 

sathtnga^va^ varaghat^t^arastave^ yatra dyohi^ nirmilali* sathtH^to 
me dhehi dlrgham dyuh prajdth pagung cdi *va vindyakasenah. t md* 
dp a* iti gandhodakatii pddyarii dadydt. pratigfhndtu hhagavdn devo 
dhurtam itP ^af cdi 'va.^ hiranyavartid* itV^ me divyo gan- 
dharva^^ itigatidhdn yas te gandha^^ iti ce'mdh^* sumanasa iti 
sumatiasaJ} priyatii dhdtur itV* vanaspatir ago medhya iti 
dhupath yaksyena te divd 'gfni/<" gukrag ce '/i dtpath. yo 
vigvatah supratika iti part^dtii. prak^dlya havi^ upasddayed 
dadhyodanath k^irdndanarii guddudanaih tnudgapdnamigradhdnyamo- 
dakdnP* narvagandlidn sarvarasdn udakaputmatii mulapuntarh pu^a- 
piirnath phalapurnaih rasapurnath co 'pakalpayitve 'ndrah site^' 
'ty uUikhyd 'gne prehV* *ty agnith praniya^* prajvdlya prdncam 
idhmatn^^ upasamddhdya bhaga etam^^ idhmam^^ ititisfbhih. etam 
idhtnaih, '* sugdrhapatya ity upasatnddhdya samiddho agnir^* 
iti samiddham anumantrayet.^^ S. 



Ooodwin^ the Skandaydga. ix 

* B. aamvifo^ ca; 0. ad vifoava; D. vifoava. ^So CD.; A.B. -aaratave: per- 
haps -sora- 1 'So A.C. ; B. mubhujohi; D. dydhi. Should we read yo hit *So 
by conjecture ; A CD. nirmikah ; B. nirmiUlh ; cf. nirmilaya below. * C omits 

ima dhUriajn. «A V. iii. 12.9; ix. 3. 23. ' B. dhurta iti. ^ B. sasthyai '?;a ; 

C. cat 'va VCL »AV. i. 33. I. '» B. itl. "AV. ii. 2. 1. "AV. xii. 1. 25. '^ d. 
omits c« ^mAh .... medA^a. ^^B.C.D. pnye cUur iti; B. also inserts dhanu bhuva 
iU. "A. dwd agnih ; B.CD. vivd ^gnih. " B. -pdyasa- for -pana-. " AV. iii. 
17. 4 (cf. RV. iv. 67. 7). >«AV. iv. 14. 5. ^» CD. praniyattya. '^^ B. prdcam idham. 
«A.CD. evam. ««A V. x. 6. 36. " B.CD. idhma. "AV. vii 73. 1, 2 ; xiii. 1. 28. 
'*A.B. anumatrayate. 

bhadram ichanto^ hirarj^yagarhho^ mama 'gne varcas^ 
ivayd* manyo^ yas te manyo* yad devd devahe(fanam'^ iti 
^t kdmasuktddayo* daga mahlpataye svdhd. dhurtdya skanddya 
vigdkhdya pindkaaendya bhartrigaatrikdmdya* avacchanddya vara- 
ghar^tdya nirmildya^^ lohinagdtrdya^^ gdlakafankatdya avdhe Hi hutvd 
agnaye prajdpataye ye devd divy ekddaga athe^^'ty anumataye 
*gnaye sviftakita^^ iti ca^*, 4- 

>AV. xU. 41. 1. »AV. iv. 2. 7 (cf. RV. x. 121. 1). ^^V. v. 3. 1 (cf. RV. x. 
128. 1). -* A.CD. vaya. ^AV. iv. 31. 1 (cf. RV. x. 84. 1). «A V. iv. 32. I (cf. RV. 
X. 83. 1). 'AV. vi. 114. 1. * CD. kamasUktddyodafa ; A V. xix. 52. » So A.CD. ; 
B. bhartrinerastnkdmaya. ^^B. nirmilaya; C na nirmcUdya; D. nirmaloya, 
" B. -0«r<lya; CD. te^iYo-. "A V. xix. 27. 11. ^* B, 'gnirii svistakrtam. "CD. vd. 

givdgnikrttikdndfh^ tu ato^dmP varadarh gvbharh : 
sa me atuto* vigvarupah sarvdn artMn praya^chatu, 

dhanadhdnyakuldn bhogdn sa me vacanavedanaih ,•* 
ddaiddsaih tathd sthdnath mariiratnaiii surafljanaiii,* 

ye bhaktyd bhagavan dhurtaih brahmanyam ca yagasvinaih : 
sarve te dhanavantaJi syuh prajdvanto yagasvinah. 

yathe ^ndrcu tu vardin labdhvd'' pritas tu* bhagavan purd : 
dehi me vipuldn bhogdn bhaktdndth ca vige^ata^ iti. 

kdmasakteno^^ 'pahdram upaharet. 

upahdram imath deva mayd bhaktyd niveditath : 
pratigfhya yathdnydyam aJeruddhah sumand bhava. 5, 

^B.ifiv-; D. 'kaihruvh. ^ B.CD. prosydmi. '•^A.B.D.stute. *B. racasir- ; C. 
'Udm. • B.D. surarhjanath ; C sarQihjanai'n. "'A. laJbdka ; B.lagha; C. lahdh- 
dha; D. labdhava. ^CpraiUu; D. pratltas iu. ^D.vifesa.. '"B. -nrl/; AV. 
xix. 52. 

sadyojdtaih prapadydmi sadyojdtdya vdi namah :^ 
bhave bhave nddi bhave bhajasva mdrh bhavo 'dbhave.^ 

Hi bhavdya namaJi,^ 

devarh prapadye varadarh prapadye 

skandaih prapadye ca kumdram ugraih :* 

nanndih^ autarh kfttikdndih ^a^dayam 

ugneh putraiii sddhanath gopatlwktavi.^ 
2 



X Americafi Oriental Society^s ProceedingSy May 1890, 

raktdni yasya'' pusydni rdktaik yasya vilepanaih : 
kukkiitd^ ycutya raktdlqfdlf, aa me akandah prasidatu, 

dgneyarii kfttikdputram dindrath* ke cid adhiyate : 
ke eit pd^patajh^'^ rdudrath yo *«i so *8i namo *8tu te. 

iti avdmine namah ggilkardyd 'gniputrdya, kfttikdputrdya namaJ}, 
hhagavdn kixi cid apratirupah »vdhd,^^ hhagavdn kva cid apratirupa^, 
maniraUiaxHirapratirupdli kdflcanaratnavarapratiriipafy, ity ete deva- 
gandhd etdni pui^dryy etarfi dhupam}'^ etdih mdldrh trUi pradak^f^fh^* 
kftvd. ddityakartitarh autram iti pratisa ram dbadhniydt.^* 6, 

•A. namo namah; B. omits natnah. * B. ^ddarave; D. ^dhhavAya namak. ^A.D. 
nama iti; B. omits namah. * A. CD. agrarh. ^ B, ghanndm ; C. satmnm ; D. sanam. 
*So by correction ; A.B. -Mah; CD. -kieh. ' B. yasya raktani. 'C krkkudhS; 
D. kdkkuta. * B. puiramndram; C puiram edraik; D. ptUram ekam, ''A-B. 
pofvpatam ; CD. pdfapatam, "A.B. omit these five words. '* So by correction ; 
MSS. esa dhUpa. "A.B. -nfim. '♦See the following 9lokas cited by Bloomfield, 
Seven Hymns of the Atharra- Veda, p. 14 {American Journal of PhiMagy^ vii. 479). 

ddityakartitath aUtram indrenn trivftikftaih : 

OQvibhydJh granthito^ granthir^ brahmar^d pratiaardl), kftah. 

dhxinyath yagaayam dyu^am a^ihhaaya^ ca ghdtanaiii : 
hadhndmi pratiaaram imaih aartxtgatrutj^ibarha^ih, 

rak^obhyag ca pigdcebhyo gandharvebhyaa tathdi *ra ca : 
manuayebhyo bhayarh nd ^ati yac* ca aydd dtiskjiaiii kj^ath. 

avakftdt parakftdc ca du^kfidt pratimucyate : 
aarvaamdt pdtaJcdn^ mukto bhaved tnraa^ tathdi *va ca, 

abhicdrdt kftdt k^fudrdf atrtkftdd agubhaih ca yat : 
tdx?at taaya bhayaHi nd 'ati ydvat autram aa dhdrayet. 

ydvad dpag ca gdva^ ca ydvat athdayanti*^ parvatdh : 
tdvat tasya bhayaih nd 'ati yah autram dhdrayisyati, 

ity anvdya bhaktvd devaih viaarjayet,* pramodo ndma gandliarvahi 
pradoso paridhdvati, muflca gdilamaydt pdpdn muHca muTi4M pra- 
murica ca. imd dpah pavanena ailtd^^ hiranyavanid anavadyarUpdij, 
tdvad imam dhurtam pravdhaydmi pravdhito me dehi varan yathoktdn, 
udite^i iiaki^atre^u gfhdn pravisfo grhixilih pa^eV^ dhanavatV^ dhanaiii 
me dehl Hi. yad bhoktum^^ kdmajdtaih^* jagatydtti manaad aamihate tat 
tad dvijanmd^^ pindka^ena yajamdndt kdmam upabJiuktvd^^ *mftatvaih 
tat farf" devd *bhyupditi tat tad^^ devd ^bhyupditi. 7. 

iti akandaydga^^ aamdptah. 

'A.B. grathito. -A.D. grathiih ; B. gramOiih. 'CD. ^hasya. ^ B. yttf. 
^C. -kon. 'B. hhavet dhlras. 'A.CD. krUit putah ksudrah; B. krtat pdtah 
ksudratat. *" G. gdvar cdmsyaihti. * D. viiarjayet. ^'^B.pUtd. ^^ B. pasya ; C.l\ 
paq/e, '* CD. 'tl '» B. rokiu. " A.D. 'inm. '* So by emendation; A.CD. tad 
vijanind ; B. adtijanma. '• A. upabhukto bhukta ; B.C. upabhukto bhvktvd. '*' B. 
tad vad. '* B. tad va. '* CD. skandhaydya; so in Weber, Verz. d. Berl. Hdschr. 



Goodwin, the Skandayaga, xi 

Translation. 

Now from here we will explain the Dhftrta-kalpa (Rogue-ordinance). 

1. Every four months, in Phalguna, A^^^a, and Karttika, in the 
first half of the month, let him always perform it. On the morrow, on 
the sixth day, having made a fast, having gone forth in the northeast 
direction, in a clean place, pleasant, free from salt, having made a 
circle of thirteen cubits, in the middle of the circle having put a gar- 
land of the leaves of all trees, having put bells, banners, wreaths, and 
an amulet in the rear of the garland, having prepared looking-glasses 
in the middle there, with the couplets beginning '* Whom white horses 
carry " let him cause [the Dhurta] to be brought in. 

2. Whom white horses carry, ever-yoked, swift as thought, that 
Dhurta, having white equipment, I cause to be brought in. 

Whom elephants carry, lions and tigers also, and bulls, that Dhurta, 
having lion-equipment, I cause to be brought in. 

Whom peacocks carry, and partridges with variegated wings, that 
Dhtirta, having variegated equipment, I cause to be brought in. 

Whom [animals] of all colors carry, always-yoked, swift as thought, 
that Dhurta, having all equipment, I cause to be brought in. 

Whose always is ever-unfailing power associated with bells and ban- 
ners, that Dhurta, having power-equipment, I cause to be brought in. 

And the young man who is ever constantly surrounded by companies 
of mothers, that Dhurta, along with the mothers, I cause to be brought 
in. 

And the gre^t one who is ever surrounded by a thousand maidens, 
that Dhurta, having lion-equipment, I cause to be brought in. 

Let the god come, with a company, with an army, with a chariot, 
with followers, renowned, having six mouths and lips, ten eyes, a 
golden complexion, a brightness filled with that which is light. 

Let my god Karttikeya come, along with pious fathers and with 
mothers. With thy brother especially, moreover, do thou, having all 
forms, with thy attendants, be pleased with this offering. 

Engage (in the offering) : with these words let him cause the god to 
engage. 

3. Do thou engage in the praise of choice bells, [where one is] spot- 
less (?). Having engaged, give me long life, posterity, and cattle in- 
deed, Vin&yakasena. With the verse beginning imd apah let him give 
scented water for the feet. **Let the blessed god take the Dhurta," he 
says, with just six verses. With the verses beginning hiranyavarndfy 
and divyo gandharvali [let him present] perfumes ; with those beginning 
y<u te gandha, imdlf, sumanasaf^f flowers ; with those beginning priyarh 
dkdtur, vanaapatir ago medhya, incense ; with that beginning yaknyena 
te divd *gnih gukrah, a lamp ; with that beginning yo vigvatah supratlka, 
leaves. Having caused it to be washed, let him place upon the offering 
sour-milk-soup, milk-soup, rice-and-sugar, mudga-drink, mixed grain, 
and sweetmeats, all odors, all essences ; having rendered it full of water, 
full of root, full of flower, full of fruit, full of essence ; with the verse 
beginning indrah sitdm having scratched [the ground] ; with the verse 



xii American OrientcU Society^s Proceedings^ May 1890. 

beginning agne prehi having brought forward and kindled the fire : 
having arranged the fuel turned east, saying ** O Bhaga/* and the three 
verses beginning etatn idhmam ; with the verse beginning sugdrhapaiya 
having arranged it : with that beginning satniddho agnifi. let him con- 
secrate the kindled [tire]. 

4. With the six verses beginning bhadram ichanta^, hirai^yagarhha^, 
mama 'gne varcas, tvayd manyo, yaa te manyo, yad devd devahetfanam, 
ten beginning with the K&masukta, saying, *'Hail to Mahlpatil to 
Dhurta, to Skanda, to Vig&kha, to Pinakasena, to Bhartrigastrik&ma, to 
the self-willed one, to him of choice bells, to the spotless, to him that has 
a red limb, to Qalakatafikata, Hail !'* with these words having made the 
offering, to Agni, to Praj&pati, and with the verse beginning ye devd 
divy ekddaqa etha, to Anumati, to Agni Svi^fak^t. 

5. [The son] of Qiva, Agni, and the Kfttikfis I will praise, the wish- 
granter, the beautiful ; let him that has all forms, having been praised, 
grant me all things. 

Wealth, grain, herds, enjoyments let him grant me, speech and 
knowledge, male and female slaves as well, status, a jewel, a betel-nut 
tree. 

Those who with piety, blessed one, worship the holy and honorable 
Dhurta, may they all have wealth, offspring, and honor. 

As Indra, moreover, having gotten his wishes, satisfied moreover, 
blessed, of old, give me abundant rewards and of shares of food 
especially. 

With the Kamasukta let him offer the offering. This offering, O 
god, is presented to me for my portion ; having taken it according to 
rule, be not angry, but well-pleased. 

6. The one born to-day I fail down before ; to the one bom to-day 
indeed a reverence. (I make no attempt to translate the latter half of 
the gloka.) 

With these words, a reverence [is made] to Bhava. ** I bow down to 
the god Varada, I bow down to Skanda, I bow down before Kumara." 
'* To the son of the six Kjiitikas, having six mouths, the son of Agni," 
[is to be offered] the worship told by the Gopatha. 

Whose are colored blossoms, whose is colored ointment, whose are 
cocks with colored eyes, let that Skanda be pleased with me. 

Some read [son] of Agni, son of the Kjiitikas, [son] of Indra ; some 
[son] of Paguimti, of Rudra ; who thou art, that art thou ; reverence be 
to thee. 

With these words a reverence [is made] to lord Qafikara, to the son of 
Agni. A reverence to the son of the Kfttik&s. The blessed one is every- 
where inimitable, hail ! The blessed one is everywhere inimitable. 
He has the likeness of the choice of jewels. He has the likeness of the 
choice of golden jewels. With these words [let him offer?] these deva- 
gandhas, these blossoms, this incense, this garland, having thrice made 
a turn to the right. With the couplets beginning '* A string cut by the 
Adityas '* let him bind on an amulet. 

7. A string cut by the Adityas, made a threefold amulet by Indra ; 
a knot tied by the A9vins, made a pratisara by Brahman. 



Barton^ Tiamat. xiii 

Auspicious, honoring, preserving, and slaying what is unfortunate, I 
bind this pratisara, destroying all foes. 

From both Rak^asas, Pigacas, and G^andharvas likewise, from men 
there is no fear, and of what might be an evil deed. 

From his own deed, and from another^s deed, is he freed ; from every 
sin set free would a man be likewise. 

And what is unfortunate from magic, from a mean deed, from a 
woman's deed, of this there is no fear so long as he wears the sutra. 

So long as [there shall be] water and cattle, so long as the mountains 
shall stand ; so long is there no fear for him who shall wear the sutra. 

With these words, having paid reverence, let him dismiss the god. 
The wicked Gandharva, Pramoda by name, nms around. Release from 
natural sin. release, release, and set free. These waters are begotten by 
purification, golden-colored, of irreproachable beauty. Now I cause 
this Dhiirta to be carried forth ; having been carried forth, give me my 
wishes as told. The lunar asterisms having risen, having entered the 
houses, let him look at the housewife, saying *' O wealthy woman, give 
me a gift." Whenever he desires in mind to enjoy a thing bom of 
E[ama in the world, then the twice-born one, O Pinakasena, having 
enjoyed love from the sacrifices, immortality then, O god, he ap- 
proaches—then, O god, he approaches. 

Thus the Skandayaga is ended. 

3. Tiamat ; by George A. Barton, of Harvard University, 
Cambridge, Mass. 

The word Tiamat is an Assyrian form of the Hebrew DliHl, and is 

the Assyrian name both of the personified abyss and of a female myth- 
ical sea-monster. 

Our sources of information concerning her are three : Damascius, 
Berosos, and the cuneiform Creation Tablets. 

The information from Damascius is found in Cap. 125 of his work 
entitled *Airopiai koI ^i'oeic irepl tuv TTfHJTuv upxt^v. 

That from Berosos is found in a fragment quoted by Alexander Poly- 
histor, and published in Cory's Ancient Fragments^ p. 23. 

The Creation Tablets are five in number, as follows : tablet I., British 
Museum. No. K 5419 (published in Delitzsch's Aasyrische LeseMucke, 3d 
ed., p. 93, and Lyon's Assyrian Manual, p. 62); tablet II., an unpub- 
lished fragment of nine lines (described by Delitzsch in his Assyrisches 
Wdrterbuch, p. 65) ; tablet III., fragments in the British Museum num- 
bered K 3473, K 3477-9, and R"' 615 (partly transliterated by Delitzsch, 
Assyrisches Wdrterbuch, p. 100, and translated by Sayce, Records of the 
Past, new ed., i. 134) ; tablet IV., British Museum, K 3437 (published in 
Delitzsch's Assyrische LesestUcke, p. 97 sq.), and a fragment from Babylo- 
nia (published by Budge in Trans. Soc. Biblical Archaeology, x. 96 sq.) ; 
tablet v., five fragments in the British Museum (published in Delitzsch's 
Assyrische LesestUcke, pp. 94-96). Tablet V. does not particularly con- 
cern our subject. 



xiv American Oriental Society^a Proceedings^ May 1890. 

From fragments of a commentary on a highly ideographic text of 
these tablets (published in Rawlinson's Cuneiform Tneeriptions of 
Western Asia, v. 21) it would seem that they must date back to about 
the year 2000 B. C , although our copies of them are from the 7th cen- 
tury B. C. 

Combining these sources of information, we find that they contain 
two distinct conceptions. 

In Damascius and the first Creation Tablet, the world's beginnings 
are pictured for us somewhat scientifically. The Babylonians went 
back to no nebular hypothesis, but found no difficulty in supposing that 
in its primitive condition the universe was a mass of waters. This mass 
of waters contained a male and a female principle, from whose union 
sprang the gods. This conception is very clearly defined, and in it 
Tiamat represents the universal sea. This sea becomes hostile to the 
gods, and, according to the 4th Creation Tablet, Marduk by his winds 
and lightnings divided it, and from its parts, apparently, formed heaven 
and earth. The other conception brought out in the fragment of Be- 
rosos, and with which the language of the 4th Creation Tablet is made 
to accord, is that Tiamat is a female dragon, queen of a hideous host 
who are hostile to the gods, and with whom Marduk fights, conquers 
them, cuts their leader in two, and of one part of her body makes 
heaven, and of the other the earth, and, as a later conception, puts 
Tiamat's skin in the sky as the constellation of the dragon. 

In the 4th Creation Tablet these conceptions are blended, the latter 
being made to represent the former. In each of these conceptions there 
is represented a hostility between Tiamat and the gods : the gods are 
the representatives of good ; Tiamat is the representative of evil. To 
express her evil nature she is pictured in the sculptures and seals some- 
times as a horrible dragon with a griffin's head, with wings, four feet, 
claws, and a scaly tail, and sometimes as a serpent. It would seem that 
the conception preserved in Berosos, that the heavens and earth were 
formed by cutting a monstrous female in twain, is the earlier of the 
two, because it is the conception likely to be formed by a people yet in 
a savage state. 

The conception that the universe w^as formed from a mass of hostile 
waters must have originated in a more refiective age, and may have 
been suggested by a severe storm or flood, or the two combined. 

As the gods and sea were brought into conflict, and the sea with its 
devastating power was conquered for man's benefit, it was necessarily 
thought of as evil, and the dragon, its personified representative, be- 
came the popular eml>odiment of evil. 

It would also seem from a fragment of Berosos, published in Cory's 
Ancient Fragments, p. 22, that monsters from the sea were considered 
agents of evil. At least an office is assigned Cannes which Jews and 
Greeks alike considered evil : viz. , the office of teaching man knowledge. 
From the apocryphal addition to the Book of Daniel, called Bel and the 
Dragon, we learn that an image of Tiamat was preserved at Babylon, 
and that she was worshiped there. 



Wordy BcU>ylonian Gods in Bahylonian Art, xv 

From a careful comparison of the Cosmogonies of the Creation Tablets 
and Genesis, we conclude that they are probably from the same source, 
though the inspiration gained by the author of Oenesis from his faith 
in the one God greatly purified his ideas of creation. 

In carefully comparing the Babylonian Tiamat with the serpent of 
Genesis iii., we conclude that the former may have been the original of 
the latter ; but, if so, there are still several links mis8ing4 

In comparing the Old Testament references to Rahab and Leviathan, 
we are led to the conclusion that Tiamat is probably the being referred 
to under these names. 

And finally, from a comparison of Tiamat with the ** dragon'' and 
"beast*' of the New Testajnent Apocalypse, it would seem that the 
Assyrian dragon, modified by some centuries of traditional and literary 
use among the Hebrews, furnished the material for the Apocalyptic 
imagery. 

4. The Babylonian Gods in Babylonian Art ; by Dr. VV. 
Hayes Ward, of New York City. 

The paper was illustrated by drawings of the figures represented on 
Babylonian seals, etc. Among the deities figured in Babylonian art 
are: 1. Qisdubar, with his friend Heabani, usually represented in front 
view, but sometimes, in the earlier unsettled art, in profile face. When 
alone, Qisdubar generally fights a lion; when with Heabani, he fights 
a buffalo, and Heabani the lion. With these appears the bull (not 
buffalo) with a human face, fought by both Gisdubar and Heabani. 
We must not assume that the front-view Gisdubar-like figure always 
represents that hero. It was an early general form for the human 
figure. The so-called kneeling Gisdubar of the famous seal of Sargon 
I. {Catalogue de Clercq, fig. 46) is pouring out water from a vase, and 
must be considered as allied to the god with streams. He also appears 
in De Clercq, fig. 118, kneeling, and with streams from his shoulders. 
On the same cylinder the usual standing Gisdubar appears, proving 
that the kneeling figure with streams, whether from the shoulders or 
from a vase, is not Gisdubar. He appears to be a god who controls the 
fertilizing waters. 2. The sun god, Shamash, who is represented as 
coming out of the gates of the East, with a porter at the gate, either 
stepping on a mountain, or lifting himself above the mountain by rest- 
ing his hands on two mountains, as fully explained by me elsewhere 
{Am, Journal of Archceology, June, 1887, pp. 50-56). This archaic and 
pictorial representation was conventionalized into the usual figure of 
the sun-god in a long robe, with one bare leg lifted on a low object, 
lifting in one hand a notched weapon. 8. The sun-god, represented in 
the earliest art as beating back an enemy, as in De Clercq, Nos. 176, 177, 
178, 181, 181 bis; Menant, Pierres Gravies, I. 168, fig. 98; Lajard, Culte 
de Mithra, PI. xl, fig. 4; PI. xxxiv, fig. 13. Of these De Clercq, fig. 178, 
distinctly gives us the sun-god in his most archaic type, but without 
the gates, stepping on a mountain ; before him a naked figure, on one 
knee, falls backward, and his head is thrown back so that his face is 



xvi American Oriental Society^ 8 Proceedings^ May 1890, 

uppermost, and his beard protrudes forward horizontally, so as to give 
him the appearance of having a bird's head, a mistake made by myself 
among others. In figs. 176 and 181 the sun-god, with the familiar rays 
from his shoulders, attacks a figure which falls backward against a 
hiU. All these cylinders seem to represent the sun-god fighting the 
powers of darkness, and he is identified by his rays, the mountain, and 
the notched weapon. The conventional form of this pictorial design 
appears in the hematite cylinders of the next period, where we find a 
god in a short robe, with hand uplifted, threatening with his weapon 
a cowering or prostrate foe, who is not to be regarded as a human 
sacrifice. Sometimes the god carries in one hand the uplifted sickle- 
like sword, and in the other the zig-zag weapon which seems to 
designate the lightning. I judge this to have been originally the 
morning sun driving back the powers of darkness, but later the sun in 
his destructive midday summer power, the god therefore of pestilence 
and war, known as Nergal, when his victims came to be rather human 
than the conquered spirits of cloud and night. Yet the latter thought 
was not lost, for the god in the same dress, and with the zig-zag light- 
ning, also appears standing on a winged monster, like Tiamat, who is 
led by a leash. Sometimes the monster becomes a cow, or bull, and in 
either case seems to represent the storm-clouds. 4. Bel Merodach was 
originally another form of the sun-god. He often appears on the later 
Assyrian, but hardly, with one possible exception, on the Babylonian 
cylinders, in conflict with Tiamat, who takes the form of a chimera, 
and in one case of a serpent. The god is accompanied by a smaller 
monster, precisely like Tiamat, who is one of his assistant storm-winds. 
One archaic Chaldean cylinder, as yet unpublished, described at our last 
meeting, shows us Merodach seated in a chariot, drawn by a chimera, 
between whose wings rises a naked goddess wielding the zig-zag thun- 
derbolts. She would probably be Merodach*s wife Zarpanit, and the 
god is represented perhaps as driving his winds, on the way to attack 
Tiamat. Merodach appears to be usually represented in later conven- 
tional art in a long robe, holding a curved sword, or scimetar, behind 
him. 5. The seated god with streams falling from his shoulders or 
navel, or from vases held by him or above his shoulders. In the earlier 
examples there is generally a group approaching him, consisting of a 
personage with the legs and tail of a bird, who is led and pushed by 
attendants into the presence of the god, apparently an unwilling culprit 
for punishment. In the later cylinders the bird-like figure is replaced 
by a human figure, which is led without force into the presence of the 
god. The attitude of the seated god as judge would once more make 
this god Shamash, as it is he who was *' judge of gods and men;" but 
the streams would seem to suggest Hea, and the crescent which fre- 
quently occupies the space before the god would suggest the moon-god 
Hea. But an important archaic cylinder belonging to the Metropolitan 
Museum gives us the standing sun-god Shamash, with one foot lifted, 
surrounded by these streams, and with the characteristic procession of 
the culprit bird-figure and its attendants approaching for judgment. 
Further, the famous tablet of Abu-habba gives us positively the sun- 



Wardy Babylonian Gods in Babylonian Art. xvii 

god, seated in his pavilion, and with the human figure led to him for 
judgment. Another lapis lazuli cylinder belonging to the Metropolitan 
Museum gives us the sun-god, with rays, seated on a mountain, with 
the usual procession approaching for judgment. All these, with other 
indications, positively identify this seated god as another form of the 
sun-god. With this seated god, as well as with the standing form of 
the sun-god with foot lifted, appears usually a goddess in flounced dress 
with her two hands lifted (a human worshiper lifts but one). The 
numerous inscriptions to ** Shamash and Aa" are found almost wholly 
on these two types, and are nearly equally divided between them, and 
further identify these as Shamash or his wife Aa. About the time that 
the streams disappeared about the seated god, they appeared on the cir- 
cular emblem of the sun, as found on the stone of Abu-habba, and very 
frequently on the cylinders. These waters appear not to represent the 
waters of the lower world, but the fertilizing waters of the heavens, 
the seat of the sun. 6. Another form, apparently, of the seated sun- 
god is that which associates him with the plow and the wheat. These 
I have described in the -4w. Journal of ArchcBology, Sept., 1886, pp. 
361-6. One, quite archaic, in my possession, gives the seated sun-god 
with streams, while an attendant holds a plow before him, and another 
leads the usual worshiper, or human soul, into the divine presence. 
Under this form the sun-god, representing fertility, may be Serakh. 
7. Next we have a bearded god, in a short robe, with one hand across 
his breast, in which he holds a short rod, or scepter, while the other 
hangs down easily behind him. With him appears frequently the same 
form of flounced female deity with both hands lifted whom we have 
recognized as Aa, when appearing with Shamash. But as the predom- 
inant inscription with this deity is either *'Ramman and Sala,** or 
** Martu, son of Anu," we may probably take this god for Ramman, 
also called Martu, while the conventional goddess is here not Aa but 
Sala. 8. On a few old cylinders appears a seated god whose body ends 
in the folds of a serpent. This is possibly Hea, although the Assyrian 
form of Hea seems to have been that of a bearded man, clothed in the 
skin of a fish. Some other gods, especially Anu, Sin, and Nebo, are 
not easily identified in Babylonian art. 9. Archaic figures of goddesses 
are quite rare. An important one is given in Menant, op. cit., p. 168, 
which shows us a seated goddess, in a long flounced rol)e, with pecu- 
liarly terminated rays, and with her feet resting on a lion: cf. also ib., 
p. 152. This goddess seems to have been generally represented conven- 
tionally in the next period, with face and body in front view, in a long 
robe, and with a quiver rising above each shoulder, and usually with 
one bare leg advanced, and the lifted foot resting on a lion or com- 
posite monster. In one hand she generally carries Merodach's sickle- 
sword, and in the other the rod of two serpents which 1 liave called the 
Babylonian caduceus. This is evidently the same as the later armed 
Assyrian goddess, who must be Ishtar, goddess of battles. 10. Another 
conventional form is that of a naked goddess in front view, with arms 
across her breast, whom Lenormant has identified with Zarpanit. Both 
these forms are to be compared and connected with the goddess on the 
8 



xviii American Oriental Society*8 Proceedings^ May 1890. 

chimera described above as accompanTing Merodach as he rides in his 
chariot, and both are forms of Ishtar, or Venus, the only one of the 
planets which either in Chaldean or Greek mythology took feminine 
attributes. 11. The seated goddess holding a child, appearing on a 
very few interesting cylinders, may be a form of Ishtar, as goddess of 
reproduction, or it may represent Davkina and her son Dumuzu, 
another of the forms of the sun-god, otherwise known as Thammux and 
Adonis. 

5. Notice of F. E. Peiser's KeiUchr^ftliche ActenstiickCy Berlin, 
1889; by Prof. D. G. Lyon, of Cambridge, Mass. 

This work is a study of twenty-two of the so-called ** contract tablets** 
belonging to the Berlin Museum. The tablets are given in translitera- 
tion and translation, and also in cuneiform. They come from the reigns 
of Marduk-shim-iddin, Sargon, Nabonidus, Cyrus, and Darius. The 
longest is the stone from Sargon's reign, with astrological carvings. 
The subject of all of them is the dealing in real estate, or the relations 
which spring from real estate. The work is intended as a contribution 
toward answering the difficult questions concerning the relation of cit- 
izens to one another and to the state, and concerning the relation of the 
slave to the citizen and to society. 

Dr. Peiser's book is a welcome addition to the serious efforts to wrest 
from the commercial social cuneiform documents the secrets which, 
owing to brevity, the presence of technical terms, and our defective 
knowledge of Babylonian society, we are often unable to recover. 
Only one who has made the effort can realize how tantalizing it is to 
seem to understand every word on a tablet except perhaps one, and that 
one the key to the whole. 

It was not the author*s purpose to give in the commentary more than 
the most necessary notes. His valuable discussions of ideograms like 
giS-Sub-ba (72-77) * income,' and of technical terms like rahU (81-85) 
' square, free from debt,' makes one wish that he might have found it 
possible to enlarge this feature of the work. As it is, Dr. Peiser's book 
is indispensable to every student of the contract tablets. 

6. Notes on the second volume of Schrader's KeUinschriftliche 
Bihliothek ; by Rev. W. Muss-Arnolt, of the Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity, Baltimore, Md. 

A few months ago (Berlin, Reuther, 1890), there appeared the second 
volume of this most convenient collection of Assyrian and Babylonian 
texts, containing the historical inscriptions of the Neo- Assyrian empire. 
It begins with the inscriptions of the Tiglathpileser of the Bible (T. P. H. , 
or rather III., 745-727 B. C), and of his successor Shalmaneser IV., 
transliterated and translated by E. Schrader ; F. E. Peiser publishes a 
new translation of the Sargon texts ; C. Bezold, H. Winckler, and L. 
Abel give new renderings of the inscriptions of Sennacherib and Eaar- 
haddon ; while P. Jensen contributes a comparatively good translation 



JUtiSS'Amolty Schrader^s KeUinschriftliche BibUothek, xix 

of the annals of Assurbanipal. At the end of the work there are ap- 
pended the Babylonian chronicle, translated by H. Winckler, and chron- 
ological indexes and maps, to make the book as useful as possible both 
to the Assyrian student and to the historian. The present paper is a re- 
view of the first 80 pages of the volume ; a detailed criticism of the 
transliteration and translation of the texts of Sennacherib and Esar- 
haddon will shortly be published elsewhere (in Harper's Hebraica). 

The editor, Professor Schrader, remarks on p. v of the preface to the 
first volume : '* die Absicht einer Ausgleichimg etwaiger Discrepanzen 
um jeden Preis bestand nicbt bei den verschiedenen Mitarbeitem." But 
there are many discrepancies in the first and second volumes on which 
there ought to have been some agreement among the several contributors. 
If the book were intended for, and used only by, trained Assyriologists, 
such discrepancies would not amount to much ; but as it is published 
for the use of historians and theologians, and others who are not able to 
control the transliteration and translations ofifered, it cannot but be con- 
fusing to read on p. 4 (vol. u.)amelu hU-UT-SAK-iay translated * gover- 
nors' (Schrader), and on p. 164 tSU-UT-^AK-ia, translated * my gen- 
erals, commanders' (Jensen), treated as an ideogram, while Bezold 
(p. 88 etc.), Peiser (p. 54 fi^.), and Abel consider the word an Assyrian 
noun. Bezold writing iu-ut-Sak-ia *my colonels;' Abel Su-ud-Sak-ia 
* my officers ' (od Esarh. i. 85, p. 126), and in the same inscription, col. 
iv. 82, transliterating Su-parilySaki-ia * my colonels,' and Peiser reading 
iu-par-^ak-ia *my officials.' Again, Bezold reads kibrat (ar&a'tm), 
Winckler kiprat ; Winckler etc. writes umSik-ku, Jensen (on p. 292 etc.) 
tup-Sik'kUj the one deriving the word from an Assyrian stem, the other 
from an Akkadian original ; Schrader etc. reads H-lim * defeat,' while 
Jensen reads Sl-SIrobiktu ; Jensen, p. 202 ff., reads KAS(OALyQID kak- 
karUf and protests in a foot-note against the reading kas-pu kak-ka-ru, 
adopted by all the other contributors. ^ These are but a few of the many 
instances in which an agreement ought have been arrived at before the 
publication of this volume ; such divergencies only tend unduly to dis- 
credit Assyriology with men like P. de Lagarde, Noldeke, -and others. 

A few remarks on Schrader's treatment of the inscriptions of Tiglath- 
pileser and Shalmaneser will suffice : KB. ii. 14, 15, 1. 21 : ' this city I 
took with the help of bi-ru-ti;* biruti means 'trenches:' cf. ii. Rawl. 
88. 67 c, d ; 86. 8, e, f ; 44. 76 ; J. Oppert in Oott Qd. Anz. ('76), p. 879 ; 
1. 28 of the same inscription (=ii. Rawl. 67). Schrader mentions as among 
the spoils ''cups of gold," reading, with G. Smith, hA-qat-ti huragi 
(Heb. r)j?tS^, ii. Rawl. 44. 8, and St. Ouyard, notes §72) ; but it is much 
better to read hn-kut-ti Jf^ura^, * a treasure of gold,' from ScUeanu.* 



^Cf. also Haupt and Delitzsch's Beitrage i 1, p. 172, 1. 6ff., and p. 175, s. v. 
meMdtu. 

'Cf. Lotz, Tiglath-pileser, 169 ff.; Amiaud in ZeiUchr, f. Keilschriftforschung, i. 
26]ff.; Haupt, Texts, p. 203. 15, 16; iv. Rawl. 23. 26; S. 964. 20; Zimtoem, 
Bustpsalmen^ P* H I on p. 39 (ibid.) Z. prefers to read Su-tar-tUj from a root 
'^Vh or "y^y with inserted H : cf. also Jensen, KB. ii. 204-6. 



XX American Oriental Society^a Proceedings^ May 1890. 

hikutti hura^i is foUowed by (abnu) TIK-MSb huragi and left untrans- 
lated by Scbrader ; the phrase is equivalent to abnu kiiadi huraQt, * a 
golden amulet ' (prop, a stone worn near the neck) ;' of. i. Rawl. vii. E. 
1. 5 ff. (an inscription of Sennacherib omitted by Bezold, possibly owing 
to the difficulties it presents), where we read (aban) AN-SE-TTR^iakifna 
Se-im ga'{ah')ff4i-ri Sa^ {Sa with character U ! and variant Schgar) nu^uB- 
ait-qu Saina tar^i Sar-ra-ni abe-ia ma-la (aban) TIK hA-qu-ru (var. aq^m) 
ina Mp iad Ni-pur iad-i (var. di-e) rarma-nu'ui ud-dan-nij ' the aSnan- 
stone, which, though like a small corn of grain in size, is yet a brilliant 
jewel, and which at the time (during the rule) of the kings my fathers was 
considered precious enough for an amulet, this stone was now suddenly 
found at the foot of Mount Nipur ;* and i. Rawl. 44. 71-2, where Senna- 
cherib says, {aban) AN-^E-TIR ia kima zir kU-Se-e Sa-iu nu-su-^u mala 
(aban) TIK aqru (aban) qa-bi-e ma-ga-ri u ri-ifi-gu hi-tu-qi mur-^ a-na- 
na la (e-hi (written NU-TE-e : cf . Haupt, 26. 568) Sa ultu Up iad Ni-pur 
Sad'i ib-bab-laf * the oibian-stone, which, though as small as a cucumber 
seed, is a shining, bright jewel, and was considered precious enough for 
an amulet— it was a stone to bespeak favor and confidence (for its 
bearer), to remove sickness, and to keep off misfortune — this stone was 
brought now from the foot of Mount Ni-pur f cf . also Jeremias, Leben 
nach dem Tode, p. 80, ad iv. Raw]. 81.48. In these two passages the 
word Sa-iu, * jewel,' occurs ; the contributors to KB. ii. consider the word 
as an ideogram, reading OAR-Su {in spite of i. Rawl. vii., E etc.) = 
Assyrian huhi, and basing their reading on the variant bu-Sa in Asm. 
i. 48 ;^ but this very passage affords additional proof that iahi is a Sem- 
itic word, and equivalent to Hebr. ^S^ ;' Sasu and buiu in Asm. i. 48 
need not be synonyms at all ; the former is a si)ecial term, the latter 
the general word for * possessions, property :' cf . also ZK. ii. 808-4, no. 6. 
The inscriptions of Sargon are transliterated and translated by F. E. 
Peiser. The pa8pa«^-birds, mentioned in the Nimrud inscription, 1. 10 
(KB. ii. 80), are * pheasants' or * peacocks,' according to Delitzsch, Sindien 
105, and Amiaud, ZA. iii. 47, Pognon, Wadi-Brissa^ p. 50 ; the differ- 
ent translations and notes on kulinnu and kidinnutu on pp. 41, 125, 250, 
268, etc., contradicting one another, are liable to cause confusion in the 
mind of the layman. Sargon Cyl., I. 10, Peiser (following Lyon) reads 
hurhani gaS-ru-n-te Sa neribhinu aStu, translated ' massive mountains 

^riKzzzkiiadu, p\. kiSacUiti. 'neck' (Kthiop. kesdd), S^.SGI and .369, Uaupt, 
lejcis, 16» 223. and 178. 58; ZK.ii 67. 

*aban AX-SE-TJH = asnan-stoue, Lotz, 179, Guyard, Notes. § 2 and 70; Esarh. 
V. 19. Lit. Centralblait ('S\), p 735. 

* In AfiTu. 1.4S, the so-called ide"gram is written with the character Su=ikat^ 
while in the oiher cases it is written with the small charHcter Su; the " ideogrram"' 
is thus written in three or four different ways — which shows that it is not an 
ideogram. 

« See Del. AL». xvi. ad .Senn. ii. 56 ; Z A. iii. 253 ; H aupt and Delitzsch's Beitrage, 
i. 1, p. 12, rni. 2, p. 160, rm. 1, and p. 314. 



JUuss-AmoUy Schrader*6 Keilinschriftliche JBibliothek. xxi 

with steep passes;' but we should read hurSani hi-ru-ute etc., and 
translate ' deep, dark mountain-forests whose entrance was difficult ;'^ 
L 18 (ibid.)) KB. 48, Peiser has mu-balli-ku gru-Mn-m-ihi =* who destroyed 
their' . . . . , but this would be mubcUHqu, cf. Lyon, Sargon, p. 61 ; 

Lyon reads mtiballiku gunneSUy *who emptied (?) his' But 

gunnUj according to Hal^vy (Trans, Orient Congr, at Leyden, ii. 1, p. 
540), means 'ransom,* and muballiku, or rather mupalliku, is ptc. Piel 
of palahUy 'overrule, decide,' also * destroy. '^ In 1. 21, Peiser (follow- 
ing Lyon etc.) translates * the mighty one in battle who caught the 
Ionian from the midst of the sea,' aandantiy * like a fish ;' sandaniS has 
been left imtranslated by all commentators : e.g. Del. Pard, 248, KAT.^ 
169, Lyon, Sargoiiy p. 83 ; read aa-an-torniSy this for samtaniS (as Jjxintii 

for hamtiS)y from a verb aamatu, whence Arab. J^^^i^w ' he hung up, 

suspended,' perhaps the same as Sa-ma-tu Haupt, 29. 662 ; S^ 280 ; Syr. 
KDlDC^ ; santaniS is a form like abubaniS etc. : the phrase would thus 
mean ' susi)ended like a fish.' In 1. 22, Peiser Sar-ru da-pi-nu, ' the pro- 
tecting king:' read {Orpi-nu (and cf. Arab, ^afana 'extend, span'), 
whence also mitpanu, * bow.' Sargon, E^orsabad, 1. 129 (KB. ii. 71), we 
read ' he pitched his royal tent ' ina berit nardti kima (i^^ru) tuSm4 ; 
Peiser translates ' in the midst of the waves like ' a tusmi-hirdy and adds 
in a foot-note ''pelican (Del. ?)? ;" nor does Winckler in his Sargon texts 
(p. 128) translate it. Ina berit nardti means ' between the rivers,' so 
that he was protected on either side by the water ; the tuim'CL or taimH 
bird is mentioned in ii. Rawl. 87. 55a as a s3monym of atdn ndri, the 
' she-ass of the river, the pelican ;' it stands for tunSimu or tanSimUy and 
is the Hebr. r\?5^pn.« Khors. 170, Winckler and Peiser read ' I sacrificed ' 

kurU'Un-na ial-la-ru biblat SadS eUdti (so Peiser, but Winckler correctly 
eUUti), they translate ' wine and honey.' Kurunnu is connected with 
karanu ' wine ;' Talmudic Hr*ip is connected by Delitzsch in Chald. Oen. 
298 with karanUy but the p of the Talmudic word militates against 
this. Delitzsch, Proleg. 147, rm. 3, believes that Kdpoivov and carenum 
are not connected with karanu, but with Hr'^p ; the biography of these 
words seems to be the following : Assyrian karanu was borrowed by the 
Qreeks as kdpotvov (whence Latin carenum or rather carcenum) ; Kdpoivov 
(also Kapwov and Kdpvlvovy oi = v = vt showing that it was borrowed at a 
comparatively late period, when ohov began to sound like Ivov) was 
assimilated by the Greeks to olvo^y and remodeled so as to appear as a 
compound of Kap and oho^ *a capital, good, sweet wine.' Curtius, 

'Jttriani from liaraSu 'growl' cf. v. Rawl. 18. Iff.; ZK.i. 347-8; ZA. i. 411; 
LyoD, Sargon texts, p. 80, ad 1. 42. 

•Cf. ii. Rawl. 30. 36; ZA. iii. 318.36; j?atti* = mighty, wide, t. Rawl. 15, 1 e,f: 
cf. Lyon, Sargon CyL, 1.69; ii. Rawl. 36, coloph. 19; ZA. iv. 237, col. i.33; 
Winckler, Sargon texts, p. 222, col. b. 

•The references to Delitzsch which Peiser was not able to give are Studien^ 
pp. 93fE. and 118; also see Aroiaud, ZA. iii. 46, and Jos. Halevy, Melanges de 
critiqu€y p. 301. 



xrii American Oriental Society'^a Proceedings^ May 1890. 

OrundgUget* and Vanigek have nothing to say on it, do not even men- 
tion it in their etymological works, as is their custom in a great many 
other cases. The Talmudic Kr'ip seems to he borrowed from the Greek- 
Latin form. Sat-la-ru in the meaning of 'honey* never occurs ;^<' the 
word is lal'la-ru : cf . Delitzsch, Schrifttafel, No. 79. The word is of 

Akkadian origin, lal meaning fd&u (Heb. 310, Arab. >^fjS\) *good, 

sweet,' and dH/pu * honey ' (Heb. E^DI, Arab. (j*fc?*>), Haupt, 16. 228-229, 
S''.105, Zimmem, 94-5 ; a synonym of lallaru is par nUbtu ; cf. also ZA. 
iii. 829, and DeUtzsch, Pard. 108." 

Khors. 172-8, tar-rin-ni Sur-rurhi maharhin agi, * grand sacrificial 
meals I poured out before them.' This passage was misunderstood by 
both Peiser and Winckler ; the latter even transcribes tar-Jjab-ni! tar- 
rin-nu is discussed by Guyard, Notes § 69, Zimmem, 68 bel. : also see 
Jensen, ZA. ii. 98fF. Jeremias, Leben nach dem Tode, ad iv. Rawl. 81. 68. 
hir-rU'hUy a syn. of Sirrahu, ii. Rawl. 82. 5 c,d, and of Sarliu, ibid. 85.17, 
e, f , is a Piel-formation of Sarahu * be grand, splendid ' (ii. Rawl. 85. 8) : 
ad Surruhu, cf. Tigl PQ. i. 42 ; Guyard, Notes §62 ; in iv. Rawl. 20. 27 we 
read of zi-i-bu htr-ru-hu, * of a grand sacrifice.* The Piel itSarrih occurs 
very often in the meaning * I made great, splendid, brilliant :* e. g. 
Tigl pa. vii. 101 ; Asurb. x. 97 ; ZA. iv. 230. 6 ; 241. 44-46 ; the ptc. Ifteal 
muitarlfu (for mtiStarifiUy ii. Rawl. 48. 47 : cf. ZK. ii. 847) = multarfiu, 
occurs Tigl. PH. v. 66 = * those who deem themselves powerful ;' Uu 
mtiStarJjxi we find in a hymn, ZA. iv. 107.2 : cf. also i. Rawl. 51 (no. 2), 1.8. 

7. The sentence in the Taylor Inscription of Sennacherib ; by 
L. Bradner, Jr., of Yale University, New Haven. 

For the sake of complete classification, any clause containing a verb 
with object or subject, or even a verb alone when connected by a con- 
junction, has been classed as a sentence. The results of the general 
classification according to kind are : Declarative Sentence, 294 ; Rela- 
tive, 59; Negative, 18; Imperative, 4; Cohortative, 8; total, 865. No 
other kinds occur. An investigation of the order of the sentence 
shows :— 

175 cases of the order Object, Verb ; 
54 ** ** *' Verb, Object ; 

88 ** *• ** Subject, Verb ; 

11 " " ** Verb, Subject ; 



»o Sal'la-ru means ' wall :' cf. Latrille, ZK. ii. 344 ; v. Rawl. 32. 21 a,b,c (= igaru); 
and 42. 27 g,h {= ai-i-ru, 'a hedge'); Jensen (KB. ii. 233) has not yet learned 
what ScUlaru means, nor is he aware of the fact that kcUakku means 'a surround- 
ing wall' (v. Rawl. x. 83): cf. ii. Rawl. 21. 11-12 b; 46. 64 a,b; v. Rawl. 32. 26; 
36. 30 fif. ; Latrille, ZK. ii. 344 ff. 

^^ Professor Haupt thinks lal-la-ru stands for lal-lalu^ a reduplication of kU: 
another case of dissimilation. 



Gottheil, an Alhambra vase. xxiii 



16 cases of the order Subject, Object, Verb : 
4 " 



2 " 
8 " 
4 " 
1 case 
1 " 



it 



Subject, Verb, Object ; 

Object, Subject, Verb ; 

Object, Verb, Subject ; 

Object, Verb, Object ; 

Object, Object, Verb ; 

Verb, Object, Subject. 
Thus the normal order is shpwn to be, 1. Subject, 2. Object, 3. Verb ; 
or, in general, the Verb comes last. Inverted orders can be accounted 
for in three ways : a, tendency to group verbs, producing a chiastic 
order ; 6, tendency to invert the order at the end of a paragraph ; c, de- 
sire for emphasis. 
The table of the order of the Relative Sentences : viz. — 

82 cases of the order ^^ Qbjecf ( ^®'*^ » 
8 " •* " Verb, Object ; 

11 .i a ti Subject, Object ) ^ . . 

" or Object, Subject p ^'^'^ » 

K a a a ^ubjcct ^ ^ , j Object or 

^ or Object [ ^^^^' \ Subject ; 

1 case " ** Object, Verb, Object^ 

shows that the principles noted above for Declarative Sentences hold 

good here also. Of the use of a final vowel by the verb in the Relative 

Sentence 55 cases are found, 8 of which are a, 47 u. There are 8 cases 

of the 3 fern. sing. Permans. without an ending. There are 51 examples 

of attributive relative clauses, while eight are conjunctive. Three times 

the verb of the relative sentence is lacking. 

In the Negative Sentences, vl is used 5 times, always in principal 
clauses ; la occurs 18 times, 11 times in subordinate clauses, twice in 
principal clauses (iv. 80 ; vi. 32). Could these two be made subordinate 
clauses of result? 

To connect sentences, -ma is used 114 times, u 9 times ; 197 sentences 
are unconnected. There are 6 cases where -ma can only have the em- 
phatic force. A deduction from these figures is that, in general, -ma is 
to be given merely the emphatic force in cases where the logical con- 
nection is not strict. 

8. An Alhambra vase now in New York ; by Prof. R. J. H. 
Gottheil, of Columbia College, New York City. 

There is no finer specimen of the ceramic art of the Mohammedans 
than the so-called Alhambra- vase, of which the best exemplar is said to 
be that in the Museum at Madrid.* There are very few other specimens 
of this vase ;f and it is gratifying that one has lately found its way to 

* CI Antiquedades Arahts de Eipafia, Owen Jones, plate xlv. ; Murphy, The 
Arabian Antiquities of Spain^ London, 1813, plates 47 and 48; Muller, Der 
hlam, IL 667. 

f 1. Museum at Madrid : one of the handles is broken off. It differs from Mr. 
Dana^B in the ornamentation and in the writing. 2. The second one mentioned 



xxiv American Oriental Society's Proceedings^ May 1890, 

New York, which in the perfectness of its condition perhaps surpasses 
all the other specimens. 

The vase, of which a cut accompanies this note, was bought in the 
summer of 1889, by Charles A. Dana, Esq., from Jose Maria Gk>nzales, 
a man in charge of the Keeper*s office at the Alhambra. According to 
the story related to Mr. Dana, it had been digged up by some peasants 
in the Alpuxarras, the region into which Abu Abdallah Muhammad 
ibn Yusuf ibn A^mar (Boabdil) was exiled when he surrendered Qra- 
nada to the Christian arms, Jan. 2d, 1492.* 

The vase is almost perfect in its lines and curves. The coloring has 
been well preserved ; both the gold and the blue are still very plainly 
to be seen. There is no ]>edestal to the vase— a distinguishing feature, 
since Orientals sit upon the ground and not upon raised seats, f The 
dimensions are as follows : height, 8 ft. 2 in. ; diameter, 17 in. ; diameter 
of base, 8i in.; diameter of neck, 8^ in. A few cracks across the vase 
are visible, but they have not in any way marred its beauty. 

There are three inscriptions. Around the neck and the belly runs an in- 
scription made up of the two words, &J lUbi^Lt ' verily the approach 

is to him (Allah).* In the middle of the neck, xJU < to Allah.* On the 
front side, in the body of two gazelles, there are two words which I 

was at first inclined to read xJJ (^^1 'right or justice belongs to 

Allah.' I should now prefer to take the first word as an abbreviation, 

and to read xJU SsJJlII 'power belongs to Allah '—an inscription 

which occurs very often upon the walls of the Alhambra. 

There are a number of modern copies of the Alhambra vase In various 
collections. § They are readily discernible as such. I have been unable 
to find any sign that Mr. Dana's vase is such an imitation. I believe it 
to be an original Alhambra one ; but the final word must be left to one 
who is more of an authority in this branch of art. 



by Murphy, as having been found tofi^ther with the first. This seems to have 
been lost. 3. Hermitage at St. Petersburg, for which Fortuny paid 30,000 francs. 
There is a picture of this vase in tho catalogue of Fortuny *8 collectioQ pablished 
by Baron Davillier. 4. Stockholm. This one is a mere fragment 6. Kensing- 
ton ; partly broken (Charles Stein, Catalogue des ObjeU tTArt^ etc Paris, Cheval- 
Uer, 1886). 

*De Gayangos, History of the Mohammedan Dynasty in SpaiUf London, 1810, 
ii. 349; Muller, Der Islam, ii. 679. 

f For this reason the fifth vase mentioned in the above note cannot be Moorisb. 
It has a pedestal, and is Spanish in orifrin. 

J The Alhambra vase, however, according to tho pictures, reads ^Lo^U. 

§ See the '* vase de Talhambra ex^cut^ par Deck, d'apr^s les caiques relevds sur 
I'original par le baron Davillier," Deck, La /btence, Paris, 1888, page 27; ' his- 
pano-moresque vase (collection Basilewski) — Dessin de Fortuny," ibid, p. 29. 
The Metropolitan Museum of New York City possesses such a copy, given by the 
late Stephen W. Phoenix. 



1 



I 



Dickermarhy etymology and synonyms of Pyramid, xxv 

9. On the etymology and synonyms of the word Pyramid ; 
hy Mr. Lysander Dickerman, of Boston, Mass 

The sources of information which Civil Engineering. Astronomy, and 
Geometry can furnish have all been evoked to indicate the purpose for 
which the pyramids of Egypt were built. Six times within the last two 
or three generations elaborate attempts have been made, with the most 
exact instruments in existence, to obtain the number of British inches 
and fractional parts of an inch from one corner-socket of the Great 
Pyramid to the other. Not less than thirty volumes, besides numerous 
review articles and pamphlets, have discussed these questions : whether 
the value of the mathematical term tt, whether the distance of the earth 
from the sun, whether the azimuthal direction of the earth's axis of 
rotation, and the length of that axis in British inches, are expressed in 
the Great Pyramid. 

k new question presents itself — strange it has not been already de- 
bated. It is this : Whether, concerning the design of the pyramids one 
and all, philology may not have a word to say. 

The lexicons give us scanty information respecting our English word 
pyramid and the Greek nvpafiig, from which it was derived. In their 
latest edition all that Lid dell and Scott venture to affirm is that " prob- 
ably the word as well as the thing is Egyptian.** The Encyclopasdic 
Dictionary (1886) says that the English pyramid comes from the Greek 
mtpafiiCi which nobody disputes, and adds that the Greek word is derived 
from the Egyptian pir-em-tia, which means the vertical height of the 
structure. No authority, however, is given for this statement. Skeat's 
Etymological Dictionary says of the Greek irvpa/iic : "root unknown; 
no doubt of Egyptian origin." The word izvpafii: is not mentioned by 
either Vanigek or Curtius in their elaborate treatises on the etymology 
of Greek words. 

Prof. Piazzi Smyth, in order to sustain his theory that the Great 
Pyramid of Gizeh divinely reveals a system of weights and measures for 
the whole human race and for all time, derives the Greek irvpajui^ from 
irvpdg * wheat* and juirpov * measure.* Yet even Prof. Smyth admits that 
all the 66 pyramids now standing were once tombs, with one single ex- 
ception. Only the Great Pyramid was intended as a granary for wheat 
(see Life and Work at the Great Pyramid, iii. 120-121). Rees's Cyclo- 
paedia says that the Greeks themselves derived the word from irvpdc 
* wheat * and afidu * collect.* 

The Rosicrucians are said to have believed that the word irvpajuic is 
derived from frvp * a flame,* because the pyramid was built in the shape 
of a flame. It was a second thought of theirs that, since nip also means 
the division produced by Are, and m£nt or Tnet is the Coptic word for 
'ten,* the pyramid was designed to represent the ten parts of the flery 
ecliptic, or solar wheel, the ten original signs of the zodiac. Pyramids, 
according to them, were erected as commemorative altars to the divin- 
ity fire. Plato in Timasus (Bohn*s ed., ii. 864) says : ** Let it be agreed, 
then, that, according both to strict and probable reasoning, the solid 
form of the pyramid is the element and germ of fire,*' 

4 



xxvi American Oriental Society^a Proceedings^ May 1890. 

A more full statement of this idea may be found in Ammianus Bfar- 
cellinus, who in the time of Constantino wrote a general history, the 
first 17 books of which have been lost. In book xxii. 15. 28 (toI. i., p. 
304) he says : ** The seven pyramids are put forward as wonders. Hero- 
dotus, the historian, speaks of the protracted and severe labor of their 
construction, taxing the utmost limits of human ability ; towers (they 
are) whose bases cover a most extended space, but whose summits ter- 
minate in a sharp point. In geometry this figure is called a nvpafiic, be- 
cause it is in the form of a flame, roif nvpo^, which diminishes like a 
cone." 

jablonski, in his Prolegomena de Religione et Theologia JEigyptorum 
(pp. 82, 88), quotes with approval the theory of La Crozius that the 
Egyptians called the Obelisk pi-ra-moye = ' a ray of the sun, sun- 
beam ;* but that the Greeks used this word indiscriminately for both 
obelisk and pyramid, hence the word Trvpafii^. The objection to this is 
that analogy would suggest from pi-ra-moye not vrvpaftlg but nvpafiowK 

or nipfffWWjC' 

Zoega, in his i>e Origine et de Usu Obdiscorum^ pp. 180-2, says that 
the Egyptian word aram^ allied to the Hebrew ]10'^K meaning ' a hill,* 
was the root of the Greek nvpafilg^ and was formed by prefixing the 
Egyptian definite article PI and adding the Greek termination <f , and 
that the word means ' a true and an eternal home.* 

Ignatius Roscius says that the word irvpa/ii^ comes from the Hebrew 
on * be high.* 

A still more recently discovered etymology is from the Hebrew 
niD "iKd * the beautiful measure,* or, owing to similarity of roots, from 
rno ns * the fruit measure.' It is added : **The word may have car- 
ried with it both the idea of com measure and measure in general : 
i.e., it may have signified Egyptian metrology." To what straits we 
are driven when we become slaves to a theory ! 

In a hieroglyphic papyrus in the British Museum occurs the Egyptian 



-•''*' Svik^Pcr^.- 



It does not mean ^ fire,* it does not mean ' a liill ;* it does not mean * a 
measure for wheat,* or for anything else ; and it does not mean a struc- 
ture of any kind. Cold comfort it affords to theorists. It is in a math- 
ematical papyrus, which contains the Egyptian formulae for addition, 
subtraction, multiplication, and division. The papyrus gives the Egyp- 
tian names for the superficial contents of a circle, a parallelogram, a 
right-angled triangle, and a rhombus. Then the papyrus discusses the 
geometrical problems of the pyramid, which it calls by its usual name 




ab-mer. The two parts which must be known in order 
to obtain the measure of the third part are : the dimension of the base, 
v^Jf 1^^ Ayi uun-teb-t, and the length of the edge or slant 

* Tho liicroKlyphic characters used in this paper have been kindly fiimisbed by 
Dr. C. B. Moldenke, of New York. 



Diekermany etymology and synonyms of Pyramid, xxvii 

height, A^iv V 1 pir^m-us. The relation of half the 

base to the ''slant height" is called the IM 3 sekot. This is the 

only place on the Egyptian monuments where the word pir-em-us 

I — .-J 
has been found. It is composed of three parts : <=> , which literally 

* from ;' and C^ 1^ * the bulk, 

extent, or solidity' of the building from which the *' slant edge '* projects 
(see Brugsch's Worterhuch, p. 274, and Supplement, p. 888). Mons. 
Revillout argues {Revue ^gyptologique, 1881, p. 809) that the pir-em-us 
must be the line drawn from the summit to the base. He says : 
'* This was the line which it was important to know ; the slant edge 
taught nothing." It may seem presumptuous to question the opinion of 
80 brilliant a scholar as Mons. Eugene Revillout ; but it does seem as 
though, if the square of half the diagonal of the base were subtracted 
from the square of the '* slant edge," the remainder would be the square 
of the vertical or axis. This Egyptian name for the ** slant edge," the 
most conspicuous and characteristic feature of the pyramid, it is natu- 
ral to believe the Greek mathematicians applied to the whole figure. 
Hence their word irvpafiig, from which comes our English word pyramid. 
The derivation is endorsed by Brugsch (Zeitschrift fUr JEJgyptiache 
Sprache, 1874, p. 148) ; but Lepsius said : '* Das ist wenig glaublich ; denn 
von der Kante wird man nicht die Pyramide benennen" {Zeitschrift j 1884, 
p. 9). But Dr. Brugsch, in the 2d ed. of his Egypt under the Pharaohs, 
i, 89, says : ** The name pyramid, first invented by the ancients to 
designate the tombs of the Egyptian kings, and still used in geometry 
to this day, is of Greek origin. The Elgyptians themselves denoted 
the pyramid, in the sense both of a sepulchre and of a figure in 
geometry, by the word which is read abumir ; while, on the other hand, 
the word pir-em-us in the ancient Egyptian language is equivalent to 
the *edge of the pyramid:' viz., the four edges, extending from the 
apex of the pyramid to each comer of the quadrangular base." 

If, now, we examine the words by which the pyramid was designated, 
we may possibly discover the origiual purpose for which it was built. 
The monuments contain the following names for the pyramids : 

1. /\ or /\ CU. 'DT.'Brufsach,\nh\sHieroglyphisches 
Wdrterbuch, p. 162 (see also p. 158), says : "this word is probably re- 
lated to uimui T or * that which is shut up or enclosed ;' hence, 

pre-eminently, a tomb, sepulchre, pyramid, room, sarcophagus, or chest." 
It also means ' that which encloses, shuts something up,' as a door or 
cover ; but here, as elsewhere, the determinative following it is a pyra- 
mid. A Vienna Papyrus says: ^ ^--/ ^ /\ 

at ten 8ahu f em khun en aa-f, * one preserved his mummy in his grave.' 



xxviii American Oriental Society^s Proceedings^ May 1890. 

The determinative for ' grave ' is a pyramid. (See also Birch's Texts, p. 
6 ; Bunsen's EgypVs Place in History , v. 720-21.) 

2. The word /\ ap is found once only, and with a pyramid 

for its determinative. It is in Apis Tablet No. 4246 of the Louvre. It 
reads: / \ j" — ' ^tSI^ ap-pen Ka Kara, 'this pyramid of Ko- 

Kome'— i.e., the stepped pyramid of Sakkara (Brugsch*s Wdrt., p. 180). 

8. J J A ber-ber * a pyramid.' This word is generally used with 

reference to the pyramidal form of loaves of sacrificial bread. Delattre 
says that ber-ber was the Egyptian name for a conical-shaped loaf, and 
was later applied to the structure. Possibly Mons. Delattre does not 
know which was the chronological order. Sometimes the determina- 
tive for bread, (^^, follows J J , instead of the pyramid : thus, 

.Jl .Jl q^3) ' ^^ **^® Harris Papyrus, i. 17. 6, the word J J 



I I 



J J! 



is used instead of ^ ^ JL ^^^^ ^^^^^ '^^ obelisk' (Brugsch's W6rt,t 



J Jl 



see V. 4d6). But the ^ ^ Jl ^^^ prox)erly the pyramidion on the 

summit of the obelisk (Levi's Vocab,, ii. 141). 
Much more common than either of these words is : 



y^^s " ^—Aii "--■' 



This is the word by which the Egyptians almost invariably designated 
the pyramid ; and its meaning ought to indicate their idea of the use to 
wJiich this structure was put. In Papyrus Abbott (p. 8), which relates 
how an investigating committee visited the royal tombs to see whether 

they had been rifled, we read; ^ ment ^ jl^ /\ ab mer 



Ig'^-.^ sek >k\ JU abf * there remained the tomb, 

and not disturbed was the coffin.' The determinative for 'tomb* is a 
pyramid. In the legal Papyrus Amhurst, p. 8, I. 6, it is said that 
**the thieves were conducted to the place, laid their hands on the 



f^A 



ab-mer, and took oath that they had not robbed it." 

C — 



Ab-rner has for its determinative a pyramid. (See Chabas*s Melanges, 
3d series, i. 60 ; Dilmichen's Historische Inschriften, ii. 86, c. y. 1). At 
Dendera, in an inscription which speaks of Osiris as dead, buried, and 

* The phoDotic value of Y is disputed. Some scholars read it ofr, otliers 8t, 
See Levi's Vocah.^ i. 40. * 



Dickerman, etymology and synonyms of Pyramid, xxix 



5:?^i!Ty^ 



raised to life, it is said : I ^ yifvi (J U \\ noferux hik 



nen ut em ab-mer-Uh^ * beautiful appeared thy face when thou earnest 
forth from thy tomb.' * Tomb ' is here ah-mer, but without the pyramid 
for its determinatiTe ; and Dr. Brugsch (W6rt,, v. 89) says: "It is to 
me an undoubted but unaccountable fact that this word ab-mer, not only 

in meaning but in sound, corresponds with (the variants) T\\ /\ 

(Zeit, 1874, p. 148), ? J ^ /\ (ostracon in British Museum) 

ab-meTy and signifies (as the determinative, a pyramid, proves) a sepul- 
chral monument in the form of a pyramid, and hence a pyramid itself* 
(see Brugsch's IHctionnaire giographique de Vancienne ^gypte^ pp. 824, 
745). It is not to be denied that this word, often used, always means 
either a pyramid or another tomb in the form of a pyramid. 



In the Papyrus Boulaq we find the word '^'^^T^i /\ ^<^ ah-mer. 



This is a proper name, the name of a district in the vicinity of Ellahoun, 
In the Fayoum, and must be translated 'the land of the Pyramid' 
(Brug8ch*s Diet giog,, p. 745). 
There is still another Egyptian word for pyramid : 



5. 



roi 



ha-n^tb. Primarily it meant 'house of gold;' later it 



designated the place in the temple where the jewelers worked. It was 
in the ha-nub that the priests wrought in gold and silver, making 
amulets and statues of the divinities, especially figures of Osiris. In 
the temple of Dendera there is an inscription over a doorway, the en- 
trance to the jeweler's shop, which says : '* Do not let anyone whatever. 



except the high pripst, enter the 



fd 



Aa-nti5." Afterwards, when 



these statues of Osiris came to be placed in the Serapeum of Memphis 
and of Kobtos, and in the tombs of the kings, then these places also re- 
ceived the name ha-nub. Especially was it given to the central hall of 
the sarcophagus, the sepulchral chamber of the Pharaohs. This became 
the "Hall of Gold." Now this word ha-ntib sometimes gives place to 

(1 ]| \\ j — I ab-mer, when meaning * the sepulchral chamber.' Indeed, 

the two words are used indiscriminately (Brugsch's Diet, giog,, pp. 
820-4). The serapeum in the Vth nome of Upper Egypt was called 
ha-fivby and it was also called ab-mer. The propriety in the use of 
these names is seen in the fact that it was the place where the 

U^'p ^^» ^^^ relics of Osiris, were preserved. In the Boulaq 



Papyrus No. 8, p. 5, 1. 8, a dead man is addressed thus : " Osiris, the 
great god, comes to thee from Koptos, residing in the 



fd 



/io-nub" 



(i.e. serapeum). The ha-nub is a tomb or pyramid, because the tomb 



XXX American Oriental Society^s Proceedings^ May 1890. 



or pyramid contained the Egyptian treasures which were the most pre- 
cious. 
There is a list of 104 amulets, talismans in gold, and an inscription says 



fd 



, to be used as amulets 



of them : ''They have been placed in the 
for the god Osiris." A trilingual inscription in the Berlin Museum pays 

This is the read- 



homage to the god Osiris of Koptos, in the rsn 

b 

ing of the hieroglyphic text, and the demotic text follows it ; but the 

is often replaced by 



roi 



fd 



Greek text substitutes 2ARAniC for 

O N^f~l' it— iX?^* ''^^''^' ^^ ^^ ®*^^ ^^^^ words which, 

without exception, include the idea of tomb, entombment, embalm- 
ment, or some kindred meaning (Brugsch's Diet, ff^og., pp. 820-4). 

It is also curious to observe that each king gave to his own pyramid 
a proper name. For instance, Menkau-ra of the IVth Dynasty called 

his pyramid " /\ 'the high one.' Shepses-kaf called his W /\ 

gebeh * the cool.' Khufu named his ^^ /\ khut * the lights,' a 
title often added to the royal name of Khufu himself. Nof er-ka-ra called 

\/\ ^^^ ankh ' the station of life.' Men-Kau-Hor's was 

1 ' ' 

I ^ M M n/\ * **^® holiest of places.' Papi-Merira's was T /\ 



his 



/VS^A/W 



* the good place,' or * the good station," i. e. for travelers : a word witii 
the same sound and same meaning as the Egyptian name for Memphis. 

Teta's pyramid was ]\\\ \ /\ * the most enduring of places.' Ati, 
also called Uskara, named his pyramid ^^^ / \ bai-u, * the pyramid 

of souls.* Aftsa called his I /\ nofer, * the beautiful.' 

But throughout the history of the Egyptians, from the earliest times, 
they had no general name for pyramid which did not emphasize the 
idea of a sacred enclosure for the preservation of that which was 

most precious. The apparent exceptions are U U A 

CTZ] 



*the sacri- 



ficial loaf,' metaphorically employed, and 



A 



k^P 



the 



use of which was confined to the mathematicians. / \ likened 

flC±=±3 

a pyramid to a door, a chest, a sarcophagus, a tomb, or something shut 
up. T y J^ / \ czil with its variants always carries with it the 
idea of sepulture. This unintentional testimony, these unbiassed 



AdleVy Egyptian antiquities. xxxi 



roi 



witnesses, Kuch as /\ , /\ , ¥ 11^ / \ umt 

and others, ought to have weight. But if, as Prof. Piazzi Smyth suggests, 
those " old profane Egyptians, dark idolaters, had nothing to do with the 
design of the Great Pyramid, and never understood what it meant'* (see 
Our Inheritance^ etc., 5th ed., IBOO, p. 70), then no evidence which their 
language contains, or which we can imagine it might contain, can have 
any value. But if, during the IVth, Vlth, and Xllth dynasties, while 
the Hebrew patriarchs (whom Prof. Smyth supposes to have built the 
Great Pyramid) were wandering herdsmen, living in their tents and 
wagons, with no local institutions of any kind, and affording no signs 
of a disposition or an ability to establish any, the very best one among 
them all not hesitating to tell a falsehood even about the relations exist- 
ing between himself and the woman with whom he cohabited, but re- 
ceiving from Pharaoh a delicate, dignified, gentlemanly reproof, indica- 
tive of a lofty ethical culture — ^in perfect keeping with the wonderfully 
simple truthful Egyptian architecture of that period— if , even at that 
time, the Egyptians had a civilization on a level with their grandest 
monuments, then they ought to have known, and they did know, for 
what purpose they built the Great Pyramid ; and the names by which 
they called it honestly indicate that purpose. 

10. Notes on the Johns Hopkins and Abbott collections of 
Egyptian antiquities, with the translation of two Coptic inscrip- 
tions by Mr. W. Max Mtlller ; by Dr. Cyrus Adler, of the Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

In 1884 the Johns Hopkins University came into the possession of a 
valuable collection of Egyptian antiquities, numbering some 680 objects, 
the collection of the late Col. Mendes I. C]!ohen of Baltimore. These 
objects were gathered mostly during travels in Egypt in 1882 ; a part, 
however, being acquired at a sale in London in 1885.* 

The collection contains, among other interesting objects, an unpub- 
lished Coptic inscription. Considering the eagerness with which every 
fragment in Coptic, whether on stone or papyrus, is sought in Europe, 
any new Coptic inscription is worthy of study. Up to the present time, 
we believe, no Coptic text has been published in America, so that the 
Johns Hopkins Coptic text will hold a unique position. Besides, it 
seems to fill up a gap in our knowledge of the C])optic versions of the 
Old Testament. 

The inscription is written on a rectangular board 4i by 18^ in., 
marked ** Tablet from Thebes, No. 645/' The left side of the board is 
repaired, and its upper part pierced by four nails. It is uncertain what 
conclusions should be drawn from this fact concerning the history of 
the object. We are inclined to think that some Coptic monks took the 



* Cf. a paper by Mr. Mendes Cohen on the Cohen Collection of Kgyptian Anti- 
quities and its collector, Col. Mendes I. Cohen, Johns Hopkins University drcur 
kurSf Tol. i7., No. 35, Dec, 1884, pp. 21-23. 



xxxii American Oriental Society^a ProceedingSy May 1890. 

board from a broken mummy case lying in the necropolis of Thebes. 
There is a stain of asphalt over the first r of the third line. This is 
apparently later than the inscription, and it is not unlikely that it was 
derived from some antiquities with which the board was packed. The 
board was painted white. The characters are carefully formed and 
distinct. The handwriting is probably not earlier than the Arabic 
dominion. 

The inscription consists of Psalm ii., verses 8-5, following very closely 
the text of the Septuagint, but containing interesting variants com- 
pared with the Bohiric or Lower Egyptian text. The latter is known 
in the editions of Tuki (1744), Ideler (1887), Schwartze (1848), and 
Lagarde (1875). Our fragment belongs to the far more ancient and 
valuable Sahidic or Upper Egyptian version, of which no complete 
edition of the Psalms has yet been published. These verses are not 
contained in Peyron's Paalterii Copto-Thebani specimen (Augustsd 
Taurinorum, 1875) ; Lagarde's Psalterium, which contains some addi- 
tional fragments, is not accessible to us ; but, even if it be complete in 
this passage, the value of our strange source would not be very much 
diminished. 

The text is as follows : Line 1. 4* fn^rn adlp nneumrrei^ ntnncm^i^ 
mpeuTiaifybf e; Line 2. hoi hidjdn petouSfy* fynnpitie nas6be; Line 8. 
m{m)^{uf ati6 pdjoeis nakomSou* tote ; Line 4. fnaSacye nmmau hnte- 
forg^ nfitrt&rou hmpefg'dnt. 

Notes to the text : *Boh. nnousnauh rwf defffwv^ avrov, *Boh. hiou 
aTTopplirreiv. » * yoke' ^vydv must be nahb (Boh. mpottkenahbef * also their 
yoke ') although the space left for hb is very small. * 6 narotMiv is trans- 
lated more literally than Bohtric pedSop * who is, ' ^ This form is remark- 
able because it is peculiar to the dialect of Lower Egypt. It is not 
favorable to the age of the fragment. * ' Sneer, laugh at' is a weaker 
translation than the drastic Greek word eKfivKTijpi^etv or elkkii n- (lit. 
* contrahere nasum post ') of the yoimger translation.^ The Greek word 
bpy^ imitated, while the Bohiric version uses as second synonymon 
embon. 

The other variants are unimportant. The handwriting does not per- 
mit us to take these verses as the calligraphic exercise of a young 
scholar. That beginning and end are complete is proved by the begin- 
ning cross and the form of the last letter. It would be easy to offer 
conjectures as to the reason which caused the selection of these words, 
but we will not attempt it here. 

We have been far less fortunate with the second text, a Coptic letter 
written on a small i^otsherd, belonging to the valuable collection of the 
New York Historical Society. This collection was acquired by Dr. H. 
Abbott, during a 20 years' residence in Cairo, and was purchased for 
the Society by citizens of New York in 1860. The collection numbers 
1127 objects, some of them of great value. Dr. Abbott prepared a 
Catalogue of the Collection, which has been published by the Society. 
Although the estimate may be too sanguine, an idea of the importance 
of the collection may be gained from the following statement, written 



Adler^ Egyptian antiquities. xxziii 

almost forfcy years ago :* ** Talking of antiquaries and collections, I am 
sorry to say that the wonderful gallery belonging to Dr. Abbott of 
Cairo is about to be sent to America for sale. Most people who have 
visited Egypt must be aware of the value of this gallery, which, within 
the last year, however, has greatly increased in scope. I regret its 
removal across the Atlantic the more, because it has been got together 
on fair principles, consisting of objects which, once discovered, would 
have been destroyed or dispersed but for Dr. Abbott. It forms a com- 
plete museum in itself, illustrative of almost every point of the man- 
ners of the ancient inhabitants of Egypt ; far more complete than any 
other can ever be, for most of the ruins and tombs are now rifled, and 
I am sorry to say the Arabs have been instructed how to manufacture 
relics, so that every day the task of discriminating belfween what is 
genuine and what fabricated becomes more difficult.'' 

This collection is exhibited — or rather, stored — in cases, the objects 
being crowded together in the dark galleries of the rooms of the New 
York Historical Society. One of these cases contains our Coptic frag- 
ment ; owing to its unfavorable position and the darkness of the room, 
we- are not able to decipher the inscription with certainty. The reverse 
must as yet remain unpublished, as none of the attendants possessed 
the authority to open the case and turn the ostracon around. We 
have deemed it advisable to publish this fragment of the text, in the 
hope of suggesting the publication of the entire text to some one who 
shall be more fortunate in his dealings with the authorities of the His- 
torical Society. The following is a provisional transliteration of the 
text: (1) 4* ^^OTP ''^^^ tiMn{e) (2) etekmetaon etnanous {d)pdyoei8 efesmou 
erok nfha (4) reh erok mnpekei6t mnnek (5) aniv mnpetSoop nak t{n) (6) 
au6S oun ngkaproouS n{ak f) (7) (m)fln8a pSa fiapa Patemioutie) (8) mn 
makairios f)ii.,. irdk trir. Reverse wanting. 

Translation. 

(1) First* I salute (2) thy noble (lit. beautiful) brotherhood ; (8) the lord 
will bless thee, and he will (4) guard thee, with thy father and thy (5) 
brothers and what is belonging to thee. We (6) wish now that thou 
mightst put (thy) care (7) behind ; the festival^ of Abba Patermuti(os) 
(8) and Maka(rio8) . . . thy mouth (?)... 

Qrammatically the text offers no great difficulty. "Readers un- 
acquainted with Coptic epistolary style should remember that the 
usual formula beginning Coptic letters is an imitation of the Greek 
words irpCtTov iikv, from which here the iiev is mechanically copied. For 
another translation of the Greek introduction, see Zeitschrift fUr dgyp- 
tische Sprachej 1885, 72 and 78. For the jtai-aphrase ' thy brotherhood,* 
instead of ' my brother,' see 1. 1, p. 70, teknintson, where we read * the 
lord knows that if I were not trusting (f)apei = Greek dappelv) in your 
brotherhood.' 



* Of. Note to a letter from Alexandria on tlie state of Eg3rptiau moDiiments; 
London AthenoBum. April 12. 1851, p 407. 
5 



xxxiv Ameru*,an Oriented Society^ 8 Proceedings^ May 1890, 

6. We are not sure whether we have correctly supplied the ethical 
dative in line 6, and whether this line means ' take care for.'* At this 
point, which is the close of a pious introduction, the inscription begins 
to go into some private affairs which form the subject of the letter; the 
last word seems to be rptp 'stove/ Here, unfortunately, we are com- 
pelled to break off. It is very much to be desired that the second half 
of the text, no doubt the more interesting, be published. The same may 
be said of the other treasures of this collection, which are as yet 
entirely unknown, both to workers in this country and to European 
scholars. It is some consolation to learn that the Historical Society 
expects in the near future to erect a more spacious building and prop- 
erly exhibit its Egyptian collection ; we venture to express the hope 
that at the same time adequate provision will be made for its study. 

Other papers were presented, as follows : 

On Avestan transcription, by Dr. A. V. W. Jackson, of Colum- 
bia College, New York. 

On the syntax of the Sennacherib inscription, by Prof. W. R. 
Harper, of Yale University, New Haven. 

On two tablets of AshAr itil lani, by Dr. R. F. Harper, of the 
same. 

On Prepositive and Post|x>sitiye as names for the so-called Im- 
perfect and Perfect tenses in Semitic, by Rev. F. P. Ramsay, of 
Wetheredville, Md. 

• Lit. ' put care behind.* 



PEOOEEDINGS 

OF THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 

AT ITS 

MEETING IN PRINCETON, N. J., 

October 22nd and 23rd, 1890. 



The Society assembled in the Reading Room of the Phila- 
delphian Society, College of New Jersey, at 3 o'clock, Wednesday, 
October 22nd, 1890. The President, Rev. Dr. Wm. Hayes Ward, 
of New York, called the meeting to order. The minutes of the 
preceding meeting were read and approved. The Jlecording 
Secretary, Professor Lyon, being absent, the chair appointed Dr. 
A. V. W . Jackson to serve in his stead. 

Professor Marquand announced for the Committee of Arrange- 
ments that the Society would remain in session till 5.30, and that 
the morning session would begin at 9.30. He also invited the 
members to meet socially at his house in the evening. 

The following persons were elected to membership : 

As Corporate Members : 

Prof. Sidney Gillespie Ashmore, Schenectady, N. Y. (Union Coll.) ; 

Dr. Charles Edward Bishop, Emory, Va. (Emory and Henry Coll.) ; 

Rev. Prof. Marcus D. Buell, Boston, Mass. (Boston Univ.) ; 

Mr. Samuel V. Constant, New York City (405 W. 21) ; 

Miss Maude Fortescue, New York City (57 Fifth ave.) ; 

Rev. Dr. Alexander Kohut, New York City (89 Beekman Place) ; 

Mr. Max Margoulies, New York City (Columbia Coll.) ; 

Dr. Hanns Oertel, Nashville, Tenn. (Vanderbilt Univ.) ; 

Mr. Thomas H. P. Sailer, Philadelphia, Pa. (217 S. 42) ; 

Mr. Maxwell Sommerville, Philadelphia, Pa. (811 S. 10) ; 

Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson, Philadelphia, Pa. (237 S. 21) ; 

Rev. George N. Thomssen, Missionary to Hyderabad ; 

Dr. Herbert C. Tolman, New Haven, Conn. (Yale Univ.) ; 

As Corresponding Members : 

Judge Crosby, of the International Court at Cairo or Alexandria ; 
Mr. Henry Gillman, U. 3. Consul at Jerusalem : 



xxxvi American Oriental Society^s ProceedingSy Oct. 1890, 

And as Honorary Member : 

Prof. Ernest Windisch, University of Leipzig, Saxony. 

The chair laid before the Society the question of obtaining 
a charter from the federal government. The Corresponding 
Secretary read the paragraphs (2 and 3 on page iv) of the Pro- 
ceedings for May, 1890, concerning the matter. The principal 
reason then adduced for seeking a national charter was that the 
Society might be thus enabled to hold its annual business meet- 
ings at various convenient places besides Boston. In reply it 
was stated that this object required only an amendment of 
Article IX. of the Constitution, and not a change of charter. As 
for the argument that arrangements might thus be made bj 
which the publications might be cast into the form of Govern- 
ment Reports and so printed without expense to the Society, the 
opinion of fourteen of the fifteen Directors is adverse to placing 
the Society in a position of dependence upon the government for 
money. 

Professor M. J astro w, Jr., of Philadelphia, moved, on account 
of the absence of Dr. Adler, to postpone the discussion until 
Thursday morning or until his arrival. But, because a number of 
gentlemen had come expressly to take part in this discussion who 
could not remain until Thursday, it was, upon amendment made 
by Professor Bloomfield, decided to take up the question at 4.30 
p. M. The reading of papers was then begun. At 4.30 the 
question was resumed, and, upon motion of Professor Jastrow, 
it was voted that the Board of Directors report on Thursday 
morning respecting the advisability of getting from Congress a 
national charter and of holding but one meeting a year (see 
Proceedings for Oct. 1889, p. cxlvii, vol. xiv.). Tlie meeting 
listened again to the reading of papers, from 5.10 to 5.56, and 
then adjourned. 

In the evening, the Society assembled Hocially at Guernsey 
Hall, the residence of Professor Allan Marquand. In the course 
of the evening. Dr. Adler was called iipon to give some account 
of the work of the Committee on Foreign Exhibits for the 
Chicago World's Fair of 1893 ; and, upon motion of Professor 
Gottheil, it was voted that 

Tlie American Oriental Society expresses its hearty sympathy with 
the plans of the managers of the World's Columbian Exposition in re- 
gard to an exhibit of Oriental life and history, and its approval of the 
same, and would be glad to offer the cooperation of its individual mem- 
bers so far as possible. 

Dr. Ward called the assembly to order on Thursday morning, 
and read the report of the Directors called for by the vote of 
Wednesday. 

1. In view of the late large increase in the number of those 
interested in Oriental studies outside of New England, and the 



JReport of the Directors, xxxvii 

distance which the majority of our members have to travel in 
order to attend the annual meeting at Boston, the Directors 
express their view that it is not wise that the annual meeting 
should any longer be confined to Boston ; and they recommend 
that the Society make it the duty of the Directors to propose at 
the next annual meeting such amendments of the Constitution 
and such other measures as may be found neqessary to allow the 
annual meetings to be held elsewhere. 

2. After having obtained the views of Directors not here 
present, and of other members of the Society, the Directors 
cannot now recommend to the Society that it seek any arrange- 
ments with the government of the United States by which either 
our own entire independence shall be limited, or any financial aid 
sought for carrying out the purposes of this Society. 

3. The Directors recommend that the Society hold a single 
meeting once a year, to cover two nights and parts of three days, 
and suggest the appointment of a committee to report a suitable 
date to the next annual meeting, 

4. The Directors recommend that the Proceedings of the 
Society be published in such a way as shall allow the fuller pub- 
lication of the articles presented and accepted. 

Professor Jastrow moved that the sections be taken up seri- 
atim. On motion of Dr. Adler, the recommendation of section 
1 was adopted. 

Opposing section 2, Dr. Adler spoke as follows: The American 
Historical Association has set the example for the successful 
administration of scientific societies national in scope. By special 
act of Congress, it is incorporated with permission to hold its 
meetings in any place where the incorporators may determine 
(and not exclusively within the District of Columbia, as was 
objected). It has also the right to report to the Secretary of the 
Smithsonian Institution on the progress of the science whose 
study it fosters. The first report is a valuable bibliography, now 
in course of printing in the Government Printing Office. In 
answer to the objection that we should be under the necessity of 
making periodical appeals to Congress for a special appropria- 
tion. Dr. Adler said that, under the arrangement proposed, the 
expenses of our printing would be earned by the general appro- 
pnation for the Reports. 

As far back as Jan., 1848, a special committee recommended 
that steps be taken to de-localize the government of the Oriental 
Society by permitting annual meetings to be held outside of 
Massachusetts (see Journal, vol. i., no. 4, p. xxxviii) ; but 
the recommendation does not seem to have been adopted.* 
With the growth of Oriental studies and their spread in the 

* This is not quite correct ; in consequence of ihis action an autumn meeting 
was held that same year in New Haven, and ever since either there or in New 
York, Princeton, Baltimore, or Philadclphiaia, in accordance with the extending 
interest and membership. — Comm. of Publ. 



xxxviii American OrientcU Society^a ProceedingSy Oct. 1890. 

Middle States, the West, and the South, a society which, like 
ours, is national in name, must relinquish its local character. 
Our Society has not developed in accordance with the needs of 
Oriental scholars. Although its work has uniformly been of a 
high quality, nevertheless, in respect of quantity, it has, in an 
existence of forty-eight years, published only fourteen volumes ; 
and for the last decade the smallness in quantity has been due, 
not to the lack of suitable scientific material, but to the lack of 
funds. Some of our members are obliged to send their papers to 
foreign societies for publication; and others have manuscripts 
which have been ready for three or four years but are still 
unpublished. We are still dependent on European offices for 
printing various Oriental languages for which we have no suit- 
able or adequate fonts of type. Our library has become a 
valuable collection ; but — for lack of means to pay for proper 
arrangement, a catalogue, and the requisite clerical labor — it is 
almost wholly unavailable for those who need it most, young 
scholars who are settled at a distance from the larger cities. 
Were the library set up under the curatorship of the Secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution, the government frank might l>e 
used in dispatching books to borrowers. Finally, if we empha- 
size the national character of the Society to a greater degree by 
choosing more various and more widely scattered places of meet- 
ing, the progress of Oriental studies will be more effectively 
quickened than now, by reason of the creation of many new local 
centres of interest. 

Objection being raised to the implication that a national 
charter would involve a limitation of the Society's independence, 
the second section of the Directors' report was, after further 
discussion, concurred in by the Society, with several dissenting 
voices, in the following amended form : 

2. After having obtained the views of Directors not here 
present and of other members of the Society, the Directors 
cannot now recommend to the Society that it seek a national 
charter. 

3. The third section of the Directors' report was unanimously 
approved by the Society. The Chair appointed as a Committee 
to recommend a suitable time for the annual meetings after 
the meeting of May, 1891, Professors Frothingham, Gottheil, 
W. R. Harper, Haupt, and Lanman. 

4. The Directors' recommendation concerning the publication 
of the Proceedings was approved by the Society. 

Professor W. R. Harper, of Yale University, moved that a 
committee of three be appointed to devise measures tending to 
make the Library more useful, and to report thereon at the next 
annual meeting. The chairman appointed Messrs. Van Name, 
Moore, and Bloorafield. 

The reading of papers was resumed. At the close, the Corre- 
sponding Secretary presented an announcement from Rev. Dr. 
Winslow concerning the progress of the work of the Egypt 



JSloomfiddy Vedic chartns for extinguiahing Jire, xxxix 

Exploration Fund. The Chair reported briefly upon the Meso- 
potamian expedition of Dr. J. P. Peters. A vote of thanks to 
the Trustees of the College of New Jersey and to Professor 
Marquand was passed ; and at 12.45 the Society stood ad- 
journed to meet at Boston in May, 1891. 

The following papers were presented : — 

1. On a Vedic group of charms for extinguishing fire by means 
of water-plants and a frog ; by Professor M. Bloomfield, of the 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

On various previous occasions I have endeavored to show that our 
understanding of the Atharva-Veda— the Veda of practical performance 
par excellence — depends upon a knowledf^e of the ritual which accom- 
panied the recitation of the hymns. The boundary line between the 
Rig- Veda and the other Vedic samhitds is not absolute ; large parts, if not 
all, of the Rig- Veda must have been accompanied by performances, and 
these must be instructive whenever recorded with any detail. That 
the Rig- Veda was not compiled for literary delectation is a view which 
I have held from the time of my earliest studies of that remarkable 
document. I shall now endeavor to add one more instance in which a 
mantra passage, presented in somewhat varying forms by Rig- Veda, 
Atharva-Veda, and Taittiriya-Ara^iyaka, obtains its definition by care- 
ful observation of the practice reported in connection with it ; inciden- 
tally, a curious custom, reaching back to the earliest Vedic times, will 
be shown to have prevailed in almost all the Vedic schools. 

The RV. passage of principal importance (x.16.13, 14) reads as fol- 
lows : 

ydfh tvdm agne samddahas tdm w nir xmpayd piinaJf, : 
kiydmbv dtra rohatu pdkadurvd vydlka^d, 

^tike Qttikdvati hlddike hlddikdvati : 
man^ukyd^ su sdih gama inidih sv dguirh har^aya. 

The corresponding AV. verses are xviii.3.6, 60, with certain various 
reading^, and with the following additional Une prefixed to the latter 
verse : 

^Hi te nihdrd bJiavatu gdrh tepru^d *va glyatdm. 

The TA. version is found at vi.4.1*''. 

Of the translations of the RV. passage given by Ludwig and Grass- 
mann respectively, each approaches the true sense at some points, and 
recedes from it at others. But they are both, as they stand, unintelli- 
gible, chiefly because they lack the background of realistic practice, 
without which the verses never had nor could have any sense. Hence 
Lap man, in the Notes to his Chrestomathy (p. SSO^*), says of the second 
stanza, rather prematurely, * The stanza seems to be meaningless rub- 
bish/ The situation is simply as follows : After the fire has consumed 
the corpse, water is poured upo^i it in order to extinguish it. Then 



i| 



xl American Oriental Society's Proceedings^ Oct, 1800, 

furthermore certain water-plants are put there. In addition to these a 
frog — here a female, elsewhere a male— is put upon the place where the 
fire has burned. These, as representatives of life in the waters, are 
symbolically supposed both to prevent and to extinguish fire ; they are 
put there to clinch matters, lest perhaps the fire kindle anew and injure 
the person who is now to pass on to Yama's realm. RV. x.t6.18 is to 
be thus translated : 

' O Agni, do thou again extinguish him whom thou hast burned up ; 
may the kiydmba, the small millet,* and the vyalka^d grow here.* 

Ludwig in his translation has followed Sayai^ quite closely ; the lat- 
ter has altogether failed to understand the passage. At TA. vi.4. 1* he 
glosses nir vdpaya by itah sthdndt nih sdraya; hence Lud wig's ** dort 
sSe wieder aus." But nir vdpayh here means simply * extinguish.' See 
AV. vi. 18.1c, d : agniih hfdayydih ^kaih tdrh te nir vdpaydmasi * the fire 
(of jealousy) which is in your heart, the chagrin, that do we extinguish 
for you.' At Qa&kh. (^t, Su. iv.15.13, the words are translated plainly : 
* while reciting the two stanzas, RV. x.16.13, 14, the bones (of the corpse) 
are extinguished with water mixed with milk.' At Agv. Gr. Sii. iv.5.4 
— where, to be sure, only the second of the two Rig- verses (14) is rubri- 
cated — milk and water are also sprinkled upon the bones. And TA. 
vi.4.1* expresses the act in mantra-form : * the tire which we have 
churned for you as if for the purpose of roasting a bull, that fire do we 
quench with milk and with water.' 

Thus the meaning of the first verse is clear. The second verse of the 
RV. version is to be translated : * O cool [plant], full of coolness, O moist 
plant, full of moisture, do thou come right along with the female frog ; 
gladden much (euphemistic for * extinguish,' gamayOf of the other ver- 
sions) this fire here.' 

In the first place, it is quite certain that the vocatives gitike etc. are 
addressed to a plant, t Tlie performance which is connected with the 
two corresponding verses of the AV. at Kauy. 82.26, 27, and explained 
by two paddhatis. the Antye§yi*^arrua and the Atharva^Iyapaddhati, 
may be paraphrased as follows : ' With the verses AV. xviii.3.5, 6, 60 
(the last two concern us here) the plants mentioned in the mantras are 
cut off and put into a mixture of milk and water in order to sprinkle 
the bones of a Brahman, into a mixture of honey and water to sprinkle 
the bones of a Ksatriya, into simple water to sprinkle the bones of a 

♦ Thus, rather than 'edible millet' (Ludwig; Suya^a, paripakvcuIUrvd), because 
of bfhaddUna mentioned in the extract from the two paddhatis of the K:iu9ika, 
below. So also Sayai^a at TA. vi.4.1^: pakaddrvtl afpayd dUrvayd yuktd. Note 
also his gloss on kyamhiX: kiyata ^mbund yuktd kdcid osadhih. And Silya^a at 
RV. x.16.13: kiyaipramCinam udakani yasmin. 

f Sj'iyana at TA. viA.V notwithstjinding: fUena jalena yukid bhUmiJk {itikil^ 
hladakdrind kslrena yuktd hhUmih hlddukA . . . c^tikdvati fUihlbhUmiytikte sthdne 
. . . Interesting is Stenzler's translation of the pratlka at Xqv. Gf. SQ iv.5.4: 'O 
bleiche erd' mit bleichem laub.' Kven in the later classical period the stems 
(^Itala and hhidin are standing epithets and designations of various cooling plants. 
See Pet. Lex. sub voce. 



Bloomfidd^ Vedic charms for extinguishiiig fire, xli 

V^^a.* The paddhatis then go on to give a catalogue of the plants 
(and other materials), the most characteristic of which are the reed 
plant vetasa^ the brhaddiirvd (see the mantras), the avakd (see below), 
and the mafujiukaparni, evidently also a water-plant. Neither Kaugika 
nor his commentary here mention the frog ; it is possible that the word 
manffukt was understood by them simply as an additional water-plant : 
see Pet. Lex. sub voce, and mau(jlukaparni of the paddhatis.^ But at 
Vait. SQ. 29. 13, the frog and the water-plant appear in company. Fur- 
ther and plentiful evidence in favor of our translation of the word and 
our conception of the rite is not wanting. 

The V&jasaneyins, Taittiriyakas and Maitraya][iiyas practiced with a 
somewhat different yet closely related charm, when extinguishing 
sacred fires. The mantras which bear upon the practice occur in VS. 
xvu ; TS. iv.6.1 ; MS. ii.10.1 : 

* With the auaA:d-plant of the sea do we, O Agni, envelop thee ; be 
thou to us a purifier, be thou kind to us. 

* With a covering of coolness do we, O Agni, etc. 

* Do thou descend to the earth into the reed-plant on the rivers ; thou 
art, O Agni, the sap of the waters. t O female frog, do thou come with 
these (waters) ; do thou here render this sacrifice pure in aspect and 
propitious. 

* Here is the gathering-place of the waters, here is the dwelling-place 
of the sea ; may thy missiles (O Agni) burn other persons than us ; be 
thou to us a purifier, be thou kind to us.' 

The central figures in this charm, as in that of the RV. and AV., are 
Agni, the water-plant avakd y and the female frog. That the last two 
are symbols of the water whicrh is to quench the fire Mahidhara recog- 
nizes clearly, at VS. xvii.4, 6. 

The TS., in its braiimai^ia-chapter v.4.4, works up this charm ; and, 
while its explanation of the symbolism involved is as far from the mark 
as is usual with these productions, it yet states clearly that the fire was 
actually put out with the aid of the ai^a Ara-plant and the frog : * The 
reed-plant is the flower of the waters, the avakd the reed of the waters ; 
with the reed-plant and with araAra-plant does he scatter the fire. 
Holy (^dntdfy) are the waters ; with holy ones {^Ant&bhir) then does he 
quiet (gamayati) its heat. Wliatever animal is the first to step over the 
heaped fire, that he is able to burn with his heat. He scatters the fire 
with the frog ; for this one does not furnish sustenance to animals, he 
does not count among the tame nor among the wild animals ; upon him 
(the frog) does he cause the heat to go.' 

Blowing aside the chaff of talmudic wisdom, we are left with the 
incidental and therefore trustworthy statement that the fire was put 
out with the aid of the avakd and the frog. Very similar and more 
explicit is the statement in ^at. Br. ix.1.2**': 'Thereupon he scatters 
the fire by means of a frog, an avakd, and the branch of a reed.* The 

*Tho TA., which reads mandHkyiTsii^ is thus glossed by Sayai;^a: mar^dukyusu 
mandukaplavanayogyasu apsu samgarnaya prUpaya, 

f Literally 'gall of the waters.' Mahidhara, apaiii tejo 'si. 



\ 



xlii American Oriental Society^a Proceedings^ Oct. 1890, 

motive assigned is in a vein similar to the extract from the br&hma^a- 
passage of the TS. And at Katy. Qr. Su. xviii.2.t0 the same proceeding 
is formulated in siitra-form : * Having tied a frog, an atxikd, and the 
branch of a reed to a bamboo-cane, he scatters the fire.' And almost 
identically Ap. Qr, Su. xvii.l2. 

The Atharvan and the Rik have each preserved one more charm 
against fire ; they are closely related in character to those cited above. 
The Atharvan-version (vi. 106. 1-3) may be rendered thus : 

* On your way hither and on your way off from here may the bloom- 
ing durvd grow ; may a well-spring here spring forth, or a lotus-laden 
pond. 

^ Here is the gathering-place of the waters, here is the dwelling-place 
of the sea. In the midst of the pond may our house be ; turn (O fire) 
away thy face. 

' With a covering of coolness do we envelop thee, O house ;* cool as a 
pond be thou for us. Agni shall furnish remedy (i. e. not destruction).' 

The Rig- Veda version (x. 142.7, 8) may be translated as follows : 

* Here is the gathering-place of the waters, here is the dwelling-place 
of the sea. Find (O fire) a path away from here, travel that as thou 
pleasest. 

* On thy way hither and on thy way off from here may the flowery 
durvd grow. Let there be pools and lotus-fiowers ; these here are the 
chambers of the sea.* 

There is, to my knowledge, no report as to the special employment in 
practice of the RV. stanzas ; they occur at the end of an Agni-hymn, 
and it may be taken for granted that at some stage in the use of the 
hymn over a fire the quenching of the fire formed a part of the prac- 
tice ; for this the last stanzas of the hymn were called in. The Athar- 
van version, as may be seen from the bent given their form and con- 
tents by the Atharvan i^is themselves, was intended as a charm to 
protect house and home from fire. As such it is employed at K&ug. 
52.5 ff., I and it is of great interest to find the ara^d-plant holding a 
prominent place in the performance : 

52.5. * with the hymn AV. vi.l06 he performs the act of extinguishing 
fire within a pond ; 6. and he performs the rite in the house also ; 7. 
he envelops the house with the araArd-plant.' 

The frog does not appear in this quench-charm, but both the frog and 
the avakd appear once more in a closely kindred rite at Kau^. 40. 1 ff. 
This is a charm for conducting a river into a new channel, performed 
in connection with AV. iii.l3 ; the point is the same, to produce wafer 
where formerly Ihere was none : 

* This half-verse is especially characteristic for the secondary maDipulation of 
mantra-material on the part of the Alharvavedins ; there can be no doubt that 
the version of this line presented by the Yajus-samhifcla, above, is the older and 
original form of the mantra. They have agne for ^&le; the former furnishes the 
proper contrast with himasya. 

f Two verses of the hymn are rubricated in the passage from the Vait. SO. re- 
ferred to aVx)ve. 



Bloomfield, Vedic charms for extinguishing fire, xliii 

40.1. * while reciting the hymn AV. iii.l3 he walks sprinkling the path 
which he wishes a river to travel ; 2. he sticks up the grasses and 
reedfi called kaqa, dividhuvaka* and vetasa (on this path) ; 8. while 
reciting the first p&da of the seventh stanza of the hymn he places gold 
upon the mouth of the river (i. e. the point from which the river is to 
branch into the desired channel ?) ; 4. with the second pada of the 
seventh stanza he ties a frog who is striped like the reed i^ikd by his 
fore feet with two threads, one blue and the other red ; 5. with the 
third pada of the seventh stanza he envelops (the frog) with an avakd- 
plant.' 

The symbolism of these acts is unmistakable ; they anticipate the 
presence of the river with all its life. The gold anticipates the golden- 
colored waters — hiranyavarnah gucayah pdimkdJi . . . dpah, AV. i.33.1 ; 
the river-grass and the reeds symbolize the vegetation. And above all, 
the frog, securely tied so that he cannot leap away,t and the water- 
bringing avakd, reach back to that early conception which, as we have 
seen, exists in the hymns themselves. 

The avakd {Blyxa octandra) is the plant which is known in later 
literature by a group of slightly differentiated names. At A^v. Gp. Su. 
ii.8.14; iv.4.8 it is glossed in the text itself by ^Ipdla {avakdiii ^pdlam 
iH), a form which occurs also in the Rig- Veda. Elsewhere the forms 
fevdla (Qebdla), gevalaj gdivdla {gdibdla)^ gdivcila : see Pet. Lex. sub voce. 
The plant scarcely ever appears without the mention or suggestion of 
water in its train. At RV. x.68.5 light drives darkness from the atmos- 
pheric circle just as the wind blows the gipdJa out of the water. At 
AV. viii.7.9 are mentioned plants whose womb is the avakd (i. e. which 
are of the avafcd-class), whose very essence is water : avdkolvd (bahu- 
▼rihi) udakdimdna dnadhayaJ/. At AV. i v. 37. 8-10 the Gandharvas, who 
are particularly associated with the waters {apdiii gandharvdh, RV. ix. 
86.89 ; x.10.4 ; AV. xviii.1.4), who dwell on the banks of the rivers like 
the Apsarases (Pischel, Vedische Studien, i.79), are called avakd-eaters 
(avcLkddd), At VS. xvii.4 ; TS. iv.(5.1 ; MS. ii. 10. 1, the plant is spoken of 
as the avakd of the sea. At Qsit. Br. vii.5.1" ; viii.3.2S the avakd is 
identified outright with wat<}r : dpo vd dxukdh. At Aqv. Gj*. Su. ii.8.14, 
the building of a house, an avakd is placed in the cavities of the tim- 
bers, * for it is known that no conflagration will befall him :* garte^ 
avakdih gipdlam ity avadhdpayen na hd 'sya ddhuko hhapatl Hi vijfid- 
yate. And ibid, iv.4.8 an avakd is placed in a cavity from which the 
cremated corpse is supposed to ascend heavenward. The avakd is sup- 
posed to quench the burning body. Of. with this last extract Qankh. 
Qr. Su. iv.15.13, above. 

From this long excursus we return to the Rig- Veda stanzas which 
form the text of the investigation. It is evident that the scenic proper- 
ties which constitute the cori)oreal part as it were of the verses have 

• Dar. ka^ah prasiddhah. Keg. divirevalapai-nlm ((^od. seiulla-), evidently a 
water-plant ; the fevdla and the avaka are synonymous. 

f Cf . also AV. iv.l5.l2: 'Pour downward (0 asura pitar, Jupiter, Zeus) the 
waters; may the speckle- footed frogs croak in the ditches.' 

2 



xliv American Oriental Society* 8 Proceedings^ Oct. 1890, 

been found. There is but one step left to take — it is not a bold one — 
i. e. to identify the plant addressed in x.16.14 as gltike hlddike with the 
avakd. The verse then joins the group of Yajus-verses quoted above ; 
its ritual, though not reported in detail as far as we know by the 
brahinai^as and sutras of the Rig- Veda, is doubtless the same as that of 
the Yajus and Atharvan schools. 

2. Women as mourners in the Atharva-Veda ; by Professor 
Bloomfield. 

In the Atharva-Veda, xiv.2.59-62, we read as follows : 

59. yddl ^m4 kegino jdnd gfhi te samdnarti^u rodena kfi}vatd 'ghdm : 
agni^ fvd tdamdd ^naaah savitd ca prd muHcatdm. 

60. yddi 'ydih duhitd tdva vike^ drudad g^M rodena kjrnvaty dghdm : 
agni^ fvd, etc. 

61. ydj jdmdyo ydd yuvatdyo grhe te samdnarti^il rodena kptivatir 

aghdm : agni? (vd, etc. 

62. ydt te prajdydm pagiiifu ydd vd grhe^u ni^ihitam aghakr'dbhir 

a^hdm kftdm : agnis (i?d, etc. 

This group of mantras forms part of the wedding-stanzas of the AV.; 
they have been translated by Weber, Ind. Stud. v. 214 ; Ludwig, Der 
Rig-Veda iii.475 ; Zimmer, Aliindisches Leben, p. 288-9. It is extremely 
difficult to imagine the situation depicted in Lud wig's version. He has 
not added any commentary, and in the absence of it one cannot see 
what particular part of the wedding-rites are supposed by the trans- 
lator to be implied in the recitation of these verses. Weber regards the 
stanzas as connected with expiatory performances in the house of the 
father after the departure of the bride. The most notable feature in 
his version is the double translation of the word rodena : this is 
rendered by *Geiauchz' in vsa. 59 and 61, and by *Gowein' in 60. 
Weber does not support his translation of the word ri)dx*na by 'G^- 
jauchz' — the word and the root rud in general mean * howling, wailing' 
— by any other passages. He simply remarks that rodena in 59 (and 61) 
could refer to * tears,' but that this does not fit in with the word * dance' 
in the same stanza. Undoubtedly the difficulty of the passage as well 
as the solution are to be looked for at just this point— the reconciliation 
of the words rodena and samdnartisus. Zimmer's translation agrees 
in all essentials with that of Weber : he also adopts the translation 
*Gejauchz' in vss. 59 and 61, although his own doubts manifest them- 
selves in a mark of interrogation after it. We may sum up Weber's 
and Zimmer's versions by stating that they regard 59 and 61 as prd- 
yagcitta-stauzsiB for boisterous merriment at the wedding, while 60 is by 
them viewed as a stanza uttered in expiation of the wailing of the bride 
as she leaves the paternal house. 

Not so the sutra. At Kau(;. 79.30 stanza 59 is rubricated along with 
the pratika of that most perplexing verse AV. xiv. 1.46 = RV. x.40.6, 
jlvdih rndanti. This latter is employed at (Jafikh. Gr. SCi. i.l5.2 and at 
Xqv. G|*. Su. i.8.4. In both, the stanza is recited by tlie bridegroom as lie 



Jiloomfield, Women as mourners in the Atharva- Veda, xlv 

leaves with his newly married bride the house of her parents : * if she 
cries, let him recite the verse which begins with the words jixHiih ru- 
dantiJ* The passage KauQ. 79.80 reads: 'with the stanzas whose pra- 
tikas are jlvarii rudanti (xiv.1.46) and yadi 'me keQinal}, (xiv.2.59) he 
|)ours an oblation of ghee (cf. Kaug. 7.3).* Ke^va's commentary plainly 
interprets the passage in accordance with the other sutras : * when the 
bride is led away, if wailing arises in the paternal house (of the bride), 
then this expiatory performance takes place. He pours an oblation of 
ghee, uttering the verse beginning with jlvaih rudanti (xiv.1.46) and 
the four verses beginning with yadl 'vie keqinah (xiv.2.59-62).' Ke^va's 
explicit statement that the four verses 59-62 are employed together in 
the prdyagcittam is well worth noting ; he is quite right, for nowhere 
else in the sutra is there any mention of any other use of the three 
verses following 59. The next stanza rubricated in the Kaugika is 63. 
See Kaugika-sutra, index D, p. 410, column 1. 

If we cling to the indications of the sutra, it becomes clear that there 
is in these mantras no allusion to wedding festivities and merry-making 
of any sort, as is assumed by Weber and Zimmer. We may also safely 
assume that their sense in the eyes of the redactors of the Atharvan 
was just the same as that in which the Kaugika employs them. But it 
does not follow that this was their primary value. The Atharvan often 
adapts for its immediate practical uses mantras which originally were 
constructed for a purpose altogether foreign to that in hand. I have 
dwelt upon this point especially in Seven Hymns of the Atharva-VedOy 
American Journ. Phil. vii. 466 and 467 (pp. 1 and 11 of the reprint); 
the mantras in question represent a conspicuous instance of secondary 
adaptation to the purpose indicated by their ritual application. Where 
shall we look for the situation originally depicted in these stanzas? 
Evidently we must seek an occasion at which wailing and dancing 
went together. This occasion is afforded by certain funeral practices, 
recorded in the AV. and one or two Sutras. The verses which allude 
to them seem to have been generally misunderstood. AV. xii.5.48 
states this quite clearly : 

kfiprdrh vAi tdsyd ''chihanam pari nftyanti ke^nVi, 
dghndndh pdrihio 'rasi kurvdndh pdpdm dilabdm. 

This is a threat against the oppressor of Brahmans : * Promptly do the 
women with their hair unloosened dance about his funeral-pyre, beat- 
ing their breasts with their hands and making an evil wailing.'* Every 
feature of the verse plays a part in the f imeral ceremonies : 1 . the fu- 
neral pyre ; 2. the dance of women about the same ; 3. the unloosened 
hair of the women ; 4. the beating of the breasts of the women ; 5. the 
wailing of the women. AV. xix.32.2 reads : 

nd 'sya ke^n prd vapanti no 'rasi td(}am d ghnate : 
ydsmd achinnaparnena darb?i4na qdrma yachati. 

* Similarly the opprosBor of Brahmans is threatened with a suggestion of his 
own funeral rites at AV. v.19.12 (cf. also xii.5.15). See Proceedings for October, 
1889 (Journal, vol. xiv., p. civ), and below. 



xlvi American Oriental ISociety^s Proceedings^ Oct. 1S90, 

This is a promise that he who uses darh/uz-graaa shall not die and be 
buried : * They do not cut his hair,* they do not beat their breasts for 
him, whom (the priest) protects with darbha-gnsa whose leaves are 
uncut' (wholly otherwise Zimmer, p. 70). Here we have an addi- 
tional feature of the funeral ceremonies : 6. the cutting of the hair of the 
corpse, in conjunction with 4. the beating of breasts. AV. viii.1.19 
introduces 8 and 5 again, palpably in allusion to funeral rites ; 

ut tvd mftydr aplpararh sdrh dhamantu vayodhdaaJjf. : 
md tvd vyastake^o md tvd ^gharudo rudan, 

* I have passed you over death ; . . . may the women with disheveled 
hair not wail over you, may the women who bewail misfortune (or who 
wail ominously) not wail over you.* Similarly AV. xi.2.11 : paro yantv 
agharudo vikeqydliy\ * may the females who wail ominously, they with 
disheveled hair, go away from us,* i. e. * may we not die.* Finally, 
AV. zi.9.14 presents features 3, 4, and 5, possibly also feature 2, if we 
admit the parallelism of saih dhdv with saih nft in xiv.2.59 ff. and 
pari nj't in xii.5.48 : 

pratighndndh sdiii dhdvantA ^raJi pa{durdvX dghndndii : 
aghdrinlr vikegyd rudatydfy puru§e hate raditi arbude tdva, 

* Let those who beat against themselves run together, striking their 
breasts and thiglis, unanointed, with disheveled hair, wailing when a 
man has been slain, bitten by you, O Arbudi.* Stanza 7 of the same 
hymn contains the same statement paraphrased : ' Let her who beats 
herself, let the tear-faced, and the one with short ears (who has cut her 
ears ?) shout ; let her with disheveled hair shout when a man has been 
slain, bitten by you, O Arbudi.* Cf. also AV. xi.10.7 : 'May she with 
suffused eyes (lit. having smoke in her eyes) hurry on, may she with 
short ears hurry on, when (the enemy) has been conquered by Tri^aih- 
dhi*s army . . .* 

The passages assembled above do not all of them bear upon our cus- 
tom with equal directness. In one or the other we may i>erhaps have 
before us not so much the mourning women with their wailings as the 
notion of other uncanny spectral beings, to which the transition was an 
easy one. The enemy and the unholy wizard, the uncanny and the 
demoniacal, are conceptions whicli constantly interlace in the Athar- 
van. Such secondary extension may underlie the immediate meaning 
of the last two passages (xi.9.7 ; xi.10.7), and of xi.2.11 above. 

The sutra-ritual has a trace of the same practice. At Xqv, Gj*. Sii. 
iv.6.8 the mourners go about the ashes of tlie deceased guru three times 
from right to left, beating with their left hands upon their left thighs. 

♦ Cf. A9V. (Jr. SQ. vi.10.2: . . . pretdlanikdrdn kurvanli k€';afmap'ulomanakhdni 
vapayanti. Also A9V. Or. SQ. iv. 1 . 1 6. 

t Grill, Hundert Liedfi.r des A K,'- p. 90, seems to put agharudo vike/^dfi into 
agreement with krostdrah, iu spit<j of the difference in gender. 

I BohtUngk, *ein bostimmter korpertoil.' Our translation of the obscure word 
ia based upon Kaug. 84.10. Tlie word seems to contain Qru with some modifying 
adjective, perhaps prthu, in a Prakrtic form. 



Bloomficld^ taltdyd, xlvii 

And at KauQ. 84.10, in the course of the preparation of the gma^Cma^ it 
is stated explicitly that women with disheveled hair are the performers. 
Cf. with this last especially AV. xi.9.14. 

Returning now to verses xiv.2.59-61 of the wedding stanzas, it seems 
very likely that their original purpose was to expiate {prCiya^cittam) 
for the noisy practices at the funeral. The evil which the wailing 
women have brought on when they danced about with their hair 
unloosened, from this evil Agni and Savitar are called upon to free tlie 
family. The verses were adapted to the purpose for which they are 
employed by the Atharvavedins simply because they contained words 
for * wailing.' This is precisely such a case as the secondaiy employ- 
ment of the hynms AV. i.2 and 3 as battle charms : see Seven Hymns of 
the Atharva-Veda, p. 467 (2 of the reprint). In the Grhya-siitras verses 
are frequently employed in connection with certain practices because 
they contain some single expression which suggests the practice. The 
untrammeled symbolism which runs riot in the Brahma^s is at work 
in many ways also in the Sutras, notably in the employment of the 
mantras, which are made to serve not only as what they really are, but 
in any significance which can for the moment be trumped up for them, 
or for a part of them ; often the relevance of the application of a man- 
tra is to be sought in a single word occurring in the mantra— usually in 
its opening strain, its pratika — and this single word may be employed 
for the moment in a fabe sense, or in a sense which it may have in some 
other connection, but does not bear in the mantra in question. See e. g. 
Qa&kh. Gf. Su. i.15.3, where the pratika aknann amlmadanta (RV. i.82.2) 
* they have eaten, they have rejoiced ' is employed in connection with 
the application of axle-grease to the wagon {rathdk^asyo ^pdiijanam)^ 
simply because of the assonance of the words ak^aii ' they have eaten' 
and ak^ *axle.' 

I do not wish to exclude the possibility that a practice similar to the 
funeral dance may have been adopted among the Atharvavedins along 
with the verses on the occasion of the bride's departure. The words 
gfJi4 te in stanza 59 lend a certain plausibility to such a view. At any 
rate, the custom as well as the verses belongs fundamentally to the 
funeral rites of the Vedic Indians. 

3. On the anaS Xeyojjevov talldi/d, AV. vii. 76. a ; by Pro- 
fessor Bloomtield. 

In the Proceedings for Oct., 1887 (Journal, vol. xiii., p. ccxv.), I en- 
deavored to explain AV. vii. 76 ; in the third stanza of the hymn certain 
words were left undiscussed. To these we now return : 

yah ktkasd?} pragr^Ati talufydm avati^thati, 

nir dstaiii sdrvarh Jdydnyaih ydh kdg ca kakudi gritdh. 

Aajdydnya is masculine, sdrvaih jdydnyaih are accusatives, and Whit- 
ney's hesitating emendation to nirastam * has been expelled ' is unac- 
ceptable : see Index Verhoru7n to the AV., p. 48». I emend to nir 



xlviii American Oriental Society^ 8 I^roceedings^ Oct, 1890, 

dsthanif first person sing, of the aorist of that root* astk whose exist- 
ence Pischel has recently established, in the Gottinger Oelehrt^ Anzeigen 
of June 20, 1890, Nr. 13, p. 530 ff. Nir dstham , . . jdydnyam * I have 
driven out the jdydnyd' is a perfect pendant to vy d^sthan (t'f dsthat) 
mx^dhah * he has driven apart the enemy,' AV. xiii.1.5, and mf^dha evd 
vy d^sthata *the enemy he has driven apart,' MS. iii.1.4 (5.2). We may 
now translate : * I have driven Out every sore which causes to crumble 
the bones of the spine (so according to Bohtlingk's lexicon : ktkasa 2. 
* WirbelsAule '), also that which goes down to the talufyd, also whatever 
one is fixed upon the head.* 

No one has hitherto ventured to translate the word tall^yd : see Pet. 
Lex. and Bo. Lex. sub voce, and Ludwig, Der Rig-Veda, iii. 500. If 
we consider that ktkaadh represents the trunk (middle) of the afflicted 
body and kakitd the head (top), it is a priori probable that talufyd repre- 
sents the bottom of the body. The parallelism between talufydm ava- 
tiifthati and kaktidi ^itdh is that which prevails in very many familiar 
expressions and proverbs which aim to emphasize the fact that the 
entire human body is meant : ' from head to foot ;* ' vom Scheitel bis 
zu den Zehen ;' ah irnis ungitibus usque ad verticem summum (Cic. p. 
Rose. Com. 7.12); talos a vertice ad imos (Hor. Ep. ii.2.4); ik K£^,f/c 
ei?.VTo (hafiTTep^q ff n66aq uKpo\yq (Hom. II. 10. 640) ; tK tg>v irofiCn' ff Tt/v kf^,^* 
aov navr' epfo (Aristoph. Plutus 650), etc. 

The Petersburg Lexicon cites the word talahfdaya ' die mitte der fuss- 
sohle' from Hemacandra's Abhidhanacintamai^ii. Bohtlingk in his 
minor lexicon stars the word to indicate that it cannot be quoted from 
the literature. The word, however, must occur in the medical ^dstras, 
since it is quoted by Wise, Hindu System of Medicine, p. 70. It appears 
there as one of the marmdni, the vital parts of the body, and is de- 
scribed as being ' the part of the sole under and behind the fourth and 
fifth toe.* This refinement of the yastras may be quietly set aside : but 
we may consider it as certain that the sole of the foot, or some part of 
it, was called in classical Sanskrit talah^daya. With this Vedic taUdyd 
is perhaps identical, and if so it is likely that talahfdaya is the product 
of the former by i)opular etymology. Hence, too, may come the special- 
ization of the meaning which the yiistra attaches to the word (frt/a + 
hfdaya). Whether talldyd independently of its possible offspring tain- 
hfdaya is to be connected with tala * sole of the foot* {pdda-tala\, Lat. 
talus, need not be decided in this connection. And if, as is by no 
means impossible, talhjyd and talahfdaya are of independent origin, I 
shall nevertheless adhere to the translation of the former by ' sole of 
the foot.* 

4. On tlie so-called Nirukta of Kfiutsavaya ; by Professor 
Bloomfield. 

In the Proceedings for OctoT)er, 1889 (Journal, vol. xiv., p. clii, not«), 
the writer drew attention to the existence of a text which passes as a 
Nirukta, and figures as the 48th pari^i§ta of the Atharva-Veda. Martin 

♦ Or. perhaps better, stem? Of. the Greek formation in 6: v'tj-du, <-i»//-^, etc. 



Bloomfield, the Niriikta of Kdutsavaya. 



xlix 



Haug is the only Western scholar who had previously seen and given 
a notice of this text, in his report on his journey in Guzerat in Dec. 
1868-Feb. 1864 : see Ind, Stud. ix. 175-6 ; in the Berlin MSS. of the AV. 
parigi^tas the text in question is wanting. With no little eagerness did 
the writer begin the survey of the text in two codices of the pariQi§tas 
belonging to the Bombay government. What might they not have 
contained? Lists of difficult Atharvan words assembled in categories, 
explanations of cruces, citations of parallel passages from other sources, 
etc. Of all this there is nothing ; even the title is inexact, for the text 
is not a nirukta^ but merely contains series of words, grouped together 
in 69 continuous paragraphs. It is a text of nighanfavas, not an ety- 
mological {nirukta) treatise in any sense. And these are in no way 
new ; they are essentially the same as the nighaniaixis upon which 
Yaska's work is built up, with very few and unimportant additions, but 
in a totally different arrangement. 

The MSS. at the disposal of the writer are too corrupt to permit a final 
report on the value of the text. This much is certain : its value for the 
exegesis of the AV. is practically nothing at all. A small group of 
Atharvan words — without any explanation — occur in § 66 : nildgalasdld, 
dilaba (MSS. davah), nilalohita, gvapada^ kunakhi, kurira, tdduri, and 
perhaps a few others, whose reading is too uncertain for report. Other- 
wise there are essentially the same materials which were at Yaska's 
disposal, without any explanation, and in a different arrangement. A 
rough concordance of the nighau^avas of Yaska and Kautsavaya may 
save the future reader of the parigi^t^ the considerable amount of pre- 
liminary labor involved in such a comparison. We designate Yaska's 
nighaniavas by Y. and Kautsavaya's by K. : 



Y. i. 


1 


• 

1. 


2 


• 

1. 


3 


• 

1. 


4 


• 

1. 


5 


1. 


6 


• 

1. 


7 


* 

1. 


8 


• 

1. 


9 


• 

1. 


10 


• 

1. 


11 


• 

1. 


12 


• 

1. 


13 


• 

1. 


14 


■ 

1. 


15 


• 

1. 


16 


• 

1. 


17 


m m 

11. 


1 


• • 

11. 


2 


• • 

u. 


3 


• • 

u. 


4 


• • 

11. 


5 


• • 

11. 


6 


• • 

11. 


7 


• • 

n. 


8 


■ • 

11. 


9 



K. 27 (Istpt.) ;Y. ii. 10 

41 ii.ll 

48 ii. 12 
57 (end) ii. 13 
60 (end), 61 ii. 14 

49 ii. 15 
27 (3d pt.) ii. 16 

59 ii. 17 

60 (Istpt.) ' ii. 18 
50, 51 ii. 19 

52 ii. 20 
28, 29 ii. 21 

30 (Istpt.) ii. 22 
48 I iii. 1 
44 iii. 2 
15 (1st pt.) iii. 3 
15(2dpt.) i iii. 4 
20 iii. 5 

37 iii. 6 

31 iii. 7 

33 (end) iii. 8 

34 iii. 9 
3, 4 ; iii. 10 

38 ' iii. 11 
11 (middle) iii. 12 

53 iii. 13 



K. 40 
42 

13 (1st pt.) 
13 (2d pt.) 
16 (2d pt.) 
56 

27(2dpt.) 
55 

1 
14 
54 

16 (begin.) 
62 

23 (mid.) 
23 (mid.) 
23 (end) 
39 

8 
22 
32 

21 (1st pt.) 
35 (2d pt.) 
26 

2 
not found, 
not found. 



Y. 



iii. 14 
iii. 15 
iii. 16 
iii. 17 
iii. 18 
iii. 19 
iii. 20 
iii. 21 
iii. 22 
iii. 23 
iii. 24 
iii. 25 
iii. 26 
ui. 27 
iii. 28 
iii. 29 
iii. 30 
iv. I 
iv. 
iv. 

V. 

v. 

V. 
V. 
V. 
V. 



K. 5-7 
36 
47 
45 
46 

9 (end) 
10 

9 (begin.) 
not found 
30 (2d pt.) 
35 (Istpt.) 
57 (Istpt.) 
58 
25 
24 

67 (mid.) 
17-19 
63 (in pt.) 
63 (in pt.) 
64,65 
67 (mid.) 

67 (mid.) 
not found 

68 (Istpt.) 
68 (2d pt.) 
69 



1 Ajnerican Oriental Society* 8 Proceedings^ Oct. 1890, 

Occasionally K. adds a word or two which is not found in Y5ska*s m- 
ghan^avas, but is mentioned in the Nirukta. As may be seen from the 
index, a few of Yaska's groups of words are apparently wanting in K. ; 
conversely, the latter has a few ga^as which are wanting in Y. : e. g., 
the first part of K. 11 contains a list of verbs meaning * protect ' (rah^) : 
piparti, parayatij pdti, pdsati, prati, hhuHijati, pnyxti : at the end of 
K. 21 figures a list of nouns expressing * misfortune * {aghasya) : dgoi^, 
enalj., aiihaJi^ ripuiii{\), duritatii, a^asti, ^nialam, vfjinam; at the be- 
ginning of K. 28 there are words for * misfortune ^ (dufykhaaya) : nirrft, 
kfchraih ; at the beginning of K. 33 we have a list of words for * abdo- 
men' (udarasya) : jatharam.parimdijamfjagrtaihf gardanaih, krdaramj 
luiaram, dardaram (?). Possibly the text when accessible in a more legi- 
ble form may yet yield some items of interest, and it may perhaps con- 
tribute some information as to the history and origin of the gloases ; 
neither result is likely to be attained without additional better mann- 
scripts. 

5. On Bohtlingk's Dpanishads ; by Professor W. D. Whitney, 
of Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

This is the abstract of a more detailed paper, which will be published 
elsewhere (in the American Journal of Philology). The veteran and 
unweariedly productive scholar Bohtlingk has, during the past year, 
published a text and translation of the two longest Upanishads, the 
Chandogya and the B{'had-Ara][iyaka.* No so permanently valuable 
addition to our knowledge of this class of works has hitherto been made. 
Not only are the texts themselves carefully revised and in a host of 
places (especially in the Chandogya) skilfully and successfully emended, 
but the version aims to be of precisely that character which, as I pointed 
out in a paper before tlie Society some years ago (see Proceedings for 
Oct., 1885), is most to be desired— namely, a Sanskrit scholar^s version, 
giving, in independence of the commentaries, simply what the text 
itself appears to say. As tlie versions in the ** Sacred Books of the 
East " impelled irresistibly to an exposure of their faulta, these, on the 
contrary, are so good and trustworthy as to tempt to a critical exami- 
nation and correc'tion of details, or suggestion of possible improvement 
(in what follows, for brevity's sake, the Brhad-Ara^yaka will be 
denoted by B., and the Chandogya by C). 

First, as regards certain points in the external form of the texts. The 
editor has followed the method first exemplified in his Chrestomathy, 
of resolving y and v before a vowel into i and u in verse where the 
metrical form appears to require it (and in a few other special cases). 
This appears ill-judged : i)artly because the cases are sometimes ques- 
tionable ; more because the student who comes to the Upanishads must 
be 8upi>ofted perfectly able to make for liimself such facile reductions 

* K'hnndogjopanishad, kritisch lierausjregeben und ubersetzt von Otto Boht- 
linjrk. Leipzig-, 1880. Brh(uhlranJakopanishad in der Madlgamdina- Recension, 
ljeraiit«gogeben und ubersetzt von 0. Bohtlingk, St. Petersburg, 1889. 



Whitneyy BohtlingJc^a Upanishads, li 

of written to spoken form ; and also because there is no satisfaction in 
such a half -measure, if the fusions of final, and initial vowels are to be 
left unresolved, irregular cases of crasis unrestored, and so on. For 
instance, at B.v.15.8. where prdna, apdiuij and vyana are said to make 
eight syllables, the editor prints prdno *pdno vidnafy : but how does it 
help us to have the third word expanded into three syllables while the 
second is left mutilated to two? and at B.iv. 4.18 we have in one line 
Mmbhutydm expanded to -tidm, while what must be read bhuyeva re- 
mains bhuya iva — and similarly in many other cases. By the help, 
also, of a peculiar (and well-devised) sign, the editor introduces a much 
more liberal system of punctuation of the Sanskrit text than has 
hitherto been made in either Upanishad. But this, too, especially as 
carried out by him, will not be likely to find general approval. It ap- 
pears an unnecessary assumption on the part of an editor that his 
readers will not be able as well as himself to divide the matter into 
clauses (the same may be said of the sign somewhat similarly intro- 
duced by Schrdder in the prose of his Maitraya^i-Saiiihita) ; and where, 
as here, the editor gives in an added translation his own understanding 
of the text, the marks of division become wholly superfluous ; but, what 
is much worse, they are employed in the present instance to introduce 
into Sanskrit the worst and most pedantic features of modem German 
punctuation, accepted in no other European language. For example, 
the sentence (B.i.4.2) * he that knoweth thus verily scorcheth him that 
trieth to get the advantage of him' is broken up into three clauses by 
intrusive marks— and so, more or less, in innumerable other passages. 
Paucity of division is far preferable to such ill-bestowed abundance. 

It is a wholly new feature in Sanskrit orthography to make after a 
nasal that duplication of ch which the grammars widely require after a 
vowel, thus writing flcch (from n f ), and even Hcchr^ Hcchv, Even if 
required (see C, Preface, p. ix) by the letter of Pacini's rules, this 
orthography is too thoroughly lacking in justification by theory, by 
analogy, or by usage to be regarded as otherwise than monstrous. In 
like manner, Pacini's authority is insufficient to justify such readings as 
puryatdSy iti (cf . C.v. 8.8 ; B. vi. 1.2) against the usage of all manuscripts 
everywhere, and against the analogy of the older language, which 
almost universally rejects before an w- vowel a v as product of euphonic 
combination (so td vhhdu, etc. : see my Skt. Gram. 184 c). 

I am glad to see that (in B. : e. g. ii.4.5) the editor now acknowledges 
-tavydf not -tdvya, as the true accent of the gerundive in the Qatapatha- 
Brahma^a also, as everywhere else ; he has long held out (in both 
Petersburg lexicons) against it, as have others (Cappeller, DelbrQck) 
after his example. 

Alterations of the text as given by the manuscripts chiefly concern 
C, since the textual tradition of B. is by far the more accurate. The 
majority of those made may be thankfully accepted, and many of them 
show much acuteness ; there are also, of course, cases of corruption 
beyond the reach of satisfactory emendation. Different persons will 
naturally differ as to where the line is to be drawn between restorations 

8 



Hi American Oriented 8ociety*8 Ptoceedinga^ Oct, 1890. 

and improYoments of the text. I should be inclined to retain, as prob- 
ably l>elonging to the real text, some words and forms rejected by the 
editor : as, ditaddtmya (C.vi.8.7 ff.), adhiddivatam (C.i.8.1 et al.)* somya 
(C.iv.4.4 et al.)> bhuHjdmaa (C.iy.ll.3ff.)> mahatidm (C.Tii.6.1), bhogya 
(C.Yiii.9.1 ff.)i alc^ini (B.iv.2. 3 ; C.i.7.5 et al.)« and sundry others. At 
C.ii.18.1, the proposed alterations seem to me to make the text worse 
rather than better ; the force of the consideration urged in the note is 
not apparent. So at C.Ti.14.1, pradhmdyita may better be retained, as 
meaning * may be blown forth/ i. e. may take any chance direction, 
like a leaf blown by the wind. If, at C. v. 15.2, a conditional is to be 
restored, it should be agari^yata ; such a form as a^ri^yata is unknown 
to the language (except of the grammarians : see my Skt. Gr. 985 a). 
At C;viii.7.3, aiKistdm of the MSS. is doubtless right, and not the editor's 
avdttdm (see my Skt. Gr., 2d ed., 883). 

In a few passages, further emendations may be suggested, as follows : 
in C, at vi.2.8, vd is without question to be changed to eva, giving this 
sense : * therefore, wherever it is hot (cf. vii.11.1), a man just sweats ; 
from heat, namely, thus water is produced.' At i. 11.1, we may con- 
fidently alter vividi^diffd to -ifdmi ; then, in 2, the aorist di^i^m does not 
suit the connection, but calls for the easy emendation to dvfi»yam: *I 
should (1. e. if I had known thee already) have sought thee ; but, by 
reason of not knowing thee (either aviityd or avitiv&)f I have chosen 
others.' The use of an optative in prohibitive sense with m& is so 
anomalous that we need not hesitate to put lopsi for lopnya at iii.l6.2£P. 
At the beginning of i.6.7, we ought to have yoiya for tcuya, the apo- 
dosis beginning with the following iasya, I pass over here a few points 
of minor importance. 

Of corrections of the press requiring to be made may be noted the 
following : 

In C, p. 49, 1. 5, read ndly; 78.13, hydtmd ; 82.17, hyanycLsmin ; 87.10, 
pdpmdno; 89.17, dpnoti; 94.6, dkdgnm. At iii.17.9, the first verse 
should have been filled out, if at all, with the Sama-Veda reading (i.20); 
in the second verse restore the pada which the editor has unjustifiably 
omitted (it is found in various other texts) ; at iii.12.6, restore all the 
MS. readings (they are Sama-readings : see the Naigeya appendix, iv.6 
and 5). 

In B. , owing to the inconveniently small type and the perplexities of 
altering the mode of designating accent, slight errors of accentuation 
are rather frequent ; such are passed here unnoticed ; worthy of atten- 
tion are the following : p. 4, 1. 26, read 'dhipatif^; 6.27, 'jdyanta and 
piptlikdbhyas ; 7.13, doubtless k^radhdrU; 10.18, upaapr^^q; 26.8, 
-gamayat (the translation here follows the erroneous reading) ; 81.13, 
nadydh (Weber makes the same mistake) ; 84.3, akratd (similarly at 
51.3,6,9, ajUdsiHtd); 35.5, doubtless adyufy; 87.27 and 38.10, aahdsram 
omitted (after hastyr^ahham) ; 55. 24, doubtless cakdra (important 
change); 61.3, mdnthe omitted (after second huivd); 66.20, driricam. 
There are also a number of cases in which the MS. readings are altered 
in verse, or in what is erroneously viewed and printed as such. 



Whitney y B6htlingJc*8 Wpanishads. liii 

Coming now to the translation, we have to notice that, notwithstand- 
ing its prevailing faithfulness, it is decidedly more free and periphrastic 
than were to be wished, or than seems to suit its intended character as 
a scholarly version. For example, at C.i.2.1, why not read 'saying 
"with this we shall overcome them,"' rather than "in the opinion 
that with this they should overpower the demons"? Or, at C.ii.8.1, 
which is literally thus : * the cloud is generated— that [is] the praatdva ; 
it rains— that [is] the udgitka ; it lightens, it thunders— that [is] the 
pratihdra; it holds up— that [is] the nirf/iana,' why substitute **the 
prastdva is the forming cloud, the udgitha the rainfall, the pratihdra 
lightning and thunder, the nid?Mna the cessation of the rain" ? So the 
common descriptive phrase * he who bums yonder' is shrunk into sim- 
ply **the sun;" *he who cleanses here,' into ** the wind;" iyam *this 
[earth]' becomes **the earth ;" and so on. In such instances as these 
there is no perversion of essential meaning, but only a regrettable, and, 
it seems, a wholly needless sacrifice of the characteristic flavor of the 
original. The same is generally the efifect of the innumerable omissions 
of a demonstrative which the translator commits, often more than once 
in a single sentence, or many times on a page. For example, at C.i.2.1, 
instead of *' of beings," the text has ' of these beings' (i. e. these that we 
know, or see about us) ; at ii.9.1, ** the sun" is * yon sun ;' at iii.]8.t, for 
tasya ha v& etasya is given simply ** the" in the translation ; and so on. 
This whole method of rendering is a dangerous one, and leads far too 
easily to the supplying of essential deficiencies, the smoothing over of 
difficulties, and in general to the substitution of an interpretation for a 
version. Some instances of this will be given later. 

Occasional omissions of single words and phrases are evident over- 
sights: thus, at C.ii.11.1 (vdk prastdva^h); 21.2 (evam); v. 10.5 (etam 
adhvdnam) ; 24.4 (evamvid) ; vi.3.3 {anendi 'va jlvend 'Hmand) ; vii.5.8 
{pratifthitdn) ; viii.5.4 {araih ca nyarh ca) ; 9.2 iyat) ;— at B.i.8.24 (tasmdd 
V eva 8dmd)f 83 (dtmane); 4.8 {gardabhi Hard gardabha itarah), 19 
{dtmdnam eva priyam updstta), 29 (sanxidd) ; ii.2.5 (camaaah) ; iii.9.21 
{cak^tifd hi rUpdni pagyati); iv.4.17 (sarvaaya); v. 12.1 {-antaram) ; 
vi. 1 . 18 (r>didyutdt). 

The important principle (urged by me in my former paper) of observ- 
ing the identity and diversity of terms is much more conscientiously 
and carefully observed by this translation than by any of its predeces- 
sors ; the instances in which it is neglected are only exceptional. But 
some of the consistently used representatives of common words are 
quite new, and of doubtful felicity. Thus, the ever-recurring loka, 
hitherto rendered * world' (w?eW, monde), he prefers to translate "sta- 
tion" (Stdtte); the change is hardly an improvement. The more 
obscure noun dkdga, usually given as 'ether,' is to him "emptiness, 
void " {die Leere), Rupa * form' is expanded into " form of apparition" 
{Er9cheinung8form)f which seems too precise and technical : why not, 
then, "term of appellation" for ndman *name'? The suffix -may a 
'made up of, consisting in' is (I think) mistranslated " appearing as" 
ier$cheinend afo), even in passages like C.vi.5.4 ; 6.5, where the connec- 



liv Atnerican Oriental Society*8 I^oceedingSy Oct. 1890, 

tion demands the ordinary rendering. And similarly in a few other 
less noteworthy cases. It is also one of the translator's idiosyncrasies 
not to give the particle hi its proper meaning * for.' Far too frequently 
he simply leaves it out ; when rendered, it is oftenest by the assevera- 
tive ja * verily,* sometimes by da * since.' 

We may now notice, in their order, certain of the points as to which 
the translations appear to admit of improvement. 

And first, in C. Its introductory sentence is, if I am not mistaken, 
an example of a slight misapprehension that runs widely through both 
works. The text reads literally : ' Om — this syllable [as] udgitha should 
one worship.' Which noun here is object, and which predicate? The 
translator takes the second, udgitha, as object, and (helping his appre- 
hension by his usual omission of the demonstrative) gives us "let one 
worship the tuigitfia as the syllable ani'^ — and so in innumerable other 
cases : by inversion, as it seems to me, of the true construction. And not 
seldom against pretty clear evidence to the contrary. Thus, at i.8.1, we 
have the subject of predication pointed out by the customary device of 
a relative clause (which had been properly understood in this way at 
i.1.3) : thus, * he who bums yonder, him [as] udgitha should one wor- 
ship ;' but the translator turns it into '* let one worship the udgitha as 
the sun." Another example has been already quoted for a difiterent 
purpose above: namely (ii.8.1), 'the cloud is generated— that is the 
pra^tdva,^ etc., translated *' the prastdva is the forming cloud," etc 
Occasionally, in order to bring about the inversion, a unitary sentence 
is broken into two, with a word or words inserted to help the process : 
e. g., i.7.5 reads literally thus : ' now this person (puru^) that is seen 
within the eye, he [is] fc, he admarij he uktha, he yajus, he brcthman,^ 
The translator makes of it this : *' the fc is the spirit that is seen in the 
eye. It [the spirit] is also the 8dman, the uktha" etc. At iii.18.1, in a 
similar case, he makes, as a consequence of the dislocation, a further 
error of reference : the text has * as for (sa yaff) its eastern cavity, that 
[is] in-breathing, that [is] eye, that [is] sun ;' his version reads '' the 
in-breathing is the eastern cavity. This is also the eye and the sun ;*' 
and his ** this'' is dieser, as if it referred to in-breathing (der Einhauch), 
while it should be diese, referring to cavity {die Hdhlung), A further 
instructive example, too, may be found in the very first chapter. Here, 
in paragraph 4, simple ** what" (ivas) is a very insufficient rendering for 
the repeated superlative katama-katama ; this means rather * which 
one' — that is to say, which in any given group of three is respectively 
fc, 8d,man, or udgitha f and the answer follows, that (in a certain trio) 
•voice is fc, breath is adman, '' om,'" that syllable is udjgithaf while 
the translator says ** the fc is the voice," etc. 

But also the second sentence at the beginning is to be objected to. It 
is given thus : " with om [the udgatar] begins the song." How comes 
ud gdyaii (lit. 'sings up' or * out') to signify 'begins the song'? The 
translator, to be sure, so renders it in one or two other places (as i.1.9), 
but also (as i.10.10 and elsewhere) by *' sings the udgitha ;" and this is 
unquestionably what it means everywhere, unless we are to translate 



Whitney^ Bohtlingk^s Upanishaih. Iv 

udgatar by * one who begins to sing,' and iidgitha by * the beginning of 
a song.' The sentence virtually means * for {hi, which, though restored 
to the text in the notes, is omitted in the translation : see above) om is 
in fact the udgithd' (more lit., * for with om one sings the "iidgitha^). 

In the concluding sentence of this paragraph, hier is an insertion, and 
erffdnzend not a happy rendering of upa-; ndhery as used at iii.19.1, 
would be better ; and * further' perhaps better than either. In para- 
graph 2 is seen throughout the translator's usual inversion of subject 
and predicate. In 8, a^t^ma * eighth' is shown by its position to belong 
to the predicate, and not to be used attributively, as rendered. In 8, 
aamfcUihi is not ** granting" {Oewdhrung), and is not elsewhere so trans- 
lated. In 9, '* makes use of " is a needlessly inexact version of var- 
iate * proceeds ;' nor is rasena at the end a genitive. In 10, why render 
the three successive instrumentals by " with knowledge, with faith, and 
in possession of (instead of * with') the Upanishad ?'' 

It is of course impossible to go through the text in this manner ; we 
must content ourselves with noticing a few selected points. In C, 
book first, 2.2 ff., vividhua * pierced' is not well rendered by "loaded" 
(behafteten: similarly at B.i.8.3ff.) ; nor, 2.18, mddrii cakdra *knew' by 
*' devised " {erf and). At the end of 2.8, not '* that " {daa) is the stone in 
question, but * this one' (i. e. dieser [Hauch]), At the end of 3.7, " so it 
is with" is inserted without reason ; the clause means ' namely ud, gi, 
and thd' (explanatory of aksardni, just before). At 6. 1 , the literal ren- 
dering is * this [earth is] a fc, fire a sdman : that [is] (i. e. there you 
have, there is an example of) a sdman imposed upon a fc.^ In 6.8, hi 
necessarily makes a new clause ; ' for he is the singer {gdtar) of it (i. e. 
of ud) ;' it is a word-play on udgatar. At 12.1, 8, why should vd mean 

otherwise called," rather than simply * or' ? 

In the second book, at 15.2, var^antam (by an oversight) is rendered 

rain," instead of * him who rains' (i. e. Parjanya). At 21.1, "Agni" is 
an oversight for *fire' (cf.iii.15.6 et al.). ** Belong to Indra's person- 
ality," 22.3, seems an unmotived paraphrase of * [are] Indra's selves 
{dimdnaa),^ 

In the third book, at 11.3 (also viii.4.2), sakft is rather *once for all' 
than * all at once.' At 11.5, 6, the connection is not made clear ; idath 
tad in 5 is * this,' not " so ;" and only the first clause of 6 belongs with 5 : 
thus, (to such a person and) 6. * not to any one else soever ; were he (the 
latter) to give him the earth, . . . that (the brahman) is more than it 
(than such a gift).' At 12.2 ati^yate cannot well mean ** comes out," 
but rather * falls beyond' or *off from' (the earth). At 12.6, is **the 
totality of the immortals" to be regarded as a translation of amftam f 
At 16.5, ddadate is zu (rather than mit) aich nehmen. 

In the fourth book, at 1.3, whatever aayugvan may mean, ** affected 
with the itch" seems a most unlikely understanding of it. In the fol- 
lowing difficult paragraph, enam cannot well be antecedent of the rela- 
tive clause ; we must put a stop after kurvanti, rendering what follows 
* he who knows tliat which he knows, he is thus spoken of by me.' In 
1.5 (as elsewhere, in both C. and B.), are is rendered '* my dear," though 



«( 



(< 



Ivi American Oriental Society*8 ProceedingSy Oct. 1890. 

it is doubtless originally vocative of ari * enemy,' and hence only used 
chidingly, or contemptuously, or to an acknowledged inferior (as by 
Yajfiavalkya to his wife). The text-emendations in the next chapter 
are ingenious, and, though they leave difficulties, it is not easy to sug- 
gest anything better. But, in 8, '* be it thy business to concern thyself 
with the cows'' is hardly possible for iavdi 'va gaha gobhir astti : we 
want a subject, as tad, supplied to astu (cf.v.8.6), and Moha gobhiM then 
means ' along with the cowd' (i. e. and the cows as well). At 7.2 and 8.2, 
"come flying toward" for npa-ni-pat leaves out the ni; read instead 
* alight by.' In 14.1, gati is rendered by ** the sequel," as at i.8.4, 5 by 
"recourse:" both seem alike forced and unsatisfactory. In the next 
paragraph, a sentence or two may be improved thus : ' '* who then 
should have instructed me, sir?" — with these words he in a manner 
denies (historical present) it—" why, these of such [or such] other ap- 
pearance :" with these words he intended the fires.' In 15.6 (and else- 
where), udaii, of the course of the sun, is rather * in the north' than 
" toward the north"— i. e. from equinox to equinox, not from solstice to 
solstice. In 15.6, avartam is doubtless cognate accusative to Qvariante^ 
not * intercourse' (Umtrieb). In the verse in 17.9, the translator lets the 
commentator seduce him into giving kuru the impossible sense of ' per- 
former of the sacrifice.' 

In the fifth book, in 2.7, dhimahi is falsely rendered "we think," 
while at B. vi.8. 12 it is given correctly. The analogy of 10.5 shows that 
in 10.1 (and so elsewhere) abhi-sam-bhu has its regular sense of * be con- 
verted into, become.' In 11.2ff., " everywhere spread abroad " {HberaJl 
verbreitet) seems a far from well-chosen rendering for vdi^vdnara (lit. 
'common to all men'), which is elsewhere (as B. v. 10.1) generally left 
untranslated. At 19.2, by giving "after that" {nachdem) for anu, the 
translator ignores its peculiar and pregnant sense, ' along with and in 
consequence of ;' he renders it better at viii.9.2 by " with." 

In the sixth book, at 1.4-6 (numbered in the translation 8-5), of which 
the difficult content is put into much better shape than by previous 
translators, the version, or at least the punctuation, hides the fact that 
all three paragraphs (after the first sentence of 4) are protases to which 
the last sentence in 6 is apodosis : thus, ' just as, my dear, by one lump 
of clay everything made of clay may be understood — a modification 
[beingj a process of speech ; the real name [being] simply "clay" — ; 
just as ... ; just as . . . ;— so. my dear, is that doctrine.' At 9.8 (and 
10.2), the translator renders tad dbhai^anti by " that they continue to 
be," which is impossible ; much more probable is * that they come to 
be,' i. e. into that condition they come from something else. 

In the seventh Iwok. "mightier" {mdchtiger) is a poor translation of 
bhilyas ' more,' at 1.5 flf.; also, at 8.1, " runner" of utthdtar. 

In the last book, at the end of 1.5, a more literal rendering would not 
only be truer hut would better suggest the missing apodosis : read ' for 
just as here (in this world) human beings settle down according to 
order, [and] whatever direction their desires take them to, what region, 
what piece of ground, that same they severally live upon* — so, we are 



Whitney^ Bohtlingk^a Upanishada, Ivii 

to understand, it is also in the other world ; one's desires determine his 
condition. And (6 being parenthetic, probably an intrusion) the next 
chapter goes on to show how what one wants arises about him : * if he 
becomes desirous of a Fathers' world, straightway out of his creative 
imagination (saiiikalpa) Fathers arise together ; united with that Fathers' 
world he is happy ;' and so on. At 5.1, the clause '* if oue has earnestly 
willed it" is a most ponderous substitute for ivfm, which, moreover, 
doubtless goes with hrahmacaryena (cf . the end of the following para- 
graph) : read * having sought by means of Vedic studentship.' In 6.1 
(of which the version is open to various objections), the translator 
amends animnaa to animnd, saying in a note (p. 107) that a genitive with 
sthd appears to him impossible. Difficult it certainly is, yet at vi.12.2 
he passed without a protest the same construction, and with the same 
noun. 

We turn now to the translation of the other Upanishad, comment on 
which must be made yet briefer. 

In the first book, it is taking quite too much liberty to substitute ** the 
two neighboring intermediate directions" for * that one and that one,' 
as is done twice in 2.8 ; and ** than what I sing it with" in 3.26 is a good 
deal more than a translation of itaa. At 8. 19, two clauses are fused 
into one in translation : read * those gods said " so much, forsooth, is this 
universe as food ; that hast thou sung to thyself ; give us an after share in 
this food." ' As vi^^mbhara (lit. * all-bearing') is not elsewhere known as 
a name for ' fire,' and seems very inapplicable as such, it seems to be tak- 
ing things quite too easily to turn, 4.16, * as a razor might be deposited in 
a razor-case, or a vigt)ambhara in a vi^aitibhara-neaV into *' as a razor or 
fire, when these are lying in their cases :" what is a fire-case ? and, the 
point Jbeing the invisibility of the things encased, where is the possi- 
bility that fire is one of them? The close of 4.18 is misdivided, and its 
meaning misunderstood. At 5.27, rather Hhat is divine speech by 
which whatever one says comes to pass.' 

In the second book, at 5.18, puraa is three times rendered "first," as 
if it were purda ; the riddle of the verse is not to be solved by any so 
violent proceeding. 

In the third book, ** house-priest" for hotar at 1.4 must be an over- 
sight. The end of 2.10 is mistranslated, but apparently the text is 
defective : to the question ' of whom is death the food ?' comes the 
answer * fire verily is death, and it is the food of (i. e. is devoured or ex- 
tinguished by) water ;' and then follows * he conquers away a second 
death'—doubtless * who knoweth thus' should be added, as at the end of 
8.2. Since dk^ara everywhere else means ' syllable,' I do not see the 
justification of rendering it at 8.8-11 by " imperishable" without a note 
of warning, or even the quoting of the original in parenthesis ; it is 
more than possible that the word implies here a mystic doctrine akin 
to that of the logoa, rather than a reversion to a (highly questionable) 
etymological significance. Another similar case is found at 9.11 ff., 
where the extremely common word loka is rendered by ''power of 
vision." as if for once in a thousand times it could come from ^/ofc, and 



Iviii American Oriental Society^ s Proceedings^ Oct, 1890. 

have a meaning elsewhere unknown. This, in a work of such aims, 
seems hardly defensible ; the most subservient follower of the native 
commentators could not well do more. We are all the time reading of 
' the person {puruna) in the eye ;* and here we have a * person' that is 
cakmrloka, or * has the eye for his world :' what is the difficulty with 
that? And in like manner in the fourth book, it is not translation, but 
something very different, to give us ** free from longing'* for atichandoM 
at 8.22, and *' there surges" {es wogt) for aalila at 8.81. There are also 
similar liberties taken in v. 1.1. At iii.9.25, it is by a serious oversight 
that dhruvd dik is translated by " the zenith/' its direct opposite. 

In the last book, the translator renders the first half of the verse in 
1.4 as it ought to be in order to accord better with what precedes, rather 
than as it actually reads, which is * two tracks of the Fathers did I hear 
of, [namely] of gods and of mortals ;' but if the makers of the treatise 
did not mind the discordance, we do not need to do so. In 1.8, the 
sense appears to be missed, because of assuming that tu * but' can mean 
*^ then :'* better * acknowledged by me is this boon (i. e. it shall be as if 
I had actually received it) ; but the words thou didst speak before the 
boy, them say to me.' In 3.14, ** has gone away again" is what the text 
ought to read, instead of * having come' {etya) ; emendation to Uvd 
seems called for. Prasava in 4.18 is not well represented by *' com- 
mand" {Oehei88)y unless samtar means * commander.' At 4.29, is not 
paramd kdiftha rather * furthest goal ' than '* highest summit?" 

The notes to both works concern almost only the text. It is a pity 
that notes to the translation are not more freely furnished ; a difficult 
text, full of points of doubtful interpretation, can hardly be rendered 
to satisfaction without such help ; and by its omission the translator 
often does himself injustice, appearing more confident than he really 
is of the correctness of his version. 

6. On Avestan ayokhsiista^ * molten metal,' ayahy and its 
significance in the Gathas ; by Dr. A. V. Williams Jackson, of 
Columbia College, New Yort City. 

The word Av. ayokhSusta 'molten metal,' or simply ayah^ as the 
paper noted, is usually rendered by * iron' or * the sword,' without any 
special importance being attached to its meaning. A more thorough 
examination, however, shows the word to have a deeper significance. 
In the Zoroastrian religion of the Gathas it is really a cardinal one, with 
eschatological value. The key to it is to be found in the Pahlavi litera- 
ture. The occurrences of the word in the Avesta were taken up in 
detail. 

In the Younger Avesta, Vsp. xx.l, occurs vohu kh^athrem yazamaide, 
khSathrem vairlni yazamaide, ayokhhistem yazamaide * we worship the 
good kingdom, we worship the wished-for kingdom, we worship the 
molten metal.' The close connection between vohu khSathra or khia- 
thra vairya and ayokhsusta needs to be explained. Darmesteter^s view, 

* For coavonience, Justi's transcription is retained in these two articles. 



Jackson^ Avesta/i ^ niolteii metal, ^ lix 

Ormazd et Ahriman, p. 255, Zend-Avesta translated, S.B.E, iv., p. Ixxii, 
may be true for primitive Indo-Iranian times ; but to Zoroaster and his 
followers there must have been some more particular symbolism. 
Reference must accordingly be made to the Gathas. 
In the G&thas, vohu khSathra * the good kingdom,' or khSathra vairya 

* the wished-for kingdom/ are expressions for the * kingdom to come,' or 

* the kingdom of heaven,' of our own Christian faith. Zoroaster 
taught that this wished-for kingdom would come by means of the 
mdditi, * the division' of the evil from the good, corresponding to the 
day of judgment. This vidditi, moreover, Ormazd will bring about 
through the instrumentality of his two ministers Rana. Of these two 
ministers, the fire, dtar, is always one. In Ys. li. 9 — see below— 
aydkhhiata * molten metal ' is the other. The key to explain Ys. li.9 is 
to be found in the Bundahish xxx. 19-38, the chapter on the resurrec- 
tion and the future existence. See West, Pahlavi Texts transl., S.B.E.v, 
120-130 ; Justi, Bundahish, text, pp. 70-77 : cf . Firoz-Casartelli, Mazda- 
yasnian Religion, pp. 199-200. In that description. Bund. xxx. 21, 22, the 
same word, Phi. ayokhist * molten metal,' is found to denote a flood of 
fiery metal through which at the final judgment the good and the evil 
alike must pass. To the righteous the molten mass becomes merely as 
warm milk ; to the wicked it is a dreadful torment. This ayokSust 
passage of the later literature preserves none other than an old tradi- 
tion. In it, as in the Gath&s, Ys. li.9, dthrd — ayanhd khSustd, the fire 
and the melted stream. Bund. xxx.l9 dtdS—ayokSust, are united in 
bringing the kingdom of heaven, the Vohu Khshathra. 

The Gatha references were now taken up in the new light. In Ys. 
li.9, Zoroaster prays for a revelation of the kingdom : 

ydm khSnUtem rdroibyd ddo thwd dthrd sukhrd mazdd 
ayanhd khhistd aibl aht^ahU dakhStem ddvoi 
rdSayehhe dregvafltem savayo aSavanem 

* What joy through thy two ministers — thy bright fire and the molten, 
O Mazda, thou wilt give, to the destruction of the wicked but to save 
the righteous, a sign (of that) give us for our souls.' Observe here 
especially the repose of the righteous, but the torment of the wicked in 
the fiery stream. Bund. xxx. 20 ahravd—darvand, in connection with 
the GathS, line rdSayehh^ dregvafiteni savayo aSavanem. 

In the above passage, Ys. li.9, ddvoi was taken as imperat. infin. from 
yda : cf. Bartholomae in K, Z. xxviii.26. In dakhStem (cf . ' sign' in 
the Bible) Zoroaster seeks for revelation. With dakhStem ddvoi ( 4/dd) 
cf. dakhMem ddtd Ys. xxxiv.6. For ahvdhH a suggestion was made to 
explain it as loc. pi. of ahhvd ; the Phi. tradition, however, here, as in 
Ys. xxviii.2 ddvoi ahvdo, sees a reference to both worlds. 

The next Gatha passage noted was Ys. xxx. 7. The verse pictures the 
religious doubt of man ; Ormazd's angels by a vision of the future life 
guide him to choose the right : 

ahmdicd khSathrd jasat manafihd vohH aided 
at kehrpein utayHitU daddf drmaitiS dnmd 
a&klm toi d aiihaf yathd ayanhd dddndis pouruyo 



Ix American Oriental Society* s Proceedings, Oct. 1890. 

'And to his side (i. e. of man, maretdndj v.6) came Kh^thra, the king- 
dom, and Vohu Mano, good mind, and Asha, righteousness. Armaiti, 
the spirit of the earth, then offered the continued existence of the body 
and the new life, whereby (yathd) with the iron and the retributions 
man shall become victorious {afihat pourupff) for thee (O Maasda) over 
these sinners/ 

In the above difficult verse there are a number of uncertainties. Pos- 
sible explanations of some were suggested, as follows : ahmdi refers to 
the first man, Gayo Maretan (cf . viaretdnd, v.Ot, who is assaUed by the 
Daevas and is tempted, but is preserved through the intervention of 
Orma£d*s angels, Khshathra, etc. The instrumentals vohH manafiha, 
aSdf and probably khSathrd, were treated as instrumental subjects — see 
(^eldner-Caland in K. Z. xxxi.822. 268. By kehrpem utayHitii * continu- 
ations of bodies' (plur.), the resurrection, the tanH-i pasin, seems to be 
hinted at. The earth Armaiti will give up her dead. The ace. pi. neut. 
dnmd was regarded as the new life of men when the change shall have 
come. By ayafihd, the fiery ordeal again was understood, and by 
dddndii {dddna : cf . ddd, i. e. donum : cf. reddo) are described the retri- 
butions or the rewards by means of which the righteous on the side of 
Ormazd {tdi) will triumph over {pouruyo anhat, lit. 'be before') the 
wicked (aiSdm : i. e. ahiafihdm, v. 8). The next verse, Ys. xxx.8, was 
noted as canning out the idea. 

The last 0&th& stanza, Ys. xxxii.7, in which apahhd was noticed, 
likewise describes the final coming and establishment of Ormazd's king- 
dom, khiathra (v. 6), and the triumph over the wicked : 

aiMm a^nanhdm na^f vidvdo aojoi hddrdyd 
yd joyd aiHghait^ ydiS ftrdvi qain^ ayaiihd 
ya&klm tH ahurd irikhtem mazdd vaidiito. 

'In the company of these sinners the wise man will not be named, 
when through the gleaming metal the triumphs of victory, which are 
told of, shall be proclaimed ; of which sinners thou, O Mazda, best 
knowest the fall.' 

In this verse, once more, it is the flaming iron that precedes the com- 
ing of the kingdom, and brings the ruin of the unrighteous. The fonn 
hadroyd here is loc. sg., etymological ly connected with Skt. sddhri, 
sddhri, sadhrydc, see Grassmann s. v. The pres. pass, aojdi is eschato- 
logical present. The relative yd in yd joyd has a temporal force ; and 
joyd, ace. pi. neut., is hardly to be separated from Skt. jaya. Again, 
the instr. pi. ydvi is used as instr. subject ; ydii ardvi is parenthetical. 
On irikhtem ' fall, destruction' (de Harlez renders * execution'), see Vd. 

ii.40, irikhtahe starasca. The reading irikhtem (cf. A v. Skt. v'ric) 

in our Gatha verse, as in Ys. xliv.2. is rightly chosen by G«ldner in his 
edition. 

A single other passage, Yt. xvii.20, in the Younger A vesta, it was 
noted, also assumes a new significance in the light of the Bundahish. 
In Bund. xxx. 31-32, the evil spirit, the serpent, is described as fleeing 
from or perishing in the molten metal ; hell itself moreover is cleansed. 
This recalls the cry of Anra Mainyu in the Avesta in dismay at the birth 
of Zoroaster, Yt. xvii.20 : 



Jackson^ miscellaneous Avestan notss. Ixi 

tdpayeiti mdm aSa vahiita, 
mdnayen ahe yatha ayaokhSustem 

'Zoroaster burns me with the Asha Vahishta prayer, just like the 
molten metal.* 

The paper then emphasized again the necessity of turning often in 
interpretation to the Pahlavi books and the traditional literature ; the 
importance of this is frequently illustrated by the faithful preservation 
in the Bundahish of old lines of thought. 

In conclusion a further point was brought out. The above explana- 
tion of the connection between khiathra vairya and ayokhStista makes 
quite clear the reason why later, among the seven Amshaspands, Khsha- 
thra Vairya becomes the genius of metals. In Zoroaster's teaching, as 
has been seen, the coming of the kingdom, khsathra or khSathra vairya, 
was attended by the fiery flood of molten metal ; in later times, when 
the seven abstract conceptions, Vohu Mano, Khshathra Vairya, etc., 
were reduced to the seven Amshaspands, each as a genius in charge of 
some element, it was quite natural from the above association that 
Khshathra Vairya should preside over the metals. 

7. Miscellaneous Avestan notes ; by Dr. Jackson. 

1. Av. vanaf-peSene huye, Afr, i. 10. 

In the phrase, Afr. i. 10, dfrindmi vavanvdo vantif-peSene buyi vispem 
aurvathem * I that am victor pray that I may be victorious in battle over 
every foe,' is to be found a new instance of an in- adjective in the A vesta. 
These are not common. The form vanat-peSene (for -t) is a nom. sg. masc. 
from peSenin, which is made directly by the tn-formation from -peiana 
* battle.' The peculiarity of a nom. in -e for -peSeni is to be explained 
by the fact that before b and some other letters the e- vowel seems some- 
times to stand for a, t, u. This question is discussed by the present 
writer in Avestan Alphabet, p. 11. A formation vavane buye, exactly 
similar to -peSene buye, is found directly below in Afr. i. 11. We need 
only look at the variants to find vavani among them. The reading in 
e, however, is preferable. This question of e for r, le, a may yet furnish 
interpretations for other words. Notice, finally, that an adj. form 
vanaf-peiana also exists beside the new-found vanat-peSenin, 

2. Av. ka^imdi, yahnidi as local datives. 

Some late instances of nouns in the dat. case used apparently for the 
locative are given by Spiegel, Gram. d. altiran, Sprachen, p. 484, Some 
of these examples are quite late ; some, to be sure, may be explained as 
datives of advantage, goal, or time. But, nevertheless, the existence of 
a late local dative is rightly assumed. A couple of instances from the 
pronouns may therefore be added. Yt. Frag. i. 1 (Wg., xxi. 1), kahmdi 
ti vacd a^vahmi paiti vaco vispandm vohundm vtspandm aSa-cithrandm 
fravdkem *in what one (dat. loc.) word doc. gen.) of thine consists the 
proclamation of all good and sacred things.' Again, Vd. i. 18, varenem 



Ixii American Oriental Society^ s Proceedings^ Oct. 1890. 

yim cathru-gaoSem yahmdi zayata thraetaono 'the four-cornered Va- 
rena where Thraetaona was bom.' Possibly here belongs Yt. xiii. 41, 
kahmdicit ydoiihdm jaao 'into whatsoever conflicts thou dost cotne/ 
On the propriety of a loc. construction after jtMo, see Hdbschmann, 
Casuslehre, p. 221 ; de Harlez, Manuel, p. 118 ; and Caland in K. Z. 
xxxi. 263. 

As far as these pronominal di forms go, they might possibly be ex- 
plained at first sight as having arisen palseographically by a mistake in 
writing -di for -ya ; but Spiegel's assumption of the local dative is per- 
fectly correct. See also Htibschmann, Caauslehre, p. 225. Earlier in- 
stances may doubtless be added. 

8. Av. rahiya, Yt. xii. 1. 

Examples of instr. sg. from long l-stems in Av. are scarce. Instances 
quoted are ereghaitya, khraozhdyihya, vanhuyd, vahehyd, and perhaps 
zarana^nya, mainyd. G^eldner's new edition of the texts seems to fur- 
nish another example from a noun. It is the above raSnya, Yt. xii. 1. 
The new text reads peresi thtcdm rahvya ukhdhahe ' with righteousness 
of speech will I ask thee.' This implies a noun-stem rcwnt, governing 
ukhdhahe. The old reading was ukhdha. 

4. Av. hvarHdU, Ys. xlix. 4. 

Instances of instr. neut. pi. as subject have been given by Caland in 
K. Z, XXX. 542 : xxxi. 259 ; and by Qeldner in K. Z. xxxi. 822. A new 
example seems to occur in Ys. xlix. 4, ya^dm ndit hvarStdii vds duzh- 
varStd * (the wicked men) whose good deeds do not surpass (i. e. out- 
weigh) their evil deeds.' The form vds is 8 sg. aor. (with neut. pi. sub- 
ject) from Av. Skt. ^ van, in the sense of *win, conquer.' On the 
formation, see Bartholomae in B. B. xiii. 82. The passage, which now 
becomes clear, seems in a measure to forecast the later Parsi idea of 
weighing the good and the bad deeds in the scales of justice after 
death. 

8. Note on the transliteration of Pahlavl ; by Professor W. R. 
Martin, of Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 

The use of the word ** tradition" is largely responsible for the contro- 
versy as to Avestan interpretation. A tradition seems in its nature to 
imply not only a long but an unbroken succession, and that, too, reach- 
ing from the very beginning. The assertion that such a tradition ex- 
isted might well arouse dispute. If the words ''native explanation** 
be employed, the way is open to an acceptance of any hints or sugges- 
tions, without proclaiming adherence to an a priori view as to their 
values. 

Both sides now incline to this moderate position. West deprecates 
the separation of the Pahlavl translation from the Avestan text {Sitz- 
l)er. d. h. Ak., 1888, p. 414), in the belief that both are mutually ex- 
planatory. Roth, in his instruction, has his pupils read in connection 
witii the Avestan the corresponding passages of the Pahlavi and N^ 



Martifiy tranMiteration of Pahlavt. Ixiii 

rydsang. He does not abandon his belief in the superior value of his 
own method, but is willing to receive any possible light. 

The custom of writing in connection the corresponding passages, with 
indications of omissions and insertions, may be recommended as tend- 
ing to secure to the student any advantage to be derived from the native 
exegesis, while keeping him fully alive to its weaknesses. 

Though the translations are not good Pahlavl, as West has told us, 
their study has also an incidental advantage in introducing to the study 
of Pahlavl literature, which deserves investigation for its own sake. 

The student of Pahlavi must, however, transliterate it in order to as- 
sure both himself and others that he understands it. At this point he 
finds himself between West, who continues the endeavor of Haug to 
discover the original Semitic forms, and in his article of 1888 has pro- 
posed a final improvement of his system in a transliteration that sug- 
gests the exact form of the Pahlavl, and Salemann, who in the Melanges 
Asiaiiques of the St. Petersburg Academy for 1887 condemns utterly 
the system of Haug and West, and furnishes an example of transcrip- 
tion into Middle Persian. Salemann*s procedure is of course based on 
the belief that the Aramaean forms were never anything but ideograms 
suggesting Iranian words. The question of transliteration depends 
on the view adopted of the nature and origin of Pahlavl. 

Since Haug's essay of 1870, the following have, to the knowledge of 
the writer, discussed the subject : Spiegel in 1878, DeHarlez in 1880 and 
1881, Darmesteter and Olshausen in 1888, Noldeke in 1886 and 1887, 
Salemann in 1887, West in 1888. To the list, as treating the historic 
explanation of Pahlavl, may be added Gutschmid in 1887. (The views 
were briefly summarized.) 

The view seems plausible that there was at one time a considerable 
territory in which, owing to the close and frequent commercial and 
political relations with peoples to the West, the most intelligent part of 
the population, such as priests and merchants, spoke a reasonably good 
Aramaic as well as Iranian. As a sort of lingua franca the Aramaean 
enjoyed a special credit and esteem with the better educated. These 
adopted as a substitute for the cumbrous cuneiform an alphabet mod- 
eled on the Aramaean, but applied with a disregard of scientific consid- 
erations born of a long familiarity with the cuneiform. 

In common intercourse Iranian was used. The priests and better 
educated classes cultivated with special predilection the Aramaean. 
The books were not so much read by the people as to them. The ideo- 
grams of the cuneiform mstde it seem entirely natural and easy to write 
Aramaean words and at the same time to pronounce in the interest of 
hearers Iranian equivalents. Thus two languages were written at once. 
The reader when reading to himself or to a cultivated audience could 
disregard the Iranian terminations and read properly formed Aramaic 
words under the guidance of the same terminations, while in reading 
to the less educated he could disregard all Aramaic elements. 

The supposition of an intention to construct a special cryptogramic 
writing seems unnecessary. Spiegel thinks that merchants used the 



Ixiv American Oriental SocietifH Proceedings^ Oct, 1890. 

Pahlavt for their secret correspondences. A moment^s thought must 
convince that a cipher known to all the members of so large a class 
could have been no cipher. So far as we know, also, the priests who 
wrote our Pahlavi books had no special ground for devising a kind of 
cipher. They had no wish to conceal their interpretations from the 
laity. The simple fact is that this to us strange mode of writing was 
nothing novel to those who first introduced and practised it. In time, 
however, the Arameean became less familiar, and the knowledge of the 
forms was in danger of being entirely lost. It would have been easy to 
discard them altogether, but the traditional bi-lingual mode of writing 
had acquired a certain sanctity ; and so, instead of discarding the ideo- 
grams, the Glossaries were made. According to the original norm, all 
the words in a Pahlavf text should be Aramsean, with the exception of 
the verbal terminations and a few others added as phonetic complements. 

With the increasing ignorance on the one hand of the Aramaean 
equivalents of Iranian words, on the other of the Iranian meanings of 
Aramsean forms, it was of course difficult to maintain this standard. 
Iranian words were added as glosses to assist the memory, and then 
substituted ; and, when Iranian words crept from gloss to text, the op- 
posite process took place. Hence arose the peculiar mingling we find 
in our present texts. 

If these views are correct, there follow from them very definite prin- 
ciples as to the transliteration and study of Pahlavt. The earnest at- 
tempt to discover the Aramaean words in the Pahlavt forms, and to 
transliterate them in the manner best adapted to indicate the Aram«Ban 
of their epoch, has every justification. Salemann would have us sub- 
stitute in every case the corresponding Iranian. The English viz,^ £, 
d., are often quoted as examples of similar ideograms. The videlicet of 
viz. has been crowded out by ''namely,'' but a substitution of ** namely " 
in older authors would be an unwarrantable disguising of the fact that 
it has once been not only written but pronounced. That the authors of 
the abbreviations £, d. said to themselves and wrote librce and denarii 
while they read ** pounds" and " pence" is a fact in the history of cul- 
ture of which £ and d. are the monuments. We might adopt other 
abbreviations now, as when we use B. C. instead of A. C. for *' before 
Christ ;" but where they have been lused we must write them in order 
to be true to the text. 

While we write the Aramsean words as Aramsean, we must also, 
however, perform the task to which Salemann has applied himself with 
such learning and skill : namely, pronounce the Middle Persian equiva- 
lents as the eye falls on the Aramsean forms. 

9. On the cosmogonies of India and China ; by Rev. J. K. 
Wight, of New Hamburgh, N. Y. 

Mr. Wight's paper did not profess to discuss all the Hindu and Chinese 
theories of the beginnings of things, but only attempted to sketch the 
lines of thought of some of the leading scliools. 



Collitz, ex 18 fence of prhnitive Aryan ». Ixv 

The earliest system taken up was that of the Saiva school, as set forth 
in the Tattuva-Kattalei and Siva-Gn&na-Potham, translated by Rev. Mr. 
Hoisington in vol. iv. of the Society's Journal, and current especially in 
the south of India. In it three terms are introduced : the material 
cause, which is as clay to the potter's vessel ; the instrumental cause, 
as the moulding-stick and wheel ; and the efficient cause, the deity, cor- 
responding to the potter. Matter possesses no intrinsic power, and 
moves or acts only as ftafluenced by deity. God is the whole world, 
and yet other than the world. At the close of every great period, there 
will be a complete reduction to their primordial state of all existences 
except souls ; even deity will sleep, as he did before creation. 

This system prepared the way for pantheism, which drops the differ- 
ence between God and the world, and regards both as one. Brahma 
became the source whence all finite beings emanated : and so absorp- 
tion into Brahma became the supreme good. The creation began with 
ignorance, and this imperfect creation was succeeded by eight others, 
each increasingly perfect. Buddhism also asserts that ignorance is the 
first term in the series of existences, then merit and demerit, conscious- 
ness, and so on. It is the aim of Buddhism to free one's self from the 
sorrows of existence. 

In the Chinese Yih-King, the tai-kuh is said to have produced the two 
fig^ures, which produced the four forms, which produced the eight dia- 
grams. Some ancient commentators hold the tai-kuh to be the condi- 
tion of vapory matter, before the separation of heaven and earth. 
Others make it the principle of order, 'or law of nature. Later inter- 
preters, as Chu Hi (A. D. 1200), make it more positively materialistic ; 
tai-kuh, or the great extreme, by its unceasing alternations of motion 
and rest generated the male and female principles, from which all things 
animate and inanimate were produced (cf. Williams, Middle Kingdom, 
ii. 195). The Taoists picture realistically the work done by Pavanku, 
the first man. He goes to work with mallet and chisel, and hews out 
sun, moon, and stars. After 18,000 years he dies for the completion of 
his work ; his head becomes mountains, his breath wind and clouds, 
and the insects which cling to his body are transfoi'med into people 
(iWd.). 

10. On the existence of primitive Aryan I / by Dr. II. Collitz, 
of Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

The paper of which this is a brief abstract will be published in full in 
the American Journal of Philology. 

A well known phonetic rule of Sanskrit grammar prescribes the 
change of 8 into ^ after k. In consequence of this rule it is generally 
believed that the Old Ind. ^ after gutturals in every case presup])oses 
an original 8. But of course there is nothing in Sanskrit that would 
oppose the opinion that there are instances in which the s in the group 
k^ goes back to Aryan ^, if this opinion be supported by other reasons. 
A division of this kind is in fact recommended by Greek phonetics. 



Ixvi Aineriean Oriental Society* s l^oceedmgs^ Oct. ISf^, 

Skt. TcH is in most cases reflected in Greek by ^ : e. g. dfci>i'=Skt. dk»a^ 
fir^iog = Skt. daksiimy or by V» e. g. eferat, cf. Skt. sak^fata ( i^sac), Kara- 
nHni^ cf. Skt. pdkHftt ( v'pac). But in a small number of instances we find 
^1^, xr, and ;t^: e. g- ^'^'wrrSkt. vAp^*, Kn'CwssSkt. V^» «P'""o-C=Skt. r'^k?*'» 
ri/trwy =Skt. tdknan, ;r'^"»'=Skt. kada. The dental of these latter groups 
cannot be explained as developed from Aryan 8, but may be traced back 
to Aryan 5. Greek ^^ then would be = Ar. g'hS, Gr. kt = Ar. kS, Or. x^ 
= Ar. gJiS. This theory seems in contradiction to the Latin a? or « in 
texercj ursus, and Teut. hs in dehsen. But in Latin and Teutonic Aryan 
S may have been changed into 8, as Skt. g and ^ are in Prakft and Pali 
replaced by «. 

11. The Moabite Stone and the Hebrew records; by Prof. 
John D. Davis, of the Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J. 

This paper, of which the following is an abstract, will be published 
in full in " Hebraica" for April, 1891. 

According to the latest recension of the text, the opening sentences 
of the Moabite stone are : ** I am Mesha, son of Chemosh-melek, king 
of Moab, the Dibonite. My father reigned over Moab for thirty years, 
and I reigned after my father ; and I made this high place for Chemoeh 
.... because he saved me from all the kings and let me feast my eyes 
on all that hated me. Omri was king of Israel, and afflicted Moab for 

many days And his son succeeded him. and he also said : * I will 

afflict Moab.' In my days he said thus ; but I feasted my eyes on him 
and on his house ; and as for Israel, it perished with everlasting destruc- 
tion. Now Omri had taken possession of all the land of Medeba, and 
[Israel] dwelt therein during his days and half his son's [or sons*] days, 
forty years ; but Chemosh restored it in my days.'' 

To judge from Mesha's own words, the stele was a memorial com- 
memorative not merely of his recovery of independence for Moab from 
Israel, but of his glorious and successful reign as a whole ; erected late 
in his reign, after the death of Ahab, after the humiliation of that 
house also, and not improbably after the extinction of the line of Omri 
by Jehu, and the entrance of Israel into its period of dire distress. 

The Hebrew records date the revolt of Moab ** after the death of 
Ahab" (2 Kg. i.l ; iii.5) : a date which conflicts with a usual understand- 
ing of the inscription, to the effect that the revolt occurred in the mid- 
dle of Ahab's reign. But the Hebrew date is historically fitting in view 
of the circumstances connected with the death of Ahab, in view of the 
wide-spread insurrection which took place at that time according to 
concurrent Hebrew history, and in view also of the persons named as 
participants in the war of attempted resubjugation. The credibility of 
the Hebrew records for this period is moreover abundantly and 
minutely confirmed by monumental evidence. 

In consideration, then, of the credibility of the Hebrew narrative as 
determined by internal consistency and monumental corroboration, the 
supposed conflict between the Hebrew and Moabite stories is not to be 




Davis, Moabite Stone and Hebrew records, Ixvii 

forcibly settled by rejection of the flebrew account, but should rather 
lead to the inquiry whether the statements of the stone may not be 
interpreted in harmony with the Hebrew recital. It will be found that 
they may be ; and that in one of two ways : 

1. The two accounts may be combined. The capture of the frontier 
town of Medeba was effected by Mesha about the middle of Ahab*s 
reign ; but the Moabite king did not attempt actually to throw off the 
Israelitish yoke until after Ahab*s death. 

2. Or, better, in accordance with the well-known custom of the times 
whereby the royal descendants of Omri, as of other founders of dynas- 
ties, were designated simply as his sons, in view of Moabitish grammar 
whereby the collocation heth mm he may be properly • rendered *his 
sons,* and in view of the probability which arises from Mesha^s own 
words that he was acquainted with the final overthrow of Omri's sons, 
lines 7 and 8 of the inscription may be translated : ' Now Omri had 
taken possession of all the land of Medeba, and [Israel] dwelt therein 
during his days and half the days of his sons, forty years.' This is the 
same story as told by the Hebrew writers. The revolt of Moab did 
actually occur midway in the reign of Omri's sons, as it were dividing 
their dominion in twain, and lending in Moabitish eyes an aspect to the 
latter half of their rule far different from the former. 

12. The etymology of the name Canaan ; by Professor G. F. 
Moore, of the Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass. 

Jerome, in the liber interpretationis hebraicorum nominum, ed. 
Lagarde, Onomaatica Sacraj* 1887, gives us the following choice of 
explanations : 4.14, Chanaan (Gen. x.6) ad^ (hoc est motus) eorum uel 
negotiator aut humilis ; 17.11, Clhanaan reuersus est sive quasi respon- 
dentes aut quasi mouentes ; 41.17, Chanaan (8 Reg. xxii.ll) erubescens 
due negotiator. The Onomastica Vaticana (ed. Lagarde) exhibit a 
similar variety: 180.57, ;toraav wpooKwuv axo^lav ; 200.9, ;fai'aav wf airdKptaig; 
Xavavaia fura^d'^'Xovca (176.32, x^vavaioi fierdpoAot) ; 200.11, xf^v*^^*^'*oc f^t^fa- 
PoX^ ^ irivijg 9l epfijfvei'ijv fj airoKptvdfievog. 

Among these we find, beside 'J>*JD ' tradesman,' and meanings derived 
from the biblical and post-biblical senses of ;?jd, impossible combina- 
tions with n3>* and ;?u, and, still bolder composition, p;* jrjD. Com- 
mentators, however, were generally content to trace the name of the 
land and its inhabitants to Canaan, the son of Ham (Gen. x.6, 15 ff.), in 
whose name they found a significant allusion to the * humiliation' to 
which he is condemned in the curse of Noah, and which was infiicted 
upon his descendants by Israel. So August., Enarr. in Psalm, civ.7 : 
cur autem dicta sit terra Chanaan, interpretatio hujus nominis aperit ; 
Chanaan quippe interpretatur humilis. Bates, Critica hebrcea, 1767, 
«. 17. , seeks the origin of the name of the country and its people in the 
prevailingly commercial and mercantile occupation of the latter, and is 
followed by Parkhurst. The same view was put forward in Germany 
by Paulus, Clavis (1798), on Isaiah xxiii.8, p. 164 ff. Gesenius, in the 

5 



Ixviii American Oriental Society* 9 Proceedings^ Oct, 1890, 

first edition of the Hwb, (1810), passed the word without explanation ; 
in the second (1838), he inclines to Paulus's opinion : Als appellative 
Bedeutung dieses Landesnamen kdnnte man sich vielleicht . . Handel, 
Handelsstand, Handelsvolk denken, u. dieses mit Hj^JD, Jer. x.l7, in der 
Bedeutung Waare combiniren. The etymology which has now for 
more than half a century been generally accepted was first proposed, so 
far as I know, by RosenmQller, BMische Alterthumakunde, ii.l.76ff., 
1826. After referring to the view of Paulus, he writes : Sollte es 
nicht wahrscheinlicher sein, dass das Land den Namen von seiner 
Lage erhalten habe? Wie n&mlich Aram, c^H ff^r D'l, . . . den hoch- 
liegenden Landatrichf Hochland bedeutet, so scheint Canaan 
den gegen die Meeresktkste bin sich ahsenkenden Landstrich, 

das Niederland zu bezeichnen, denn y*^ bedeutet sich ernie- 

drigeuy sich senken; weshalb es auch von dem zum Untergang 
sich neigenden Stem gebraucht wird, und einer der von Golius benutc- 
ten arab. Lexicographen bemerkt, dass es unter andem so viel sey als 

^^^, demissus humilisque fuit. G^esenius adopted this explanation of 

the word in the third edition of the Handtvdrierbuch (1828), the Lexicon 
manuale (1888),* and the Thesaurus (ii.l, 1889). 

It has been accepted by almost all succeeding commentators and 
lexicographers down to the present time.f The arguments of Redslob 
{die alttestamentl. Namen, u.s,w,, 1846, 89 £F.) and Pusey (Minor Prophets^ 
1869, p. 160 n., on Amos i.5) against it, though just and forcible, were 
not listened to. Recently, however, Stade {OVL i.llO) and E. Meyer 
(Oesch. d, AlterthumSf i.218) have rejected the prevailing opinion4 

Rosen m tiller's etymology rested on two grounds : 1. The correspond- 
ence between Canaan * lowland ' and Aram * highland ;' 2, Arabic 
usage. The first of these considerations has no longer any weight, 
since the explanation of Aram which it assumes is now universally 
given up. Granted that the derivation of D'^K from D"^ is formally 
possible, ' highland, highlanders' are as unsuitable names as can be 
imagined for peoples which, from our earliest knowledge of them, 
occupy chiefly plains and valleys, sometimes by the side of mountain 
tribes of different race.^ Accordingly, most recent scholars think that 
the name Canaan was originally given to the ' lowland * of Palestine 
itself, the sea-board, especially north of Carmel (Phenicia), and the 



* Lex. man. s. v. Tjr JD . . prop, regio depressa, humilis, opp. terrae 

supcriori W^H . »• v. ^}}?}D, hoc nominis gerebani incolae depressioris regioois 
... ad mare et Jordanis ripis, opp. repriouis montanac incolis (nOK). 

t Uitz. (Jes. 1833), v. Long., Tuch, Mov., Berth., £wald, Knob., Kalisch, Del., 
Dillm., R. Meier, Furat, Muhl.-Volck, and many more. 

i (^f . also Kittel, Gtsch. d. Hebraer, i.9 ff. 

§ Cf. Noldeke, BL. 1234; E. Meyer, GdA. i.213; Tielo, Bab.-asgyr. Gtsch., 64; 
Kittel, GdH. i. 10, the scholars mentioned in the next note, and many more. 



Moore^ etymology of the name Cancuin, Lxix 

Jordan valley — in contrast to the mountainous backbone of the land.* 
Support for this view is sought especially in Num. ziii.29, ** the Amorites 
lived in the hiU-country, and the Canaanites on the sea and along the 
Jordan. ''t But, in the face of the general usage of the Old Testament, in 
which Amorite and Canaanite are collective names for the whole pre- 
Israelite population of the land, it is unsafe to build a theory upon an 
isolated notice of a late writer (? Deuteronomic editor). In any case, 
the analogy upon which RosenmAller relied has lost its force. 

There remains, then, the combination with the Arabic «a5T Rosen- 
mtiller refers us to Gk>lius, in whose Lexicon we read : aa5^ lenis^ 
demissus et humilis fuit, Qi. v. ^J«>. The word in this sense, then, is 

a synonym of ^34>) &nd we see that RosenmOlier has wholly misunder- 
stood the definition which he quotes. For ^J J means not ' be low' 

in a physical sense, but * be abject or mean-spirited, or— what comes to 
the same thing in the Arab's way of thinking— tractable, easy to man- 
age' (Syn. Jj). The ambiguity of GoHus's Latin is, doubtless, respon- 
sible for the mistake. 

But it is conceivable tha]t, although Rosen mQller's appeal to the 
Arabic Lexicon is erroneous in this particular, the usage of mjS in gen- 
eral may bear out, or at least admit, his interpretation. The latest 
editors of Gesenius' Hwb. must be of this mind. They write : im Ar. 

mjS noch die sinnliche Bedeutung sich herablassen (vom Vogel, der die 

FlQgel zusammen zieht), sich neigen (zum Untergang, vom Sterne), 
dah. II. abbeugen vom Wege ; I. u. IV. horablassend sein. Here the 
usage is ingeniously misstated. The primary meaning of AxS^is cor- 
rectly set forth by Schultens, Vindiciae, Sect. xv. (p. 129 ff.) : cf. Origg, 
lib. i. 29 (p. 21 flf.); Comm. in Job,, p. 1144. It is *draw up (intrans.), 
shrivel, shrink' (Syn. iwoil^ (j^dxAil), as e. g. wounded fingers draw 
up in healing, as a bird contracts its wings to swoop, etc. From the 
latter is probably derived the figurative expression, a star sinks swiftly 
to its setting.! With ^^, shrink from something, draw back or turn 
aside in fear (e. g. from entering a place, from one road to take another). 



♦ Ewald, (?F/.» i.340; Dillmann, BL. iii.513f., NDJ. 73; Kautzsch, Hwb, BA. 
216 oi. 

f The contrast of CaDaaDite and Amorite was suggested by OeseniuSf Lex. man,^ 
8. v. "Jjr^D, see above, note 1. According to Simonis, Gas., Ew., Berth., al., noK 
also meana * mountaineer' 

t As a warning against finding in this idiom the primitive sense of the verb, 
' sich senken,' observe that /uci^ i^ used in the same way. 



Ixx American Oriental Society* s ProceedhigSy Oct, 1890. 

Of men, to be submissive, tractable, in a bad sense (Syn. mjo^ ^j^ 

with the note xJ jJJ ,jWO Ij4», used of an importunate suppliant who 

debases himself for his patron's favor, or otherwise of an abject, mean- 
spirited man. Compare English words like cower, cringe, etc.* There 
is, in fact, no proper or tropical use of the Arabic word which gives 
any support to the interpretation under discussion. The alleged phys- 
ical sense * be or become low ' is unknown to the Arabic lexico- 
graphers. The instances in which the verb could be rendered demis- 
8U8 et humilis fuit are tropical uses, parallel to the Heb. j;3D3. The 
etymology which makes Canaan 'lowland' is thus as remote from 
Arabic usage as it is from Hebrew. 

Professor Moore also read a note on Kiriath-sepher, suggesting that 
the second element may be, not "^95 * book,' but the common MH. '>?p 
* frontier,' e. g. Bdba Kama, 83* passim, * Frontier-city' would be a 
natural name for Debir (Dhohariyeh), on the border of the Negeb, and 

now, as always, the outpost of Palestine. Also on jn yB^, which he 
would connect with the Aram. XVW y m\a., Arab. j^Xm*, rather than 
with Heb. nW, Arab. ^^JLw. 

J.'?. On the founding of Carthage; by Professor MorriB Jas- 
trow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 

The chief point discussed in this paper (which will shortly be pub- 
lished in full elsewhere) was the tradition reported by Philistus, that Car- 
thage was founded by 'ACwpof and Ka^>;t^"»'(Eu8ebius, ed. Schoene, ii. 50). 
The identification of the former with Sor-Tyre is placed beyond all 
doubt by the variant reading Iw/wc, which Hieronymus and Appian (ed. 
Bekker, viii. 1) furnish ; and tlie unanimous testimony of writers both 
ancient and modem to tlie part that Tyre played in the founding of the 
African settlement makes it needless to enter any further into the sub- 
ject. Regarding Carcliedon, however, a question may be raised. Syn- 
celhis and others (see Movers, Fhcenizien, ii. 56) declared Carchedou to 
be an inhabitant of Tyre ; but tliis, of course, is only a worthless make 
shift. The opinion advanced by Gutschmidt, which Pietschmann {Qt- 
schichtc Phoeniz,, p. 1H5, note) follows, and which may be said to be the 
current view» makes Knpxn^^^' simply the heros ejwuymos of Carthage. 
In default of any better explanation, such a solution would have to be 
admitted ; but since the first of the two names is that of a city, it would 
be a more satisfactory way of accounting for the tradition of Philistus 
if we could find in the second name a recollection, however dimmed, 
of a second town which cooperated with Tyre in the founding of the 
city. 



♦ Miihlau and Volck interpret this *' herablassend sein"! 



JastroWy the founding of Carthage, Ixxi 

In the inscription of Esarhaddon (i. R. 50, col. v. 23), and in a tribute 
list of ASurbanabal (iii. R. 27, 131), there occur the names of ten cities in 
Cyprus which paid tribute to Assyria. Among these there is one whose 
name is to be read in both instances KartihadaSti ; and, as Schrader 
has recently shown {Zur Geographie des A8»yr. Reiches, pp. 18-20, 
Sitz.-Ber. d. Beri. Akad., Marz, 1800), this KartihadaSti is none other 
than the famous Citium, and either an older or a second name of 
the city. Besides this testimony, there are two Phoenician inscriptions 
(see Schrader, as above) which make mention of a PBnn mp which is to 
be sought in Cyprus, and is evidently identical with the one referred to 
by the Assyrians. The mention of the city in Esarhaddon takes us back 
to at least 637 B. C; but, since it is more than probable that Sargon 
already (as Schrader suggests, and Winckler, Sargon-texte, p. xli, ap- 
pears to admit) referred to it, we should thus be brought back to the 
eighth century ; and, from the manner in which Sargon speaks of 
Cyprus and the tribute he receives, her cities must have been in a most 
flourisliing condition, and in a high state of cultivation, that can only 
be accounted for on the supposition that the settlements were of long 
standing. As to the close relation between Tyre and Cyprus, we have, 
in addition to numerous authorities testifying to the settlement of the 
island by the Phoenicians of the mainland in very early days (see 
Movers, Phcenizieriy ii. 2, p. 206ff.), the direct statement of Menander 
(Josephtis, Antiq,, ix. 14. 2) that Tyre ruled over Cyprus as early as the 
eighth century. There is, then, every reason to assume the existence 
of a Phoenician settlement in Cyprus bearing the name of Carthage, 
considerably before the most trustworthy date that can be assigned for 
the founding of the ** new city " on the African coast ; which, moreover, 
was in all probability an oflP-shoot of Tyre, and at all events stood in 
closest relations to the latter. The question now arises : is there any- 
thing to warrant the conjecture that this Cyprian Cartilage was asso- 
ciated' with Tyre in the founding of the African Carthage ? To this ques- 
tion I venture to give an affirmative answer. In the romantic story 
regarding the founding of Carthage, as reported by Timaeus,* there is a 
distinct reference to Cyprus, the significance of which api^ears to have 
been hitherto overlooked. We are told that Elissa, on her flight from 
Tyre, first goes to Cyprus. There a halt is made. The priest of Juno, as 
Melzer (Oesch. d. Karthager, p. 128) would have it, and not of Jupiter, 
with wife and children, joins the party ; and besides, a number of women 
—eighty, the report says — are seized to furnish wives for the contingent 
that accompanied Elissa. From Cyprus, then, the journey is continued, 
until finally the African coast is reached, and the site of the new city 
chosen. Clearly there must be some reason for this close association 
of Cyprus and Tyre in the founding of Carthage. Melzer {ib., p. 138) 
supposes that the similarity in cult between Carthage and Cyprus led to 
the tradition of Timseus ; but this conjecture, far from accounting for 

* See the story with full discuHeion in Movers, Phcenizien, ii. 1, pp. 350-61, and 
Melzer, Geach, d. Karthagtr^ p. 128. 



Ixxii A7fi€rican Orie?ital Society^ s ProceedingSy Oct, ISOO, 

the rise of the tradition, only serves to add a link to the bond that 
unites Cyprus with African Carthage. There were plenty of places on 
the way from Tyre to Africa where stoppages may have been made ; 
and, if tradition therefore hits upon Cyprus, there must be some reason 
for this, and we are justified, when we come to interpret the tradition 
of Timaeus, in seeing in this halt at Cyprus the recollection of some part 
taken by Cyprus in the events that led to the Phoenician settlement in 
Africa. But we may advance a few steps further. From what Timseus 
reports to have taken place in Cyprus, it is clear that even tradition re- 
tains the recollection of a considerable lapse of time between the landing 
of the Tyrian fugitives in Cyprus and their departure for Africa. Fur- 
thermore, in the same account of Timseus, Pygmalion, the King of Tyre, 
upon learning of the flight of Elissa, is about to take steps for pursuing 
his sister, and only upon the representations of his mother and the 
threats of the god